107 ESPACE, POPULATIONS, SOCIETES, 2006-1 pp. 107-119

Yvonne M. HÉBERT Faculty of Education University of Calgary 2500 University Drive NW Calgary, AB T2N 1N4 Canada [email protected]

Rani MURJI Eagle Point Consulting Inc. 827 Rundlewood Drive NE Calgary, AB T1Y 2N9 Canada [email protected]

Collectivized Identity among Shi’a Imami Isma’ili Muslims of Calgary:Implications for Pluralism and Policy

INTRODUCTION

The Canadian policy of , Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms fi rst introduced in 1971, has played a critical (1982) provides that every individual should role in the establishment of the Isma’ili com- have an equal opportunity with other indivi- munity in Calgary. The policy of multicul- duals to make the life that the individual is turalism means that “although there are two able and wishes to have, consistent with the offi cial languages, there is no offi cial , duties and obligations of that individual as a nor does any take precedence member of society. over any other” [McLeod, 1984]. In other At issue in this paper is the basis of collectivi- words, multiculturalism refl ects the cultural zed identity and its interplay with other iden- and racial diversity of Canadian society and tity markers, within the context of Canadian acknowledges the freedom of all members multiculturalism and citizenship. We draw of Canadian society to preserve, enhance upon part of the fi ndings of a study on the and share their (Canadian contexts of identity formation of immigrant Multiculturalism Act, § 3.1, a-j, 1988). All youth in Calgary, a Western Canadian city. Canadians, whether by birth or by choice, Funded by the Prairie Centre of Excellence enjoy equal status, are entitled to the same for Research on Immigration and Integration rights, powers and privileges and are subject as well as the University of Calgary, with Dr. to the same obligations, duties and liabilities Yvonne Hébert as the principal researcher, (Citizenship Act, 1947). Moreover, to be data was carried out in the summer interpreted in a manner consistent with the of 1997. Individual semi-directed interviews preservation and enhancement of the mul- of approximately an hour and half each were ticultural heritage of Canadians (§27), the conducted by Noorani Murji, research assis- 108 tant, with the leaders and the parents of the gary is remarkably diverse being composed Shi’a Imami Isma’ili community settled in of many races, ethnicities, and speaking nu- Calgary, Alberta. As portrayed through these merous languages, and thus serves as a parti- interviews, the Isma’ili community of Cal- cularly rich case study of the issue.

COMMUNITY PROFILE AND CHALLENGES

Since the fi rst infl ux of Isma’ili immigrants the local Council Member and Chair of the settled in Canada approximately thirty years Resettlement Portfolio, the agreement stipu- ago, the community has established its own lated that the Isma’ili community would take institutions, notably prayer houses known as full responsibility for the new immigrants Jamat Khanas, throughout Canada, and has for a full year which includes fi nancial res- maintained institutional contact with others ponsibility for language training, housing, around the world as a transnational commu- employment, education, social and religious nity. Categorized according to origin, two needs of the immigrants. Since then, further broad groups constitute the Isma’ili commu- agreements and protocols have been signed nity in Calgary. In the fi rst group are those by FOCUS Canada and the Isma’ili Council Isma’ilis who trace their origins to East Afri- for Canada, with the governments of Québec ca, India or Pakistan. Part of the Ugandan and Canada. Consequently, approximately exodus of the seventies, the East Africans 2,500 Afghanis have entered Canada. Al- were themselves second or third generation most half of these have settled in Québec, migrants from either India or Pakistan. Re- the remainder in the rest of Canada: Ontario, ferred to as Khojas, this group converses in British Columbia, and Alberta, notably in languages such as Swahili, Gujerati, Hindi, Calgary and Edmonton [Haji, 1997, p. 43]. Urdu and Kacchi/Kutchi (a dialect of Guje- Given the different linguistic, cultural and rati); and share many practices, traditions and religious practices between the two groups, . As the fi rst arrivals in Canada, the the only common component shared by the Khojas established those religious practices entire Jamat are the two main prayers which which were familiar to them. Thus, a typical are recited in Arabic. Given the prior arrival congregational gathering would consist of and dominance of the Khojas, the ceremo- two main prayers conducted in Arabic, Gi- nies are conducted in languages inaccessible nans (devotional and philosophical hymns) to the Central Asian Ismai’lis within the Ja- mostly in Gujerati, other prayers, as well as mat. rites and rituals in Gujerati or Kutchi. Experiencing a process of transformation, The second group is comprised of Ismai’lis two signifi cant challenges fl ow from the ra- who came to Canada more recently, mainly cial, ethnic and linguistic diversity within from Tajikhistan and Afghanistan in Central the community: one of localizing and living Asia, with a small number from Iran and multiculturalism and the other of creating Syria. This group brings cultures, traditions, religious and social cohesion within the Cal- and languages which differ signifi cantly gary community. First, implementing the from the practices of the Khoja community. Canadian multiculturalism policy within its As a result of the war in Afghanistan and Ta- community becomes increasingly important, jikhistan, the Isma’ili community negotiated not only to assure the voice of speakers of an agreement with the Federal government the diverse languages and practices, but also allowing the community to sponsor a num- to allow the development of these languages ber of Afghan and Tajik refugees. Then, in across generations. A second challenge fa- 1992, the community successfully negotia- cing the community is imparting the essence ted an agreement between the government of the faith to the younger members of the of Canada, the Isma’ili Council for Canada community, many of whom do not unders- and the Isma’ili Council for Québec to spon- tand the language or symbolism behind the sor Isma’ili Afghani refugees. According to practices. The key issue for the Tariqah, defi ned 109 as faith, teaching or practice, is whether it is the concomitant concept of ‘identity’ as can be conveyed to youth who are not part of these have been challenged since the mid- traditional societies and in a language they 1980's. Earlier theoretical constructions of understand. ‘culture’ were critiqued as homogenized The juxtaposition of religion and modernity, and bounded, and ‘identity’ as fi xed, stable in a context where the utopia of modernity is and allegedly anchored in discrete, bounded no longer functional, as well as the tensiona- cultures [Caglar, 1997]. Today, in the face lity linking tradition and postmodernity, si- of massive social changes on global-local tuates the questioning of collectivized iden- bases, it is no longer possible to defi ne our- tities of Muslims in secularized democratic selves in discrete, defi nite and limited ways. societies in Canada and in Europe [Diop, Instead, we seek to defi ne ourselves in terms 1997]. The interplay of religion, language, of multiple attachments and feel at ease with culture and gender is of particular interest. subjectivities that encompass plural and The terms ‘Muslims’ and ‘Islam’ are used fl uid cultural identities [Hoerder, Hébert and guardedly herein as there is a tendency to Schmitt, 2005; Caglar, 1997]. view Islam as a singular homogeneous en- In spite of the accepted inadequacies of closed tity, where ‘Islam’ equates a religion, a cul- concepts, the search for more open concepts ture, a political framework. However, its is not yet realized. Scholars, national and mi- use raises serious questions, such as ‘Which nority intellectuals as well as ordinary peo- Islam? Whose Islam?’ The term ‘Muslims’ ple continue to use the bounded notions of with its plural marker is preferred here as culture and identity of yesteryear, as part of it allows for plurality within Islam, both in deeply held daily discursive practices. Thus, interpretation of the faith and for the distinc- we distinguish between what we shall term tiveness between culture/tradition and faith, ‘ordinary’ uses of the terms and ‘postmo- in spite of the close link between them, ma- dern’ uses, by a shift of perspective, moving king it diffi cult to draw clear boundaries. But from descriptive to analytic textual passages, then, identity is fi rst of all, a question of the from a voice writing from within, to that of placement of boundaries. researchers who recognize, by virtue of their The frontiers between the collectivity and role, that research requires some measure of the host society as well as the everyday lin- separation and distance which may be diffi - kages between individuals and the common cult, inevitable and perhaps desirable in most memory are important to a situated collecti- research situations [Hébert, 2001; Olson and ve seeking to maintain atomized ideals of ac- Shopes, 1991]. Within these problematics, complishments, realizations, values and pro- this paper addresses fi ve issues: (1) defi ning gress. The placement of the frontier between collective identity; (2) language at the time a collective and the host society is not given; of settlement; (3) language and community instead, it is unstable, moving and porous, identity; (4) strategies for the construction of subject to negotiation against a backdrop of a new social order and new hybrid identifi ca- confl ict and struggle between groups and tions; as well as (5) citizenship and multicul- other social actors [Lapeyronnie, 1999]. The turalism policy as part of collective identity concept of ‘culture’ is also problematic, as in the Canadian context.

DEFINING COLLECTIVE IDENTITY

Over the years, there has been considerable vehicle cannot be disassociated. Language debate on ethnic identity and the signifi can- is a desirable cultural attribute, but is not ce of language and cultural retention. The theoretically a sine qua non for maintaining academic debate of the 1980's focused upon ethnic-group culture” [Herberg, 1989, pp. culture as a closed system of symbols and 100-101]. Other scholars argue that langua- considered language as an important element ge need not hold central in defi ning the in that system. In assuring group survival, identity of a particular ethnic group. Indeed “culture and the language that serves as its a culture can be expressed in a language dif- 110 ferent from the original language; moreover, lues” (1996, p. 153). A charismatic leader, speaking the dominant language of the so- moreover, can adapt that ideology to a “cur- ciety, such as French or English, does not rent situation linking it symbolically with have to constrict a cultural group from ex- the past and using the media to effectively pressing its thoughts and ethnic way of life transform the present into a vision of the in that language [Corson, 1993, p. 49]. future” (153). The Imam has a fi rm policy In the eleven interviews that were conduc- on matters of diversity within the Jamat. His ted with the Isma’ili community leaders Firmans stress strength in diversity and urge and parents of adolescents, it became very the members to learn from the diverse prac- clear that identity of the community rests tices within the Jamat. For the Isma’ilis in on the ethos provided by its faith: “I mean Calgary, a delicate balance has to be achie- defi nitely the one thing that binds us is our ved between ethnocultural, linguistic and religion, and that is what initially brings us religious identity, as markers of collective together...” states a Council Member respon- identity. Religious ideology can provide a sible for the Women Development Portfolio. common vision that allows its followers to Another who works closely with recently look beyond their individual cultures. In arrived immigrants adds that it is the Imam other words, it is the religious faith, and not (religious leader) who holds and binds the culture, which becomes the primary mode of community together. identifi cation. For example, a member of the “Every group of people, even from dif- research team, Rani Murji, who was born in ferent countries in the world, who may East Africa and traces her origins to India, have different practices, identify with voices her transformed and transformative the Imam. The community has always sense of identifi cation: been kept together, whatever the case, “I used to identify myself as an ‘East differences in clothing or practices don’t African Indian Isma’ili Muslim’ howe- matter, because it the Imam who says ver, today, I identify myself simply as a that we are all brothers and sisters. No- ‘Canadian Isma’ili Muslim,’ and when body argues that (Council Member and pushed, as a ‘Canadian East Indian Is- Chair for the Resettlement Portfolio).” ma’ili Muslim.” If the community’s identity is based on re- Within an ensemble of multiple identifi ca- ligion, then how do individuals maintain tions, religious identity generally remains cultural identities without coming into con- constant as it holds central defi ning value, fl ict with the religious ethos? Refl ecting on collectively and individually, whereas geo- this dynamic, Driedger notes that “Religious graphical, ethno-cultural, political and lin- or political ideology can rally followers to guistic affi liations are subject to change and a goal beyond cultural and institutional va- adaptation to new and changing contexts.

LANGUAGE AT THE TIME OF SETTLEMENT

The main focus of the Khoja community that children would retain their mother ton- was to integrate within the new society, un- gue. However, it soon became apparent that, derstood as becoming fl uent in the dominant if one was to access opportunities within language which, in Western Canada, is En- Western Canadian society, priority had to be glish. As reported in various interviews, the given to mastering English. To adapt faster, pioneers of the community faced challenges one had to speak English and speak it well. of overcoming accents, improving gramma- It was within the families that the linguistic tical skills, and honing writing skills, impor- struggle was most diffi cult, as illustrated by tant linguistic skills for successful integra- the experiences of two families. One family tion into mainstream society. According to had two children, both born in Calgary. Al- a Council Member and Chair of the Resett- though both parents speak Kacchi and were lement Committee, the Khojas did initially determined to pass on the language to their attempt to reinforce the home languages so children, the parents were strongly advised 111 by the teachers to speak English at home. Language plays an important role in the Refl ecting now on the situation, the mother settlement process of any community in any says, given country. To participate effectively, “I think it is important that they learn fl uency in the dominant language provides Kacchi; it is our language too. They the key to social mobility and economic knew (the language) when they were prosperity. Some insight is provided by John young. When they started school, the Ogbu’s (1991) distinction between voluntary teacher said: Talk to them in English so and involuntary minorities, which helps to they (can) understand it. You know, we explain why some immigrant groups adopt made a mistake. We should have conti- successful integration strategies. The main nued talking with it.” difference between the two groups rests in Today, both children speak fl awless English, their history and response to their particular but neither one understands nor speaks Kac- position. Involuntary minorities are those chi. As a result, the parents have decided to who have had a history of subordination and reintroduce Kacchi and a collective effort is exploitation during which educational and being made to speak Kacchi as a home lan- societal constraints denied them equal op- guage. portunity for many generations. Voluntary For another family, the reasons for language minorities see their own cultural differences shift were many and compelling. The hus- as barriers to be overcome in achieving their band worked within the public sector where own long-term success in employment or li- communication was a vital component of his festyle. They look to their former countries job duties; however, he had a heavy accent as places of few opportunities, and their new and poor grammatical skills. Therefore, the homeland as places of greater life chances. couple decided to communicate in English Thus, voluntary minorities have an easier in the hopes of improving his oral skills. time adopting schooling strategies that will With the birth of their two children in Cana- enhance academic success and social adjust- da, the parents decided to make a conscious ment [Corson, 1996, p. 50]. effort to teach them Kacchi. As a result, both The Isma’ilis may be considered to be volun- little children spoke fl uent Kacchi but little tary minorities. They certainly have found or no English. Later on, with the onset of pu- better opportunities — socially, economi- blic schooling, the mother became concer- cally, and politically — in Canada. However, ned when she discovered that her son was does adjusting to a new environment neces- ignored because he could not communicate sitate abandoning the culture(s) of origin? A his most basic needs in English. When they Council Member and Chairperson for Com- started school, the son in kindergarten and munication and Publications portfolio obser- the daughter in daycare, both were speaking ves that, as a youth and an earlier migrant to what the mother described as ‘pigeon lan- Canada, he was more willing to conform to guage’: the values of the new society: “It was scary ... I think it was because, The social mirror was very important. The when they came home, they were mixing social mirror was the Canadian way of the two languages. They would say part doing things, because we needed to be ac- of the sentence in Kacchi and part of it cepted and it was very important to be ac- in English. And I got alarmed. Because I cepted as we went through the educational thought if they do this at school, a couple system. As we grew up, we realized, I think, of things are going to happen. One, they that as we became parents, that the value will be isolated because they will be per- system may not be totally consistent with ceived as having a communication pro- the way we wanted to bring our children blem. Two, they are not developing the up. We wanted our children to become this skill they need to, to be topnotch, to be principled-centered, value-centered, ethi- where they are in the school system. So cally-centered people that our faith asks of instantaneously we switched and we all us. We started to track back and to bring our spoke English. Today, they both speak children up feeling proud of our culture and English without accent, very much into recognizing that our culture is something to the mainstream.” be proud of. 112 During the settlement period, the commu- portfolio is organized in committees, such nity re-established many of the institutions as the ‘Peer Network Program’ established that had been a dynamic part of life in coun- to provide the youth with the peer-to-peer tries of origin. As a result, local and national support and an opportunity to discuss so- councils were organized with volunteer pro- cial issues. The ‘High School Associations’ fessionals in charge of many portfolios such and the university level Calgary Isma’ili as Youth, Resettlement, Arbitration, Social Student Association (CISA) represents the and Welfare, and Women Development. In student body. Each of these committees or- consultation with the Imam, these institu- ganizes events such as camping trips, sport tions address many of the issues facing re- meets, social activities, and plan celebra- settlement within the community. Today, tions around religious occasions. The values the Youth portfolio attempts to balance out of the Tariqah are reinforced by stressing the ‘social mirror’ by juxtaposing another volunteerism, serving non-alcoholic drinks, mirror for the youth. The Chairperson for and demonstrating ethical principles. The the Youth portfolio defi nes his mandate as Council Member who is also Chairperson “looking after the interests of the youth to of the Youth portfolio describes the process provide an environment where the Isma’ili as fl uid, trusting, and leading to individual Muslim youth will be a dynamic, successful, autonomy and responsibility: balanced individual who embodies ethics, “It is very subtle. It is not black and values, and traditions of the Tariqah.” This white and there are a hundred things like portfolio concentrates on fi ve main areas so that going on. I guess, in the end, you as to: hope you have given (them) the right to- • Provide support for the youth so that the ols and right enabling environment and youth have places to be and people to let the intellect take over.” talk to; Although the Isma’ili community is expe- • Provide development opportunities in riencing language shift, it would be a mis- terms of leadership, sport and fi tness; take to conclude that the community is lo- • Provide an environment where the youth sing its identity as this is a faith community. can discuss the relationship between the Nevertheless, the affective and symbolic intellect and faith; meanings of the faith are communicated wi- • Apply the intellect to articulate social thin the community in a diversity of many aspects, cultural aspects in terms of who languages, some of which are offensive to we are, where we come from, and what all members of the whole congregation. The are our traditions; and choice of language(s) of wider communica- • Implement religious practices and rein- tion, therefore, becomes an issue of primor- force the Tariqah. dial importance to the cohesion of the col- To actualize these areas of responsibility, the lectivity.

LANGUAGES AND COMMUNITY IDENTITY

Language serves to create interpersonal ties, The reasons for non-transmission are not re- to convey histories, knowledge and culture lated to some personal repudiation of the lan- [Skutnabb-Kangas, 1981], and to build a guage as some scholars propose [Camilleri, “rich underpinning of shared connotations” 1990], but rather to pragmatic assessments of [Edwards, 1985, p. 17]. Group identity is the utility of competing varieties [Edwards, complex and rests not on a single marker but 1985, pp. 50-51]. In this case study, the re- on the “continuation of boundaries which, sults of the pragmatic language shift is quite in turn, depend upon a maintained sense of clear and has serious consequences for group groupness, the erosion of an original lan- cohesion and identifi cations. guage - at least in its ordinary, communica- The Isma’ili community addresses two chal- tive aspects - does not inevitable mean the lenges: fi rst, giving voice to the diverse prac- erosion of identity” [Edwards, 1985, p. 48]. tices and traditions of the Jamat conveyed 113 through the many languages existing within hymns, rites and rituals; and (d) provision for it, and second, articulating the essence of the youth understanding and participation. faith in language that is mutually understan- The affective attachment to particular prayer dable. Although the faith is practiced in a traditions and their languages of expression variety of languages, the two main evening is particularly strong, as expressed by the prayers are conducted in Arabic. The rest of Council Member and Chair for Aga Khan the prayers, the devotional and philosophical Education, when describing her participation hymns and the rites and rituals of the Faith, in prayers: are conducted in either Gujerati and/or Kac- Even though I speak English fl uently and chi. Thus, most of the more recent groups have been educated in English, my dominant of Isma’ili do not understand the Ginans or language has been Kacchi. ...When we say the prayers conducted either in Gujerati or our prayers and it is translated in English, Kacchi. This is an acute situation among the somehow my emotions are not there. The youth of all sub-groups who tend to not value language and the emotions do not fi t. Then these practices and ceremonies. you turn around and put it (prayers) in my In light of the diversity within the Jamat, the language... my whole body and state changes community leaders are aware that there won’t because I can feel it within me. be an easy solution or a singular solution to One of the Mukhi Saheb of a Jamat Khana, a address the challenges. There are many emo- male religious leader observes: “There will be tions within the Jamat that need to be ack- very, very few kids who will really continue nowledged, fears that need to be put to rest speaking in the language. I think some of the and misperceptions that need to be addressed Jamat is concerned. The concern is mainly to and corrected. As repeatedly voiced in the in- do with our religious knowledge and history terviews, the community’s collective identity because it is in Gujerati, so are most of our is strongly based on the concept of Imamate Ginans.” For many, losing the language of as a spiritual leader or guide: prayer also means losing cultural, historical “What makes us a community? We have ties as well as the linguistic encapsulation of a strong diversity but we have a focal philosophic thought. Although the reasons point and that is our faith....To sum it up, are pragmatic, the process is lived as cultu- it is our leader. Our leader who has a vi- ral loss, as a source of emotional grieving for sion, he guides us and basically is the fo- some, especially the dominant group, and yet cal point. And that regardless of what or also an occasion to provide solace, to facili- who we are, that is our common element tate the passage to another language so as to (Council Member, Education Portfolio).” assure community cohesion and continuity. The Isma’ili faith is an individual quest for Being forward-thinking nonetheless means enlightenment. It is up to each individual accepting diversity. For one community lea- member or family to attend or not the twice der, “You don’t let go because you are loo- daily meetings, seven days a week. The cere- king ahead. You look ahead in terms of adap- monies and prayers are processes which faci- ting to the situation at hand. We adapt to the litate and contextualize this quest and as such, environment. Look at our brothers and sisters hold personal importance to members of the in Central Asia, they have their own practices Jamat. Yet, the Khojas are concerned that the but the essence is the same. So how different Qasidas recited by the more recently arrived does that make them? So surely our children immigrants may replace the Ginans. Both are will even hopefully understand the religion devotional and philosophical hymns sharing in English. The principles are the same.” Ac- the same themes and ideologies, which have cording to another, a religious representative, evolved in different historical and cultural “Diversity is our strength. We have to allow contexts. Meeting the challenges of group diversity. I think it might be very diffi cult cohesion would require (a) an acknowled- in terms of the practice in Jamat Khana, for gement of the emotional attachment to both example. Diversity has to be continued and hymnal traditions; (b) prayer time managed community has to make sure that we try to do in such a way that both can be practiced; (c) the translations, for example, so the commu- ways of conveying the meaning, the cultu- nity does not lose track of what is happening ral and historical contexts of the diversity of in any language”. 114 CONSTRUCTION OF A NEW SOCIAL ORDER AND NEW IDENTIFICATIONS

Human beings socially construct their world Providing Translations and Adopting Multi- and organize experiences into meaningful lingual Practices order, with the resulting structure then im- Translations of Ginans and Quasidas are posed upon the discrete experiences and often provided at various places in the meanings of individuals. Within the migrant prayer house. All announcements are experience, this social re-construction requi- read out in English, Gujerati, and Pas- res some degree of participation and colla- havi. English translations are also pro- boration of the people. A sense of belonging vided of some of the common words in which allows for participation in a commu- Pashtu and Pashavi. nity’s rituals, practices, and philosophy, is Celebrating Festivals in a manner which re- needed. “It is a very, very slow process” no- fl ects the diversity within the Jamat tes the Council member in charge of the Re- Certain Festivals, such as Navroz (New settlement Portfolio, referring to the Khojas: Year), are organized by newly arrived “the larger community needs to accept that Isma’ilis. fi rst of all we are a diverse group. Now we The traditions of Central Asian Isma’ilis need to appreciate each other’s practices and are refl ected in communal meals and ac- languages and culture. After the acceptance tivities. phase, we really can start to encourage eve- Seminars inform the leadership, youth ryone to participate.” and Jamat of the traditions and cultures Over the last few years, the community has of ethnic groups within the Jamat. implemented several tactics to facilitate a Youth camps and other social events better understanding of its diversity and to promote understanding of the diverse create social cohesion. These are a balanced cultures within the community. attempt to facilitate (a) the retention, main- Various gatherings are held for a range tenance and growth of the various languages of groupings as well as the whole Ja- and practices within the Jamat, and (b) the mat. passage towards a language of wider com- Presentations of the experiences of the munication. Some of the tactics include tea- newly arrived Isma’ilis create empathy ching the key languages within the commu- and better understanding. nity; sensitive and inclusive use of labelling; These tactics and activities fi gure among an the addition of new prayers; the provision of inventory of strategies of identity formation translations and multilingual practices; as which permit the individual to defi ne him/ well as the celebration of diversity. Each of herself in a situation of interaction and to these is exemplifi ed below in list format. participate as a social actor [Taboada-Leo- Teaching some of the key languages within netti, 1990]. The notion of identity strategy the community assumes a certain freedom of action on the The community offers instruction in re- part of the actors, to determine the outcome ligious matters once a week. Nonethe- of social or existential problems and to act less, there is insuffi cient time to teach capably in a process of self-defi nition. This one language let alone several langua- perspective rests upon individual and col- ges, whereas focusing on one particular lective choice and determination as to the language would constitute bias in favour forms and issues of strategic processes, wi- of a group. thout claiming that the entire process and Labeling problematic of immigration can be resolved In November 1998, the Jamat adopted within the purview of a particular individual. the term “the newly arrived Isma’ili Nonetheless, identity strategies are sensitive immigrants” rather than the “Afghani to the actors themselves, whether individual Jamat” so as to be more inclusive and or collective; the variety of situations and avoid negative labeling. the issues that fl ow from them; as well as the Adding a Ginan and a Qasida in the elemen- individuals’ goals and available resources. tary religious curriculum in 1996 Actualized on a daily basis, these involve 115 an important transformation, confl ict or lization is another strategy, semantic rever- contradiction, for ex., in negotiating, modi- sal, inherent in instilling pride in one’s cul- fying, contesting or rejecting an identity that ture of origin. Taking stigmatized traits so as ‘Others’ assign. to reverse them, this strategy focuses upon In analyzing the range of tactics and activi- objects of discrimination and prejudice and ties implemented by the Isma’ili community allows the transformation of negativity into in Calgary, according to Taboada-Leonetti’s positivity. Finally, given the awareness of inventory of strategies of identity formation, community leadership which seeks to opti- four strategies may be identifi ed: collective mize social positioning and to facilitate pas- action, internalization, semantic reversal and sage to a common language, that of the new identity re-composition. The nature of col- social environment, it is the conscientisation lective action assumes primary importance of identity re-composition which allows for to modify images held by others within the the creation of new transcultural identities group and in the larger Canadian context. in the Canadian context, with an integrative These modifi cations are consciously articu- passage to English as the eventual language lated via tactics such as festivals, language of prayer and of daily interactions both wi- instruction, seminars and social events plan- thin and outside the Isma’ili community, and ned within the community’s administrative with sustained symbolic links to languages infrastructure. More specifi cally, a keen of origin and their practical daily usage in sensitivity to processes of internalization of rites and rituals. Within the processes of re- group identity, both positive and negative, composition and the resulting hybridization motivates some forms of community action also lies a painful negativity. Rupturing the and discourses, for example, consciously emotional attachment to languages of origin selecting words to serve as inclusive labels is a form of the linguistic violence, an ana- for others and providing for translations and lysis and term fi rst proposed by Skutnabb- multilingual practices. As tactical examples Kangas (1981) to express the essence of the of this specifi c strategy, we note the inclu- loss of affi liation to a language of origin. In sion of prayers from a diversity of cultural the case of the Isma’ili in Calgary, linguistic traditions as well as the creation of safe, res- violence is painfully inherent to the resettle- pectful spaces that allow the youth to acquire, ment processes and yet also mirrors an idea- challenge and modify assigned gender roles lized hope in a better future and new identifi - and discourse patterns in the new context. cations, as the underlying double dimensions Closely akin to the processes of internationa- of in new contexts.

COLLECTIVE IDENTITY, CITIZENSHIP AND MULTICULTURALISM POLICY

Given the transformative processes of col- fort to hold onto the core of one’s personal lective identity of the Isma’ili community in and community identity, to allow oneself to all its diversity, how then do members arti- be perceived as different. Yet, there needs culate their relationship to the state and posi- to be stability as well as a sense of belon- tion themselves with respect to citizenship? ging within Canada. Pluralism, integration Becoming a citizen entails the formation and citizenship need very careful balancing of a political identity, i.e., a relationship to if harmony and solidarity are to exist in so- the state and to others within that state for cieties where members are free and equal political participation and deliberation [Hé- [Bernard, 1999]. As individual stories un- bert, 2002]. Developing a collective identity fold, it is possible to see that within either includes not only groupal attachments but liberal or communitarian conceptions of ci- also a strong attachment to the state, the lat- tizenship [Taylor, 1994; Kymlicka, 1995], ter being quite importantly for minorities, the understanding of what it means to be a whether national ones or polyethnic ones citizen constitutes complex evolving phe- [Kymlicka, 1995]. For many Isma’ilis, ci- nomena, including access to human rights tizenship is an individual matter as well as and responsibilities, as well as inclusion and a transformational process, requiring an ef- adaptation within diversity. 116 Citizenship for most immigrants means ac- duality, group membership and political al- cessibility to the rights and privileges of the legiance. For example, the Council Member country. Council member and Chair for the for the Outreach and Publications Portfolio Resettlement Portfolio pragmatically notes, sees no confl ict between culture, religion and “it allows those who wish to travel, to do so citizenship. His understanding of the symbo- without any penalty.” A possible explana- lic July 1997 opening of the newly built Ja- tion for this is that the newly arrived immi- mat Khan in Calgary exemplifi es an additive, grants: fl exible view of collective identity including “Don’t feel as much a part of Canadian citizenship. He refers to the raising of three society because they don’t understand fl ags, the Canadian, provincial and religious the language—they don’t read a lot, ones, symbolizing intertwining multiple al- they don’t understand a lot of things legiances. The red and green standard, ter- that come through the mail, ... they are med ‘My Flag’, holds historical religious unable to follow elections. There is a signifi cance for the Isma’ilis and its use is hope that one day they will be able to sensitive to the political context. In Tanza- return to their homelands. Applying for nia, for example, it was hoisted to mark a citizenship does not harm them and it celebration or a special event. Although the does not take away the possibility of practice of raising this fl ag could be mis- returning someday (Council Member, construed and become politically dangerous Resettlement Portfolio).” as occurred in prior contexts, this is not the Digging deeper, the youth are actively deba- case in Canada. Thus, in situations where ting the issue. At a session at a youth camp the socio-politics of recognition are positive, of Khoja youth and newly arrived immigrant symbols may shed negative aspects to main- adolescents, the discussion on citizenship tain the power of positive affi liations. was a heated one. The Khojas were quite wil- “We had a fl ag raising ceremony. We ling to marry within the newly arrived com- had the Alberta Flag, the Canadian Flag, munity but were adamant about remaining and the My Flag, there was no confl ict. in Canada. In the words of one participant We raised all three fl ags with the same responsible for the Resettlement Portfolio, amount of dignity and respect.” in referring to the newly arrived immigrant Looking at yet another dimension of the girls, he aptly voiced the attraction that development of a sense of belonging, a pa- being free and equal in a democratic society rent agrees but adds that acceptance comes elicits in response, “We don’t know whether from individual attitudes, in considering that we want to go back—after living in a society Canada is open to different cultures, races, like this with so much freedom, being inde- and ideologies as long as these ideologies pendent, we sure will not be allowed ... such are respectful to Others and don’t break any freedom if we went back.” laws. The Chairperson for the Youth Portfolio ex- “Canada is really there for everybody, it plains that “there is a concept of freedom” is open for everybody. It is up to indi- in citizenship. In terms of being a Canadian, vidual people how they take it; that is “you take that a step further, freedom to important... People will not call me Ca- practice your culture, and yet still have the nadian. They will call me Paki or wha- privileges of being Canadian. Safety, Health tever or Indian. They don’t call you a Care, all the benefi ts of being Canadian. I Canadian even if I am a Canadian. They think the two are tied together. You can prac- feel you are the other person. Canada is tice your faith and culture and still be loyal open.” to your country.” Citizenship in Canada, a A basic question unfolds from the poi- liberal pluralist democracy, offers important gnant experiences the quotes represent. Is human rights, such as freedom of mobility, there confl ict between culture, race and citi- freedom of belief and expression, and free- zenship? While there is a great appreciation dom of assembly, thus safeguarding the in- to enjoy the rights granted by citizenship in a dividual while allowing for membership in a pluralist society, there seems to a resentment religious community. of not being identifi ed as being ‘Canadian’ Others see a seamless mesh between indivi- because of one’s colour or practice, of being 117 the other, of experiencing discrimination and ces, and the attainment of public visibility, prejudice, for the representation of the Other that the community succeeds in symbolizing as different stems initially from superfi cial its own collectivised identifi cations and tho- characteristics. For one Council Member, se of the dominant Other. the point of convergence is democratic: “In As active collectivising processes, integra- other words, are we going to focus of dif- tion and identity formation are negotiated by ferences of race, ritual, or are we going to groups such as the Isma’ili Muslims, upon focus on values and ethics? The point of con- the basis of religious practices mitigated by vergence is values, ethics, (and) principles. languages and cultures. Nonetheless, inte- That is what determines if there is an Other gration is a diffi cult concept to live, either or not.” The Council Member for the Youth individually or collectively. Considered a Portfolio agrees and claims that the prin- process by several leaders, there is a need ciples of faith and of Canadian citizenship initially to fi t into the larger society. This complement each other and therefore there was especially true for one Council member is no confl ict: “Ethics, morals, and principles when he was growing up. “I think to some solicit the good, humility and faith, faith in extent there is a tendency to conform. It is one’s religion, not only that but faith and de- easier to be same than different.” However, dication to one’s country.” for the Council Member and Chair for the Initially framing the possibilities for the ex- Resettlement Portfolio, there are two kinds ternal defi nition of the group, Canadian mul- of integration: fi rst, integration within the ticulturalism permitted the negotiation of the religious community and secondly, integra- frontiers between the community and the tion within the larger community. For her, host society. Continuing to do so internally integration is about being well informed, as part of the process of integration of recent taking others seriously and overcoming ste- diversity, the policy permits the negotiation reotypes, both within and beyond the com- of the inner fabric of the community. As we munity. have seen, the construction and recognition “Integration in my opinion means that of collectivized identities and their recogni- the Afghanis have to feel comfortable tion were complementary and contradictory. that they are accepted as they are. In the Constructing itself within and against the beginning it is very, very diffi cult becau- dominant host society meant differentiating se the Khojas have had their traditions the community from the majority while af- and practices.” fi rming its right of affi liation and sense of Refi ning the notion of integration to be able belonging. And yet, inversely, it also meant to access resources outside the community, weaving itself from within, affi rming its own the Council Member and Chair for the Wo- cultural, political and symbolic content, wi- men Portfolio notes that the community is thout allowing itself to simply be an undis- atomized, like a “segregated cocoon. We tinguishable Other for the majority, for the need to integrate and I think that is one of Isma’ili have their own specifi c histories and the biggest challenges that we have. We have heritages. Making extensive use of their own to stop reinventing the wheel for the commu- organizational social and collective infras- nity, to stop giving them programs that are tructure, the leadership sought to comfort its already available outside.” For this member, own, to protect emerging and transforming the Isma’ili community is very important, identities, to obtain recognition and to affi rm but so is recognizing the limitations of boun- its legitimacy within the host society, both dedness and the necessity of being involved politically and religiously. It is with the crea- outside the community. “I’m also Canadian, tion of public places of worship, of internal well maybe, that’s what I am, a Canadian Is- and external transactions of cultural practi- ma’ili rather than just Isma’ili.” 118 CONCLUSION

New identities forged within a dynamic, pain of linguistic violence as this tensionali- self-refl ective community in a mid-sized ty is lived in a country that has never known city in Western Canada are set in the context major warfare, in which individual and col- of double challenges resulting from group lective human rights are protected, and in diversity, so as to live within the intent of which living ordinary lives in peaceful times Canadian multiculturalism, respecting the is to be blessed. voice and participation of all sub-groups wi- Given the signifi cance of human rights, thin the Isma’ili community, while assuring multiculturalism as well as the critical role the strength, wisdom and practices of the of community leadership in the experience faith community wherein the religion holds of this collectivity, it is recommended that central defi ning value. The analysis reveals public policy continue to balance pluralis- that a range of collective identity strategies tic conceptions of citizenship with indivi- are utilized at the communal, familial and dual human rights and responsibilities. The individual levels to construct a new social preservation of collective identities and order and new identifi cations. These include enhancement of new transcultural, hybrid (a) the modifi cation of images that others identifi cations as well as a commitment to hold of the group; (b) sensitivity regarding democratic representative government wi- the internalization of marginalizing labels; thin a communitarian understanding of li- (c) semantic reversal of views of one’s own beral democratic citizenship are central to culture and faith, thus turning negativity into the successful integration of groups such as positivity; and (d) conscious recomposition the Isma’ili Muslims. Although this commu- of social positioning. As social actors, the nity is more extensively organized than other Isma’ili community engages in an internal Muslim sects as well as most other poly-eth- policy of integration, set in the context of nic groups, a community-based approach to considerable community diversity, mirroring integration and citizenship is equally rele- the state’s policy of integrative multicultura- vant. This means legitimizing different ways lism, by facilitating passage to English as the of belonging to a common polity; preserving language of broader communication and by defi ning elements of individual and collective sustaining the retention of languages of ori- identities fl owing from the interplay of lan- gins in family and community settings to the guage, gender, ethnicity, religion and race; extent that this is possible. Lived according protecting the nature of communities wi- to faith and civic principles, the resulting thout unduly burdening them; and allowing processes of hybridization internalize both for differential identifi cations and permea- the violence of language shift as well as the ble, movable boundaries; while supporting hope that new transcultural identifi cations collectivities and emphasizing collective bring. Having sought refuge from war-torn identities; as well as enhancing collabora- countries characterized by life as strife, re- tion between socio-educational institutions settling in Canada conditions and lessens the and ethnocultural community groups.

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BIOGRAPHICAL PROFILES

A professor at the University of Calgary, Yvonne Hé- Moving to Canada from East Africa in her early adoles- bert (Ph.D., Linguistics, University of British Colum- cence, Noorani Murji (M. Phil, U Cambridge, UK) is bia, 1982) specializes in cultural, political, and social a member of the Shi'a Imami Isma'ili Muslim commu- issues in education. Her books include the two volume nity of Calgary. Her thesis deals with the amiability of set, Indian Education in Canada (UBC Press, 1986 Islam as a faith and liberal values, within an understan- and 1987); L'évolution de l'école francophone en mi- ding that its different interpretations encourage critical lieu minoritaire, a thematic issue of Canadian Modern study and evaluation of its defi ning precepts and practi- Language Review, 49, 4 (1993), Citizenship in Trans- ces. She served as research assistant within the project formation in Canada (UT Press, 2002), Negotiating on Strategic Competence: Identity Formation among Transcultural Lives: Belongings and Social Capital Canadian Adolescents, funded by the Social Sciences among Youth in Comparative Perspective (V&R Uni- and Humanities Research Council and Canadian Heri- press, Germany, 2005); and the collection, Values, tage, under the direction of Dr. Yvonne Hébert (U Cal- Human Rights, and Citizenship Education in Transna- gary). She subsequently worked as educational offi cer tional Perspectives, a thematic issue of Canadian and with the Calgary Police and is currently an educational International Education, 34, 1 (2006). consultant.