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Copyright E 1982 by the InternationalBank for Reconstructionand Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, N.W., Washington,D.C. 20433, U.S.A.

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This is a working document published informally by the World Bank. To present the results of research with the least possible delay, the typescript has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formal printed texts, and the World Bank accepts no responsibility for errors. The publication is supplied at a token charge to defray part of the cost of manufacture and distibution. The World Bank does not accept responsibility for the views expressed herein, which are those of the authors and should not be atibuted to the World Bank or to its affiliated organizations. The findings, interpretations, and condusions are the results of research supported by the Banrk;they do not necessarily represent official policy of the Bank.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Goodland, Robert,1939- Tribal peoples and economic development.

"May 1982." Bibliography:p. 1. Economic development projects--Socialaspects. 2. Technical assistance--Anthropologicalaspects. 3. Acculturation. 4. Detribalization. 5. World Bank. I. Title. RD82.G6174 1982 306'.3 82-11192 ISBN 0-8213-0010-5 TRIBAL PEOPLES

AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Human Ecologic Considerations

May 1982

World Bank 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433 Copyright @ 1982 by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A.

All rights reserved

Manufactured in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Goodland, Robert,1939- Tribal peoples and economic development.

"May 1982." Bibliography: p. 1. Economic development projects--Social aspects. 2. Technical assistance--Anthropological aspects. 3. Acculturation. 4. Detribalization. 5. World Bank. I. Title. HD82.G6174 1982 306'.3 82-11192 ISBN 0-8213-0010-5 FOREWORD

It is estimated that, at present, there are approximately200 million tribal people, roughly 4 percent of the global population. They are found in all regions of the world and number among the poorest of the poor.

Developmentprojects, assisted by the World Bank, are increasingly directed to remote, marginal areas of the rural environmentand, without special precautions,will affect these peoples. It is frequentlydifficult to anticipatethe nature and dimension of the impact that a development project may have on tribal people living in these areas, especiallywhen this is their first contact with the dominant society. Without precautions, the ensuing acculturationprocess proves prejudicialto such people.

Until relativelyrecently, development planning had not adequately addressed the human, economic, and social aspects of the acculturationprocess. The World Bank has, therefore, taken a conscious,substantive look at the problems it has encountered,and may have to face in the future, in consider- ing projects in areas where tribal people live.

The first chapter of this paper describes the problems associated with the developmentprocess as it affects tribal peoples. Subsequent chapters set forth why the Bank should be involved and outline the main requisitesfor meeting the human ecologic needs of tribal peoples. In Annex 1, the paper presents general principlesthat are designed to assist the Bank's staff and project designers in perceivingthe issues and in in- corporatingtimely measures.

By taking into account the policies put forward in this paper, the Bank has reached a consensus on appropriateprocedures to ensure the survival of tribal peoples and to assist with their development.

iii This paper was prepared by Robert Goodland, with contributions by David Maybury-Lewis, Raymond Noronha, Rebecca Latimer, and Francis Lethem, and with the editorial support of Margaret de Tchihatchef. CONTENTS

Page No.

Foreword ...... iii Notes on Terminology ...... vii

CHAPTER I. GENERAL POLICY

1.1 Purpose and Perspective ...... 1 1.2 Projects Affecting Tribal People ...... 4 1.3 Characteristics of Tribal Groups ...... 6 1.4 Phases of Integration ...... 7 1.5 Geographic Location of Tribal People ...... 8 1.6 Distinction between Tribal Groups and Peasants ...... 9 1.7 Tribal Groups as Distinct Individual Units ...... 9

CHAPTER II. REASONS FOR BANK INVOLVEMENT

2.1 Project Vulnerability ...... 10 2.2 Bank Policy on Project Social Design ...... 11 2.3 Assistance to the Economically Lowest 40 Percent ...... 11 2.4 International Legislation ...... 12 2.5 National Legislation ...... 12 2.6 Effective Use of Tropical Environments ...... 13 2.7 Value of Tribal Peoples' Knowledge ...... 14 2.8 Moral Imperative ...... 15

CHAPTER III. PREREQUISITES FOR ETHNIC IDENTITY AND SURVIVAL

3.1 Fundamental Needs...... 16 3.2 Effects of Contact ...... 16 3.3 Land ...... 17 3.31 Large Land Areas ...... 18 3.32 Symbolic Value of Land ...... 18 3.33 Legalization of Tribal Land Rights ...... 19 3.34 Creation of Reserves ...... 19 3.4 Health ...... 22 3.41 Introduction of Disease ...... 23 3.42 Alterations in Diet and Living Conditions ...... 23 3.43 Social Change ...... 25 3.5 Cultural Autonomy ...... 27 3.51 Policy of Cultural Autonomy ...... 27 3.52 Desired Outcome ...... 28

v vi Contents (continued)

Page No.

ANNEXES

1. Operational Steps for the Project Cycle ...... 33

2. Significant Dates Concerned with Tribal People ...... 36

3. List of Basic International Documents of Human Rights ...... 38

4. Summary of International Documents ...... 40

5. National Government Agencies Coordinating Tribal Affairs ...... 42

6. Non-Governmental Organizations Concerned with Tribal Affairs ...... 49

7. Bibliography ...... 57

Section 1. Bibliography--by Author ...... 59 Section 2. Bibliography--by Subject ...... 105 Section 3. Bibliography--by Country or Region ...... 107 NOTES ON TERMINOLOGY

Aboriginal *: Implies having no known race preceding in the occupancy of the region, hence also includes national peasants albeit those with a traditional way of life.

Autochthonous *: Implies creation in that site, something created where it now occurs.

Ethnic minority*: Broadly encompasses all those races or groups not identify- ing with the dominant race (e.g., Chinese in Malaysia).

Indigenous *: Adds to "native" the implication of not having been introduced from another region of the country.

Native *: Implies birth or origin in the region and, thus, includes national peasants and all others born in the area.

Original *: Existing from the start; first occupants of a region.

Praescriptio longissimi temporis: The right or title acquired under common law, or the process of making claim, to something by very long use and enjoyment.

Prescription: The establishment of a claim of title to something under common law by use and enjoyment for a period fixed by statute.

Primitive people *: Is now not acceptable in anthropology, because of its inaccuracy and pejorative connotation.

Transhumance: Seasonal movement of livestock and their herders accompanied by the whole society of owners.

Tribal people *: A social group comprising families, clans, or generations, having its own customs, occupying a specific geographic territory, and being independent of, or having little contact with, the dominant national society of the country in which they live.

Uncontacted: Tribal people who have had no contact whatsoever with the dominant national population of the country in which they live.

Usucapion: A mode of acquiring title to property by uninterrupted possession of it for a definite period under a title acquired in good faith.

Usufruct: The legal right of using and enjoying the fruits or profits of something belonging to another -- in the context of this paper, the specific geographic territory in which tribal people live or on which they depend.

* Each of these terms encompasses a much larger and different population than the one intended. Four terms -- aboriginal, autochthonous, indigenous, and native -- apply to those with a traditional culture and with racial origins in the region in which they currently reside. Therefore, these terms also may be broadly applied to the indigenous peasants of a part- icular area. However, peasants are more a part of the national society than the people addressed in this paper.

vii CHAPTER I. GENERAL POLICY

This paper highlights the fact that certain peoples, specifically tribal, 1/ who are still living on the periphery of the dominant national society, deserve special consideration under World Bank projects, both to ensure that they will benefit -- though in the longer run -- from projects presently financed and that they will not be affected negatively by development projects.

In the case of uncontacted tribes located within the area influenced by a project (such as a highway or rural development), the Bank-s policy is to ensure that the project supports means appropriate for their survival. As a next stage, and in the case of tribes at a more advanced stage of interaction within the nation, Bank policy is aimed at facilitating their development in a way that enhances their welfare and, to the extent desired by the benefi- ciaries and the nation, preserves their identity, as well as their individual and collective rights.

It is not the Bank's policy to prevent the development of areas presently occupied by tribal people. However, the Bank will assist projects within areas used or occupied by such people only if it is satisfied that best efforts have been made to obtain the voluntary, full, and conscionable agreement (i.e., under prevailing circumstances and customary laws) of the tribal people or that of their advocates, and that the project design and implementation strategy are appropriate to meet the special needs and wishes of such peoples. Assuming that tribal people will either acculturate or disappear, there are two basic design options: The World Bank can assist the government either with acculturation, or with protection in order to avoid harm.

1.1 Purpose and Perspective

The purpose of this paper is to provide an overall perspective -- i.e., background, interpretation, and rationale, supported by examples where desirable -- of this broad policy statement in order to assist borrowers and their consultants in the delicate task of designing projects, regulations, or institutions that take into account the special kinds of problems that arise when economic development impinges upon a tribal society.

The paper has three chapters. The first chapter identifies the tribal people concerned and the magnitude of the topic. The second chapter shows why special attention is needed. The third chapter outlines the particular needs of these people to be addressed in implementing policy. Specific operational measures for the project cycle, designed to mitigate any possible negative impact of development projects as they affect tribal lands,

1/ A definition of "tribal people" or "tribal groups" is given in sections 1.2 and 1.3. - 2 - are outlined in Annex 1. The other detailed annexes are designed to lead readers to sources of specific information on individual tribes.

The focus of this paper is more on the groups needing most atten- tion, namely the relatively isolated tribal groups, and less on the sub- stantially acculturated tribal groups. It largely excludes acculturated ethnic minorities, since the analysis of the social consequences of development projects upon the latter groups now is an integral part of the Bank's project work (e.g., Perrett and Lethem, 1980; Rogers et al., 1980).

Tribal minorities in all parts of the world have suffered for centuries from the adverse effects of expansion from outside into territories that were formerly entirely tribal and once supported larger tribal popula- tions. This process has often led to the decimation and even to the extinc- tion of these tribal populations. 2/ This was generally accepted as an inevitable, though by no means always intentional, by-product of development. Similarly, despoliation of their renewable resources had often severed such people from their economic and social bases and relegated formerly self- sufficient societies to the lowest economic level of the national society.

The reasons for this are well-known. A national society is tech- nologically and demographically more powerful than the tribal peoples it affects. Often, such people are considered culturally inferior, and taking over their territory has been justified as "civilizing the natives" or, more recently, as bringing development into their part of the world. Consequently, tribal lands -- the basis of tribal economies --- have been acquired or expro- priated. Upon losing their means of subsistence, tribal people are forced to seek out a living in a society that may despise them and may have little use for their special skills.

Dominant societies have usually sought to impose their value systems, socioeconomic and cultural patterns and organizations, and language on tribal groups. The option of tribal people to maintain their own culture and to develop fully has not often been recognized in practice. Furthermore, tribal people are only partially served by the national social services available to other citizens, particularly in health, communications, and education. This deprivation only serves to reinforce the low national status of tribal people, and limit their absorptive capacity for change and adaptation to new circum- stances. Where such services are available, they are often used to facilitate the expropriation of tribal resources. Finally, more often than not, disease and poor levels of health and nutrition complete the demoralization and destruction of tribal societies, especially those that are early in the integration process.

2/ This assertion is abundantly documented worldwide -- e.g., Dostal, 1972; Bodley, 1975; Ramos, 1976; Davis, 1977; Maybury-Lewis, 1977, 1980. - 3 -

These negative consequences of inadequately planned development are sometimes justified as being the painful, but necessary, side effects of a process that is for the greatest good of the greatest number. The destruc- tion of weaker societies by, or for the benefit of, stronger ones corresponds to a view of social evolution that is difficult to justify legally 3/ and ethically, and is inconsistent with current Bank policies concerning the beneficial effects that Bank-assisted development projects are intended to have for affected populations.

Tribal groups can make valuable contributions to the wider society, especially to the national society's knowledge of socioeconomic adaptations to fragile ecosystems (Amaru IV, 1980). At the same time, tribal populations can- not continue to be left out of the mainstream of development. It is incumbent on development agencies to assist in bringing the benefits of development to people who "lie beyond the reach of traditional market forces and present public services" (McNamara, 1980). Eventually, or as soon as they desire, tribal people should be as fully participatory in development as other parts of society.

Development projects need to take into account the fact that, generally, the absorptive capacity of tribal populations is lower than that of other national populations. Therefore, the time frame for development must be longer than the usual five-year project duration. And it should be borne in mind that the unforeseen consequences of projects affecting tribal populations can result in further loss of tribal integrity and can relegate them to destitution and dependence.

The Bank's policy is, therefore, to assist with development projects that do not involve unnecessary or avoidable encroachment onto terri- tories used or occupied by tribal groups. Similarly, the Bank will not support projects on tribal lands, or that will affect tribal lands, unless the tribal society is in agreememt with the objectives of the project, as they affect the tribe, and unless it is assured that the borrower has the capability of implementing effective measures to safeguard tribal populations and their lands against any harmful side effects resulting from the project.

Mitigation of the destructive effects of development on tribal populations requires implementation of measures towards:

1. the observance and protection of tribal areas, resources, and economic potential;

3/ For example, the United Nations instruments, listed in Annexes 3 and 4, which apply to signatory nations. -4-

2. the provision of adequate social services that take into account specific tribal norms, particularlyin health protectionagainst introduced disease;

3. ensuring tribal populations'cultural integrityand the main- tenance of their cultures to the extent they so desire; and

4. providing a forum giving the tribal society an adequate voice in decisions affectingthem.

1.2 Projects Affecting Tribal People

Many types of Bank-assistedprojects have a direct or indirect effect on tribal populations.4/ This paper does not dwell on those projects in which tribal people were the direct recipients of aid. 5/ It seeks to avoid potentiallyadverse effects in projects where the tribal groups are not yet accorded adequate attention. Direct impact occurs when the project fails to consider the ethnic and socioeconomicdistinctiveness of a tribal popula- tion within the project area resulting in interethnicconflicts and damage to tribal cultures. This may also lead to project delays and failure to reach project goals. Examples of such projects are the AfghanistanFirst Agricul- tural Credit Project 6/ and the Papua New Guinea New Britain Smallholder DevelopmentProjects. 7/ Projects could have an indirect impact when tribal populations outside the project area are affected by project works. For example, highway constructionnear a tribal area could expose a tribal area to uncontrolledsettlement, armed conflict,and economic domination by outsiders, if adequate measures are not integrated into project design.

At times, as in the Second SOCOPALM Project in Cameroon, establish- ing a new oil palm estate, the tribal group residing within the project area was identified (an estimated 3,000 forest-dwellingPygmies in Ocean Depart- ment), but no measures were provided for directingproject benefits to the

4/ Such as livestock,highway (and concomitantunplanned settlement), agricultureand rural development,forestry, hydroprojects, and mining.

5/ For example, the India Commercial Forestry Project, Somalia Central RangelandProject, and Kenya Narok DevelopmentProject.

6/ The full implicationsof water and water rights in a subsistencetribal society of fiercely independentpeople was not fully appreciatedby all concerned (Afghan and expatriate)right from the outset of preparation, through appraisal and initial implementation.

7/ Those settlers who were targeted for relocation shared traditional partisan tribal attitudes. Though the Project Authority tried to design the layout of the subdivisionso as to maximize the opportunitiesfor intertribal cooperation, there have been major fights in the labor quarters on the estate as well as in the settlements. -5-

group, or for alleviatingthe potentialharm that rapid social change could cause. Where, however, tribal populationsare identifiedand project com- ponents are designed to maximize project benefits to them -- for example, in the Kenya Baringo Pilot Semi-Arid Areas Project -- the impact of the project can be continuouslymonitored and evaluated.

Some Bank projects do not identify tribal populations. Nor may some projects differentiatebetween separate tribal groups residing within a project area: Project area populationsmay be treated as homogenous. In these cir- cumstances,a project may proceed through several stages of the project cycle before the existence of tribal groups becomes acknowledged. At that point, it is usually too late to redesign the project (assuming this were required) or to evaluate its impact on the tribal groups, though it may still be possible to add componentsto mitigate unintendedharm or to improve the chances of benefiting the tribal population. Systematicevaluation of the effects of project implementationon the tribal way of life is not yet routine. This reveals a significantneed for improvement in project design. Project area populationsmust, therefore,be identifiedas part of the base-line,back- ground, or regional studies of the project cycle (Annex 1). Such practice implementedbefore the start of the project cycle will go far in achieving developmentalobjectives of the Bank and the borrower. Table 1 below clearly shows the magnitude of the subject of this paper. There are about 200 million tribal people, roughly 4 percent of the world's population. Most still live in isolation.

Table 1: Percentage of World Bank Projects in South America with Possibly Some Influence on Amerindians: 1949-1978

Country Loans Credits

Bolivia 15 22 Brazil 9 - Colombia 9 Ecuador 2 - Guyana 8 17 Paraguay 38 50 Peru 8 - Venezuela 30

Note: The entries in this table consist of projects in which tribal people may have been mentioned in Bank documents (loan or credit agreements),or other sources, regardlessof whether such tribal groups were positively,negatively, or neutrally affected. Projects coincidingwith a tribal area marked on the few maps available also were included. - 6-

1.3 Characteristics of Tribal Groups

The term "tribal people," often shortened to tribal or tribe, is employed here to characterize a specific type of population. 8/ Such groups typically have stable, low-energy, sustained-yield economic systems. More specifically, the people may be hunter-gatherers, shifting agriculturalists, herders, simple farmers, or fisherfolk. The populations included in this terminology exhibit many, if not most, of the following characteristics:

a. geographical isolation or semi-isolation;

b. unacculturated or only partially acculturated into the national society;

c. nonliterate: not possessing a written language;

d. nonmonetized or only partially monetized, largely or entirely independent of the national economic system;

e. ethnic distinctiveness from the national society;

f. linguistic difference from the national society;

g. possessed of a common territory;

h. economic base more tightly dependent on their specific environment;

i. possessing leadership, but no national representation, and few, if any, political rights.

Other terms such as "ethnic minority," "native," "indigenous," "aboriginal," and "autochthonous," although not used as the standard categori- zation for such populations in this paper, are all common in the literature and are used on occasion in individual cases here. These terms, however, do not adequately identify the population under consideration for the reasons outlined in the "Notes on Terminology."

The term "tribal minority" or "tribe" narrows the indigenous population politically, thus allowing the differentiation between tribal minorities and indigenous peasant populations. In some project areas, a considerable part of the population may be tribal. In areas such as parts of Africa, where the distinction is even less clear, the nine characteristics listed above further narrow and help identify those societies to which this paper applies.

8/ This paper avoids the anthropologists' debate about which precise definition of "tribe" (if any) should be used in scientific discussions (see Fried, 1975). The term is used here in a sense closer to its common meaning in ordinary English: that referring to small popula- tions relatively isolated from the dominant society. -7-

1.4 Phases of Integration

Four successive phases of acculturation or integration into the national society may be distinguished. 9/

1. Isolated tribal groups: Completely uncontacted tribes, or those that rarely or accidentally enter into contact with nationals. Such groups inhabit, and are dependent for sub- sistence on, lands as yet largely unpenetrated by national society. Knowledge of their existence comes from adjacent contacted tribal groups who report their existence and location. Intertribal trading of nontribal goods usually preceeds actual contact with the national society. Health and self-sufficiency commonly characterize these autonomous groups in their traditional habitat.

2. Semi-isolated tribal groups in intermittent contact: Contact with the national society is restricted to specialized nationals such as traders or missionaries. Such tribal groups subsist through traditional processes and retain a large degree of cultural autonomy. Societies in this phase have limited economic relations with the national society. These relations consist mainly of trade (often inequitable, see 1.4.4) in commodities for those few needs that may be perceived by the tribal people at this phase. Even limited contacts can create serious risk of epidemics.

3. Permanent contact: Tribal groups maintaining some degree of regular, permanent communication with numerous different representatives of the national society. Much of the tribe's cultural autonomy can be lost to the extent that dependency upon manufactured goods grows and increasing participation in the national economy disrupts tribal economic patterns. Debt bondage prevails at this stage in many areas. 10/ Many of the younger generation may speak the national language as well as their own.

9/ All intergrade, and progression may not be linear. These phases are descriptive and illustrative only.

10/ The United Nations International Labour Office (ILO) and the Nobel prize-winning Amnesty International regularly document cases of peonage, debt bondage, indenture, corvee, and other forms of contra- vention of generally accepted international conventions (see Annex 3). - 8 -

4. Integrated: These tribal groups often serve as a reserve labor force at the lowest level of the national economy or as special- ized producers of certain marketable commodities, Their recall of their former tribal culture is limited, and many have for- gotten their original language. They may become virtually indis- tinguishable from rural peasants. They are not fully assimilated, however, since they identify with, and are identified as, tribal people rather than as nationals. Some tribes may eventually lose even a residual sense of tribal identification and become indis- tinguishably incorporated into the dominant society. In some cases, a tribal group can be so integrated as to be technically considered extinct as a distinct culture and society.

This paper is concerned primarily with small groups in the first three phases. People in the fourth phase and tribal groups that are numeri- cally significant -- the Quechua and Aymara in Bolivia and Ecuador, where almost one-third of the population is Amerindian -- are accorded appropriate assistance, in principle, under standard Bank procedures. Societies in the first or uncontacted phase are rare and vulnerable. Special care, as will be outlined later, must be exercised, until they enter the second phase some years after satisfactory contact. In contrast, societies in the second and third phases are relatively more stable if left alone, so that they can acculturate at their own pace, Such societies are the main focus of this paper, as they will be affected, to some extent, by an increasing number of projects, for which the Bank's assistance is sought, and cannot, the borrower and the Bank agree, be sited elsewhere. The paper describes why special attention is necessary in such cases. It outlines measures that will prevent or mitigate possible harm to the tribal society affected by such projects, as well as that will benefit it and facilitate its socioeconomic self-reliance within the dominant society.

This paper sets forth, in a general way, the problems and principles that affect, to different degrees, all tribal minorities, It attempts to strike a balance between too general a treatment and a narrowly specific case study. It provides a succinct perspective of the main issues.

1.5 Geographic Location of Tribal People

The uncontacted and semi-isolated tribal groups in the first and second phases have maintained an environmentally balanced way of life and cultural individuality partly because their remote location has, until recently, protected them from external contact and influence. Some groups have fled, or been pushed, into more remote areas where they may have been able to reestablish their economic and cultural independence. All the six regions, into which the Bank has organized its operational work, contain tribal people at various stages of integration. Areas that are still partially inhabited by tribal groups in the first three phases include Amazonia, the equatorial high- lands of South America, parts of Central America and Southeast Asia and the Pacific, and parts of Africa. Bank loans to these areas, both for sectors and for projects, are increasing. - 9 -

1.6 Distinction between Tribal Groups and Peasants

Semi-isolated or uncontacted tribal groups differ fundamentally from the national population and from the peasants in that population, with whom they are often erroneously classified in development planning. Tribal societies may not recognize or appreciate state sovereignty over them. They function apart from, or on the periphery of, the larger world economic system.ll/ The national peasant population, on the other hand, is linked intimately with that economic system.

The term "peasant is usually applied to small farmers who, though producing at little more than at subsistence level, sell some surplus to the market. They and the rural poor perceive themselves as part of the national society and have varying degrees of political and economic power.

1.7 Tribal Groups as Distinct Individual Units

Tribal groups differ not only from peasants, but also from one another. Distinct customs, rites, social structures, and methods of food production often exist among tribal groups who share similarities of geo- graphic location or language.

Development planning may benefit such people when they participate in the planning, if the differences between distinct tribal groups and cultures are clearly recognized. The common problems they face, particularly those relating to land and health, require solutions tailored to the specific circumstances of each tribe. Land needs and carrying capacities, for example, are difficult to calculate and require the collaboration of specialists such as anthropologists, ecologists, and agronomists to be effective. Such calcula- tions require a knowledge of tribal land and patterns of resource use, of the potentialities and carrying capacity of the land itself, of the likely pace of adoption of technological innovations by the tribal people, and of the likely ecological and economic changes coming to the area. The land needs of a tribal group that relies heavily on hunting and gathering -- such as the Shavante of Central Brazil (Maybury-Lewis, 1967), the Yanomamo of Roraima, Northern Brazil (Taylor, 1979; Albert and Zaquini, 1979), the Pygmy of Cameroon, or the Gonds of Madhya Pradesh, India -- are markedly different from those of agricultural peoples. For example, in a year spent with the Shavante (1958-59), Maybury-Lewis noted that they spent an aggregate of only three weeks in the year on agricultural activities. Yet, such groups as the Shavante have progressively been able to turn to shifting and then to settled agriculture, with a corresponding change in the extent and kind of land that is available to them. The problem is thus one of predicting such changes (which are compelled by the unavoidable presence of the dominant population or by a development project) and of assisting in designing measures to benefit equitably all parties concerned.

11/ Tribal people have on occasion been the major source of goods for the world economic system as was the case in the Brazilian rubber boom of the late nineteenth century. CHAPTER II. REASONS FOR WORLD BANK INVOLVEMENT

Increased attention by the World Bank to the design of project components appropriate for the recuperation or restoration of a tribal society -- including welfare, survival, and preservation of tribal groups who have been, or are being or may in the future be, affected by Bank-assisted develop- ment projects -- is merited for several reasons. Failure to design components of projects to benefit these poorest of the poor in developing member nations widens the gap between nationals and the tribal people, and may even result in the destruction of the tribal people. Thus, it is first a matter of equity. The problem is large in numbers of tribal groups and will worsen as the national population grows, and as ever more marginal land is tackled by development. Another major justification for the Banks concern is the great potential value of tribal knowledge of management of marginal lands: an increasing investment opportunity contributing significantly to the dominant society. Other reasons for such special attention relate to the vulnerability of projects affecting tribal people, Bank policy on the social design of projects, and national and international legislation.

2.1 Project Vulnerability

Failure to understand customary tribal rights to land will usually result in considerable implementation delays. For instance, formal legal procedures that provide national governments with the right to acquire land are no guarantee that, in practice, no obstacles will arise to such acquisi- tion. The design of the Kenya Forest Plantations Project assumed that 4,000 acres to 5,000 acres of agricultural land could easily be acquired for the project. In practice, acquisition proved extremely difficult: The land was subject to communal tenure by several groups who jealously guarded their rights to use the land. Similarly, the Madagascar Beef Cattle Development Project design assumed that grazing land in the project area was uninhabited and, because modern law recognized only one title to land in the area, it was assumed that the villagers had grazing rights. In practice, the assumptions proved expensively erroneous. Ethiopia-s Amibara Irrigation Project was belatedly discovered to be in a zone contested by two different ethnic groups, the Afars and the Issas.

Tribal groups may also, at some future date, resort to legal action to claim reinstatement of their original territories or compensation for the loss of these lands, if they were acquired in a manner inconsistent with acceptable customary laws and practice. There is ample precedent for this in

- 10 - - 11 - recent cases -- for example, in the States of Wisconsin, New York, Maine, and Washington in the United States, 1/ and in Australia and Papua New Guinea.

In ultimate analysis, consideration of tribal rights safeguards project implementation. Projects that prejudice tribal peoples- tenure of their current or traditional territories could be vulnerable to such litiga- tion or judicial process. Consequently, the long-term viability of a project is open to doubt.

2.2 Bank Policy on Project Social Design

Since the Bank's new policy direction of 1973, its project design has placed a higher priority on the consideration of the social impact of projects upon poverty-level populations. Indigenous groups merit this atten- tion in project planning at least as much as do other target populations. However, in the past, little or no systematic attention was given to tribal peoples per se in Bank-assisted projects. Tribal groups who may be affected by projects must now be identified as a matter of routine as part of the process of project identification and preparation. They must also be identi- fied as part of country economic or sector work (Annex 1).

2.3 Assistance to the Economically Lowest 40 Percent

The sharing of tribal people in project benefits is critical, since without them any tribal societies in or near a project will inevitably fall into the lowest socioeconomic level of the national society. Beyond mere avoidance of harm to tribal groups, development assistance can actually encourage and strengthen, when appropriate, the productive capabilities of tribal groups already involved to some degree with the national economy. Project plans should also allow for an adequate pace necessary for the assimi- lation of recently contacted groups and their adjustment to the new circum- stances. This essential process is usually difficult and often protracted.

1/ The compensatory proposal in U.S. vs. Maine, filed in 1977 on behalf of the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy tribal people, whose lands were expro- priated by the State in the nineteenth century, include 300,000 acres and $25 million. In 1978, the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy of Maine were awarded $37 million by the federal government with which to purchase 100,000 acres (40,500 ha.) of timberland to compensate for lands obtained from them in violation of the Indian Non-intercourse Act of 1790. Another suit filed December 5, 1979, the Oneida Indian Nation of Wisconsin vs. the State of New York, involves the return of 5 million acres to the Oneida nation. No fewer than eight other such cases are now pending (Guppy, 1980.) - 12 -

2.4 International Legislation

International covenants, agreements, and other legislation (listed in Annexes 3 and 4) require protection of traditional tribal land tenure, the observance of social and cultural rights, and the option to maintain one's culture. These rights apply also to tribal minority groups. Ethnic minority groups have an internationally recognized right to their cultural traditions, history, and literature. However, in today's rapidly populating world and particularly in projects involving resettlement or sweeping cultural, economic, or environmental changes, the cultural integrity of tribal people is threatened unless special measures are implemented. The Bank, as an affiliate of the United Nations, should prudently be assured that those borrowers who are signatory to the UN charter are complying with the spirit of the United Nations charter, international covenants, treaties, and agreements, when it lends for projects affecting tribal people. Clearly, the Bank cannot assist borrowers with projects if tribal groups may be seriously harmed thereby.

2.5 National Legislation

Many nations have enacted legislation recognizing the unique status of tribal populations and providing for special protection of tribal areas, including restrictions on the power of nontribals to obtain tribal lands. Despite this legislation, however, breaches of tribal rights regularly occur and enforcement of rights has been slow. Numerous borrowers do not have legislation recognizing the rights of tribal groups, or they accord to tribals a status akin to minors or wards of the state. In these circumstances, tribal peoples have neither the right to determine their future nor the ability to control their destiny.

One basic principle which the Bank has adopted is that members of tribal populations within a Bank-assisted project area should have equality with their fellow citizens as provided for by the national legislation. But, in view of the initially vulnerable status of tribal peoples, special measures are necessary.

Where legislation that is consistent with international conventions or the UN charter exists, project design will assist in implementing such legislation to the extent that Bank projects may affect tribal areas. Where no legislation exists, the Bank will discuss with the borrower how the risks of the investment may be decreased and the design improved by, for example, the enactment of legislation before the project becomes effective. Or the Bank may include project covenants that would accord affected tribal groups an appropriate status with nontribals, as well as any necessary measures to protect tribal culture and resource bases.

Since many countries usually permit nationals to obtain rights to land by prescription -- that is, through open and unhindered, continuous use of - 13 -

land for a determined number of years 2/ -- these rights should also be accorded to tribal societies. 3/ Tribal claims to the land that tribal populations have occupied and used for generations by prescription should be an additional alternative available to them. Claims by prescription can and should be extended to include the traditional usage made of the land, whether farming, grazing, transhumance, nomadism, hunting, gathering or shifting agriculture.

2.6 Effective Use of Tropical Environments

Since there are few short-term and no long-term standards for successful occupation by outsiders (nontribal) of marginal tropical wet forest regions still inhabited by tribal groups, it would be valuable for the world as a whole to learn how tribal people manage such ecosystems. The traditional, tribal way of life sustainably manages the renewable resources in the harsh and complex tropical environment, while leaving the resource base intact. Unlike tribal societies, both agroindustrial groups and peasant farmers have shown themselves almost totally unable to manage sustainably and produce effectively in such environments. 4/

2/ Including "usucapion," "squatters rights," "praescriptio longissimi temporis," or other provisions. Subsoil (mineral), forestry, and space rights also may have to be reconciled between national legislation and traditional usufruct.

3/ Tribal societies are beginning to hire legal expertise to defend their interests especially in this regard.

4/ Five admittedly somewhat circumstantial pieces of evidence are adduced for the assertion that tribal people can manage sustainably the tropical wet forest ecosystem in a way that nontribal people have not yet been able to achieve.

The prime evidence that tribal people have this ability is that they have done so for millennia and, where left unmolested, they continue to be successful.

Second, these environments, by and large, are inhabited by tribal people effecting no harm to the ecosystem.

Third, the technique adopted for this ecosystem by outsiders is to liqui- date the resource for short-term profit, forcing the tribal people to move on to another tract. Not only does this technique ruin the resource - 14 -

2.7 Value of Tribal Peoples Knowledge

Tribal peoples are not only familiar with the thousands of biological species in their ecosystems, but they also understand ecological interrelations of the various components of their resource base better than do most modern foresters, biologists, agronomists, and ecologists. Indigenous knowledge is essential for the use, identification, and cataloging of the biota. Much knowledge accumulated by tribal people regarding ethnopharmacology, the iden- tity, location, and mode of use of myriad foodstuffs and drug plants, animals, cures for specific ailments and prevention of many more, contraceptives, abortifacients, arrow poisons, and fish-stunning substances remains unknown to scientists.

The use made to date of tribal environmental knowledge has focused almost exclusively on single items such as quinine, reserpine, and other medicinal or chemical products known to the tribal society and useful to

base, but it promotes population growth to exceed carrying capacity. The literature is replete with accounts of unsuccessful developments in this type of environment (e.g., Kirby, 1978; Mahar, 1979; Goodland, 1980).

Fourth, successful examples of colonization by nationals are either exceedingly rare (Sanchez, 1976), or they depend on outside capital for energy-intensive and never-ending inputs (e.g., petroleum, biocides, and fertilizers), or they are too premature to be judged.

Fifth, where nontribal people are cut off from external sources of food and other supplies by accident, they starve unless they are assisted by the local tribal people. For example, since around 1976, in the Peruvian and Swiss-financed Jenaro Herrera Project, colonists at Angamos on the Yavari River in Peru often run short of food between deliveries, because enough food is still not grown in the project area. Project officials and colonists nominally barter, but more usually purloin food from the Matses (Mayoruna) tribal people. The Matses live in precisely the same environment but, even with primitive tools and no outside inputs (Romanoff, 1980), they thrive enough to tolerate the demands of the much better equipped colonists. Improved subsistence with modest surplus production is one model for tribes after initial contact before they become resilient enough to withstand the dominant society without losing their cultural identity. Another case, though still contro- versial, relates to the use by nomadic people of the grazing potential of desertic areas. Findings of anthropologists of the International Livestock Center for Africa (ILCA) and of a number of Bank staff suggest that traditional herd management techniques may be more ecologically balanced (Horowitz, 1979). - 15 -

Western science, regardless of ecological context. However, tribal knowledge encompasses the ecosystem in its entirety, including the interdependence of floral and faunal species, the specificities of microzones and their inter- faces, seasonal and longer-term variations in plant and animal life, repro- duction, growth, movement, and productivity: These aspects of tribal knowledge are almost always ignored. This is in large part because of a lack of perception by nontribal people, combined with difficulties of communica- tion and the disdain with which tribal knowledge is often regarded by nationals.

Tribal people are the repository of accumulated experience passed on by word of mouth and, thus, permanently record their experiences and knowledge in a form inaccessible to outsiders. Therefore, as tribal groups disappear, their vast knowledge vanishes with them. Only as tribal people 5/ are they equipped with the necessary values, knowledge, and organization to manage successfully the resources of marginal ecosystems. The preservation of these groups, therefore, is a significant economic opportunity for the nation, not a luxury. They are at the forefront of knowledge of the management of marginal environments and can contribute to the national society. Sustainable exploi- tation of ecosystems often considered marginal is becoming increasingly necessary for national societies and the world as a whole. Capitalization on these unique strengths is highly desirable for economic development.

2.8 Moral Imperative

Clearly, the Bank accepts that entire tribes of human beings must not be sacrificed to the goal of economic development, particularly when certain human groups have shown that well-being is not necessarily equated with material wealth; nor should the technically more powerful abuse the rights or way of life of the technically less powerful. Since society as a whole lacks effective means of controlling people's abuse of each other and of nature, a most urgent need is to establish means for continued coexistence, respecting human ecological values, welfare, and integrity of peoples as well as the environments they manage. Any such means includes the preservation of biotic and human diversity. Annihilation of any existing human groups by whatever means, especially when their cultural expression has demonstrated harmony with the supporting environment, will impoverish humanity as a whole.

5/ Not as assimilated or extribal people. Some acculturated tribal people still see themselves as tribal (e.g., Navajo, Inuit, Xavante). CHAPTER III. PREREQUISITES FOR ETHNIC IDENTITY AND SURVIVAL

Certain basic needs must be acknowledged and accommodated if tribal groups are to benefit from -- rather than being harmed by -- development projects. These fundamental needs are equally important, and each must be met for continued physical, socioeconomic, and cultural survival in the face of development.

3.1 Fundamental needs

The four fundamental needs of tribal societies relate to autonomy and participation, to conditions that will maintain their culture and their ethnic identity to the extent they desire: (a) recognition of territorial rights, (b) protection from introduced disease, (c) time to adapt to the national society, and (d) self-determination. Clearly, freedom of choice is worthless without understanding the implications of the given alterna- tives and the ability to choose between them. That is why tribal people must be allowed time to make their own adjustments at their own pace, and must be given the opportunity to learn about the wider society and to gain a place for themselves within it.

The needs of tribal groups, outlined in this chapter, differ cri- tically from those of other rural and urban populations for whom Bank-assisted projects are usually designed, and from the experience of most development and project planners. Further, social needs differ also among tribal groups themselves as mentioned in Chapter I. For this reason, each project affecting such peoples must be designed to meet the specific needs of the tribal groups within or near the project area.

3.2 Effects of Contact

Particular problems occur and needs are evident in cases of uncon- tacted tribal groups. While there are only a few such groups remaining in the world today, special action is necessary if they are in the area of influence of any project considered by the Bank. These special measures do not apply to the more acculturated peoples who are more frequently affected by development projects. The contacting process, also known euphemistically as "pacification" or "attraction," poses serious risks for the survival of such tribal groups. In some cases, their physical flight from a contact team can so disrupt the normal economic and social life of the group as to leave them underfed, weakened both physically and psychologically, and highly vulnerable to disease particularly when newly introduced to different circumstances. Whether or not actual flight occurs, the risk from introduced disease is common and serious. This is in part because of the special difficulties of implementing preventive or curative health services for a group unaccustomed to such outside attention.

- 16 - - 17 -

This situationbecomes especiallycritical when the newly contacted group is brought into more or less immediatecontact with nationals in addition to the original contact team. Records from various parts of the world document severe and rapid depopulationas an immediate,though not always direct, con- sequence of contact, Examples of this are the Kreenakrore,Surui, and ParakananAmerindian groups in Brazil (Dostal,1972; Seeger, 1980), all con- tacted in the last twenty years; the Semang and Sakai in Malaysia; the Andaman Islanders and the Todas and Kathodis in India; the Pygmies in Zaire; and the Igorottes in the Philippines. In fact, contact has inevitably resulted in a considerableloss of life among the tribal group involved. A number of precautionsmust, therefore,be taken if this risk is at least to be held to a minimum and appropriateprocedures must be tailored to each specific case.

3.3 Land

The first and fundamentalneed for tribal survival and cultural viability is continuedhabitation in and use of the traditionalland areas. The tribe's economic resource management,sociopolitical organization, and belief systems are tightly woven into the particular land areas inhabited and used to obtain and produce all necessities. The members of a tribe are intimately familiar with locationsof different game animals and their habits, as well as the vegetation within the traditionalrange, Maintaining the traditionalland-based patterns of environmentaladaptation is essential to the perpetuationof most aspects of the tribal way of life.

3.31 Large Land Areas

Tribal lands include not only areas which are obviously inhabitedat a given time, but others that may be used or occupied only intermittentlyin supra-annualcycles. Hunter-gatherers-- the Kalahari in Southern Africa and Australian Bushmen, for example -- range over wide areas and exploit them systematically(Maybury-Lewis, 1967). Pastoralists,such as the Masai in Kenya and Tanzania, the Fulani in Nigeria, the Bedouins of Cyrenaica in north-eastern Libya, the Shah Saran of Iran, and the Gujjars of Northwest India, require large areas of land which may seem to the casual visitor to be unoccupied. Shifting agriculturalists,like the Kalinga of the Philippines,also leave large fallow areas to recuperate before replanting.

To the extent that tribal groups inhabit marginal areas, much larger land areas may be required to support the population than would be the case in more fertile regions. When common shifting-agriculturemethods are used, new areas are needed for clearance every two to five years when weeds encroach and yields decline. This method of tropical forest land use does not damage the environmentwhen practiced by an appropriatenumber of people, since exhaustedsoils have time to recuperatewhile other tracts are planted. The isolationand small size of the cleared areas avoids excessive erosion and acceleratesregrowth of forest. Tribal societiespracticing such systems have traditionallydeveloped population control which enables the society to stay within the techno-environmentalcarrying capacity of the land. - 18 -

Tribal people have the knowledge to select more fertile areas and avoid less productive soils. Nontribal settlers without sophisticated agricultural extension lack such selective ability.

Intertribal exchanges are often carried out over long distances. Tribal people may travel weeks or even months on hunting or trading expedi- tions. Limitations on such routes used for such necessary travel and for transhumance will damage tribal viability.

Modern legal concepts of "private" property are inapplicable to tribal land-use patterns, since land is owned in common and parcels of land are used intermittently. The solution of corporate ownership is outlined later in this chapter. Governments have often acquired lands used by tribal people on the assumption that they were uninhabited wasteland. In the process, they have often disrupted the larger human-land equilibrium systems evolved by the tribal cultures (Bodley, 1975). When land-use patterns are radically altered, traditional tribal economic and social organizations, authority, and belief systems are inevitably impaired.

3.32 Symbolic Value of Land

Along with economic significance, the traditional land base holds important symbolic and emotional meaning for tribal people. It is the repository for ancestral remains, group origin sites, and other sacred features closely linked to tribal economic systems.

The Kalinga and Bontoc tribes in the Philippines completely identify with their physical environment. They are part of a complex and well-balanced ecosystem. Their economic and social life is based on the old hand-built rice paddy terraces formed out of the steep mountain slopes along the Chico River. The economic forces tying people to their land also tie them to their traditions because the attachment to the land is more than economic and organizational. The particular land areas were constructed by their ancestors and are, they believe, where the sacred spirits dwell.

The relocation changes that now confront these Philippine tribal people are more devastating than changes in the sixteenth century when nomadic slash-and-burn farmers transformed themselves into settled rice cultivators. Then, they were still able to inhabit lands that were the center of their life, continuing their self- sufficiency. Now, they are under pressure to relinquish the terri- torial foundations that have been the basis of their cultural and economic survival (S.E. Asia Resource Center, 1979; Rocamora, 1975).

Similarly in Brazil, attempts by the National Indian Foundation (FUNAI) to transfer the Nambiquara out of the Guapore valley into an inappropriate reserve generally resulted in failure. The Nambiquara's - 19 -

refusal to move involved not only the natural resource scarcity in the new area, which was savanna rather than forest, but also the fact that they would lose touch with the land where their dead had been buried (Price, 197 7a, b.)

3.33 Legalization of Tribal Land Rights

Land rights, access to traditional lands, and maintenance of trans- humant routes are vital to the economic, social, and psychological well-being of individual tribal members, as well as for the maintenance of the group's cultural stability. Those national governments that are signatory to the UN charter and require Bank assistance can be guided by the UN Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 (Annexes 3 and 4) on tribal issues and land title. This is often difficult to accomplish because most tribal peoples hold land in common, demarcated only in the perception of their members. Land is regarded as a common good, to which individuals have rights of use, but which cannot be alienated. The tenure is in the nature of a trust in which all members -- dead, living, and unborn -- are cosharers. Communal title, or group tenure, may need legislative innovation on the part of a nation; such innovations are neither unknown nor especially difficult. The Bank can discuss tribal policies with governments, which would act to implement agreed policies.

In India, the concept of Hindu joint family property, where each male member of a joint family had a fluctuating share in the property (and this included conceived, though yet unborn, males), closely approximates the concept of communal tenure. This system has been recognized in law for several centuries and now has been incorporated into "modern" law. In 1946, it was proposed that group tenure in the U.S. Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands be recognized and controlled, as a trust, by a Land Control Board. Similarly, in Fiji "native land" has been successfully controlled by the Native Land Trust Board. All native lands -- that is, lands formerly used or occupied by the various tribes of Fiji at the time of British conquest in the last century -- were converted into trust territory and controlled by the Board. The exercise has provided a remarkable example of the careful use of tribal lands to promote development. As in the case of communal tenure among other tribal populations, native land in Fiji cannot be alienated; only limited leases can be created with the approval of the Board.

Further, many transhumant migrations are regular, their routes are well-defined and can be demarcated. It should not, therefore, be difficult to grant these tribal people rights of way or easements recognized by law. In most countries, rights of way resulting from continuous use are part of the general law available to all persons. These rights cover both private and public use of lands.

3.34 Creation of Reserves

In some cases, the creation of a tribal reserve may be the most feasible means of protecting a tribal group whose culture is endangered by - 20 - national intrusion, or by a development project, mainly in order to provide time necessary for adaptation. Reserve creation may be vital for tribes in the early first and second phases of integration, and in special cases for societies in the third phase. Such a reserve should function as a secure base, providing the tribe time and space to make its own adaptations; not as a prison in which the tribe is confined. In many cases, land held in reserve status could quite simply be transformed into title held communally by the tribe or, in the early stages of contact, in trust by the national government. Most countries lack such legislative mechanisms, although they are not diffi- cult to draw up. This is the spirit of the Peruvian law of Native Peoples of 1974. Recently contacted tribal groups, when their lands are protected as reserves, can receive some medical attention for introduced disease and some protection against encroachment by outsiders. In Brazil, the living condi- tions of tribal people on reserves are generally better than among those who have lost their lands. Health benefits, however meager, derived from the establishment of reserves are critical to the physical well-being of tribal groups (Ramos, 1976a). Although the reserve becomes less necessary as the tribal society becomes able to tolerate or withstand the pressures of the national society, title to their lands remains fundamental.

A major drawback to the establishment of reserves is tribal exposure to the national authorities who, usually out of ignorance, may encourage or enforce possibly well-intentioned, though often detrimental, modifications of traditional practices. Disruption occurs when a government removes a tribe to a new area in order to resettle it on a reserve and then administers that reserve. The ecological setting usually is quite different on the reservation, movement is usually restricted, and nomadic groups suddenly are forced to become sedentary. Religious and cultural practices are usually modified. Even the type of crops planted may be determined beforehand by government representatives. The procedures for involuntary resettlement formulated by the Bank will alleviate these problems. 1/

1/ The Bank tries to avoid involuntary resettlement whenever feasible. Where relocation is unavoidable (for instance, in the case of large construction projects, such as dams, irrigation schemes, ports and airports, new towns and highways), a well prepared resettlement plan should be drawn up in accordance with principles that leave room for considerable flexibility in the solutions and implementation that are most suitable in any particular case. Where only a few people are to be relocated, appropriate compensation for assets, coupled with arrangements for removal and a relocation grant may suffice. In the case of large numbers of people, or whole communities, the resettle- ment plan would include compensation as one principal element, as well as relocation and establishment in a new area, or integration with existing communities in an already settled area. The major objective is to ensure that settlers are afforded opportunities to become established and economically self-sustaining in the shortest possible period at living standards that match those before resettle- ment; that the settlers social and cultural institutions are supported and their own initiative is encouraged; and that the new - 21 -

Enforced "primitivism" is also a disruptive policy occasionally practiced on a reservation. This policy is often followed either to promote tourism, since "primitive" costumes, houses, and crafts are tourist attrac- tions, or it is defended as a means of preserving the tribe's cultural identity. However, whereas enforced "primitivism" is always damaging, elective "primitivism" can be beneficial as in the case of the Cunas of Panama. Minority culture never has been a static entity which must be pre- served exactly as it is found or as it is believed to have been. Rather it is a dynamic reality that should be provided with conditions adequate for develop- ment in a natural and progressive manner. Cultural continuity should be encouraged in all spheres, but the choice of whether to continue to modify old ways should be left to the tribal people themselves and not imposed upon them. Two examples of enforced "primitivism" are:

On the Matigsalug reservation in the Simod area of Bukidnon on Mindanao (Philippines), the Monobos are required to wear tribal costumes and build tulugan tribal houses without the use of nails.

The Higaunons in the Salug reservation in Agusan, Mindanao, had to consent to the bulldozing of their substantial houses, some made of concrete blocks, to qualify for assistance from the Office of the Presidential Assistant on National Minorities (PANAMIN) (Rocamora, 1979).

The reservation system easily accommodates these practices and systems of exploited labor, as the reservation is usually located in a remote area and its inhabitants have little legal recourse or representation at higher political levels. The administration of the reservation represents the government and enforces government policy; it may not be inclined, or even able, to respond to the interests of the inhabitants. If the tribal group has no channel through which to articulate its rights and needs, abuses are likely to occur. The major problem with the creation of reserves is that, as cur- rently practised, control of the tribe and its lands is transferred to out- siders -- be they government administrators or a specially appointed group. The role these administrators generally play is one of pacification, the resolution of disputes within the tribe, and the partial prevention of contact with the national society. Few administrators have readily moved from a traditional "law and order" concept of their role to one that is more develop- ment oriented. In these circumstances, the socioeconomic gap widens between

area should be one in which the skills and aptitudes of the involuntary settlers can be readily employed. Important considera- tions include access to land, markets, employment, the provision of needed services and infrastructure in the new area. Careful preparatory work with the involuntary settlers, the host community, and their respective leaders prior to the move is of primary importance. - 22 -

the tribe and the nationals. Bank emphasis on strengthening the tribal agency and tribal administrators in member governments is more appropriate than for the Bank to assume a leading role in tribal affairs.

The most successful means by which a reservation could form the basis of tribal development is, first, and as early as possible, to leave the governance of the tribe and its resources to the tribe itself as it was before the reserve was created. Second, administrators should act as facilitators, bringing to the tribe the protection, benefits, or specially designed education and health programs it may request. Third, the administrators and, eventually, the tribal leaders should have the power to defend tribal lands against in- cursions by outsiders. It is only when tribal people are accorded equality under the law 2/ and have the capability to choose their own destiny that they can contribute fully to the national society. All this will be difficult, time consuming, and not amenable to acceleration. Tribal representatives capable of dealing with administrators, nationals, and the government, as well as with communal title are pivotal to survival. Though examples are few, it can be done: The Gavioes in Amazonia (Brazil) requested the tribal agent to operate only outside the reservation gates in one year, bought and managed their own truck the next, and started hiring nontribal day laborers the following year.

3.4 Health

After recognition of title to land, the maintenance and protection of health standards is the second 3/ fundamental prerequisite to the tribe's survival. The process of development can so disrupt life that new and old health and disease problems develop. In normal circumstances, an individual can interact with disease-carrying agents without suffering ill effects. Health is a continuing property that can be measured by the individual's ability to rally from a wide range and amplitude of changes or disruption, that is to say, "... any chemical, physical, infectious, psychological, or social demand to respond or adapt ... " (Audy 1971, 1973; Appell, 1981). Illness occurs when resistance is lowered in any way.

Indigenous medicine in tribal areas has usually controlled endemic diseases and met the needs of the tribal society in its traditional habitat. Therefore, the object of health measures within the context of development is to foster existing therapies, to introduce appropriate new repertoires, and to avoid the introduction of unfamiliar diseases and conditions that might disrupt existing standards of health. Three major factors impair indigenous health: first, transmission of disease; second, modification of diet and living conditions; and third, social change and stress. These factors disrupt the normal levels of community health of the tribal people compared with neighboring peasants, as well as lower resistance and increase vulnerability to disease.

2/ Either as individuals, families, or larger groupings. Legal recognition of "pastoralist groups" was deemed an essential precondition to imple- mentation of Bank-assisted livestock projects in Chad and Niger.

3/ Except in the rare cases of "first contact," in which health measures are initially most urgent. - 23 -

3.41 Introductionof Disease

First, health is jeopardizedby the introduction,usually accidental, of diseases to which the tribal people have had little or no exposure,either individuallyor throughoutthe tribe's genetic history. In such exceptionally homozygous populations,severe and often fatal reactions to pathogenswhich are innocuous to the national societymust be anticipated. The literatureon tribal groups is filled with accounts of contractedillnesses and frequent deaths due to contact with outsiders. In fact, the staggeringpopulation losses among Amerindiansin Brazil after the intrusionof European settlers -- from 230 tribes in 1900 to about half that in 1980 -- were caused more by disease and starvation,than by conflict.

In 1500, there were an estimated 6 million to 9 million Amerindians in Brazil. Today barely 200,000 survive -- an attrition rate of two million people per century.

In the 1930s, there were between 2,000 and 3,000 Nambiquara of the Guapore valley in Mato Grosso, Brazil. In the late 1960s, a road (Cuiaba-PortoVelho) cut through their territoryand large-scalecattle ranching operationswere established. By 1972, more than 20 agribusinessprojects were promoted in the region by fiscal incentivesfrom SUDAM (Superintendencyfor the Developmentof Amazonia). Diseases almost completelyexterminated the Nambiquara to the point that, in two of the Guapore valley groups, the entire popula- tion younger than 15 years was killed by influenza and measles (Ramos, 1979; Ribeiro, 1956).

Since disease can be transferredto the tribal group by any inter- change with outsiders-- such as project laborers and the use of their water, food, supplies,or clothing,or by other tribes who have been exposed to pathogens--protectionor isolation is essentialuntil a massive vaccination campaign can be implemented. Medical screening of all project workers is, therefore, imperative.

3.42 Alterationsin Diet and Living Conditions

Clearly, health is significantlyaffected by diet and, particularly, by sudden changes in it. Frequently,tribal peoples are compelled to adjust to sharp dietary changes. This adaptation is often due to loss of land, with consequent changes in the traditionalmanner of its exploitation;to relocation to a different environmentand, therefore,alterations in food availability;to an increase in wage or debt-bondagelabor resulting in inadequatetime to work their own lands; or to higher purchases of manufactured or processed foods. The changes are accompaniedby malnutrition,dental decay, and lowered resistance to disease (particularlymeasles, for which no immunity has been developed,and the heightenedaction of malarial and other parasites). Caries and other dental abnormalitiesare conspicuouslyabsent or rare among tribal people who have retained traditionaldiets (Bodley, 1975). Dietary changes also result from the disruption of traditionaltrade systems and routes. - 24 -

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, an increase in endemic cretinism,a birth defect, was noted among the people of the Jimi valley in Papua New Guinea. The first cases of endemic cretinismbegan to appear shortly after contact with government patrols, and the incidenceof the disease increasedrapidly with more contact.

Investigationsrevealed that early government patrols rewarded with salt (deficientin elemental iodine) all services rendered by the indigenous inhabitants. The precontact era salt traded into the Jimi valley by neighboring indigenousgroups was a distillate extremely rich in iodine. Contact had disrupted the efficient trading arrangements. The deprivationof a significant iodine supplementmanifested itself by the appearance of cases of endemic cretinism.

Contact with dominant groups also results in dietary damage among tribal people who desire to imitate the food habits of the dominant group and, thereby, seek to enhance their own status within the wider society.

Before the dominance of the more Hinduized groups in Nepal, tribal groups like the Tamang, Magar, and Sherpa consumed meat. Today, increasingnumbers of these tribes are giving up meat with the result that their present diets do not provide the nutritionalbalance they formerly enjoyed. Further, as a result of the growing reluctance to slaughter animals, the number of livestockhas far exceeded the carrying capacity of the land, which is fast deteriorating.

Whether the result of relocation or willing adoption of new modes of life, sudden change usually is detrimentalto health. For example, influenza swept the Pacific Islands after the islanderswere compelled to adopt clothes on the grounds of modesty. Clothes were worn, but no advice was tendered that they had to be changed and washed regularly. Colds and influenzawere the consequence. Again, in relocation,tribal houses have been constructedto provide accommodationonly for nuclear families (as in the unsuccessful attempt to settle the Shah Sevan of Iran), or they have been constructedof brick and mortar with galvanizedmetal roofs, as in Africa. Many tribal people do not live in nuclear families,but rather in extended families;and bricks and mortar do not provide acceptable living conditions. Breaking up families and providingunacceptable living conditions impair adjustmentand lower resistance to disease.

The diet and health aspects of relocationhave been recognized by the Bank, although until recently this was limited to involuntaryreloca- tion. These principlesare now applied whenever tribal peoples are affected, whether or not there is relocation involved. Education in nutrition for both tribal people and nationalswho are in regular contact with them is desirable. - 25 -

3.43 Social Change

While all change involves some degree of social disruption,rapid change increases social tension and, ultimately,vulnerability to disease and emotional disorders,antisocial behavior,and alcoholism. While societies are dynamic, the capacity to adapt to change is not infinite,especially in the case of tribal populations. The social resources that help tribal members manage and cope with change are limited. Unfamiliar concepts,values, and roles impose additionaldemands on the coping process of the tribal society. Unless introducedcarefully, recognizing the absorptive capacity of the population, sudden demands decrease the capacity to adapt successfully. Major and rapid social changes are associatedwith:

a. loss of self-esteem;

b. increase in actual and perceived role conflict and ambiguity;

c. increase in the perceived gap between aspirationand achievement.

a. Loss of Self-Esteem

A tribal populationconfronted with developmentor modernization often experiencesloss of self-esteem;its members feel a deprivation of their sense of personal worth and a devaluationof their social identity. Loss of self-esteemmay result from explicit critical or negative evaluations of the tribal culture by the agents of change or members of the dominant society. Belittling the tribal populationas ignorant,dirty, or back- ward is common, and may even be used to encourage the tribal society to change. Development itself may be phrased in terms that implicitly,if not explicitly,devalues the tribal culture and its members. Tribal traditions and knowledge are stigmatizedand simply replaced by the dominant culture. Seldom are traditionaltribal values acknowledgedor are attemptsmade to perpetuate them.

b. Increased Role Conflict and Ambiguity

Rapid social change introducesnew individualor group roles and modifies old ones. These modificationsincrease role conflict and ambiguity, which further erode the self-esteemand social identity of an individualor group. For example, people in a hunting and gathering society are trained to be independentand opportunistic,and to use initiative. These qualities become disadvantageswhen such people are forced to offer themselvesas dependent and obedient wage or debt-bondagelaborers. Tribal leaders suddenly find that their value has been downgradedand their power is usurped by the arrival of an appointed official or by the appointmentof a new nontraditional tribal leader by nationals. From the position of managers, leaders are reduced to servants. This is traumaticfor them personallybut even more so for the people who benefited from or depended on their leadership. Even such fundamentalmatters as the relation between the sexes may be radicallyaltered. - 26 -

The Nivakle in the Paraguayan Chaco adapted to settler intrusion into their traditional lands by raising their own herds of cattle, sheep, and goats. Mennonite settlers in the Central Chaco discouraged the Nivakle from maintain- ing these flocks, which were difficult to keep off the Mennonite farms. The Nivakle were, therefore, forced to rely on the Mennonites for wage labor, of which there was not enough for all. Meanwhile, the patriarchal Mennonites dealt only with male Nivakle and paid only the men, damag- ing what had traditionally been a very egalitarian relation- ship between men and women in Nivakle society.

The Nivakle had traditionally spaced their children through the practice of abortion. They also believed that a nursing mother who had sexual intercourse would harm the soul and, therefore, cripple the body of her baby. Mothers nursed as long as they had milk and refrained from sexual intercourse. Their husbands were expected to share sex with other women who were not bound by the same restriction. The Mennonites vigorously opposed these customs, moving to stamp out abortion and to promote sexual fidelity between husband and wife. This resulted in a population increase among Nivakle and considerable anxiety as to the fate of their children, reared under conditions that threathened both their souls and their bodies.

In 1962, there was a severe drought in the Chaco. The Mennonite settlers felt obliged to retrench and to lay off many of their Nivakle laborers. But many were now totally dependent on work- ing for the Mennonites. In the case of the Nivakle, they had lost their livestock and had acquired a larger number of mouths to feed (Loewen, 1964). c. Increase in the Aspiration-Achievement Gap

Rapid social change widens the gap between the aspirations of an individual or group and the ability to achieve new goals, particularly since traditional ways to achieve goals are often disrupted. During disruption due to development, the normal resources for the support and maintenance of institutions within the tribal group cannot operate effectively, because the entire population must meet added demands for adjustment. At the same time, the social and maintenance mechanisms of the dominant society are largely inappropriate for the tribe's needs. Encouragement of achievements or goals that are unrealistic or unattainable within the traditional value system will further widen this aspiration-achievement gap. - 27 -

3.5 Cultural Autonomy

The prerequisiteto successfulsurvival of a tribal group as an ethnic minority is the retentionof autonomy: cultural, social, economic. This freedom of choice involves continued control by the tribal people over their own institutions: tribal customs, beliefs, language, and means of subsistenceor production.

Economic developmenthas often been promoted at the expense of tribal institutions. Developmentstrategies often tacitly assumed that there were no viable institutionsor practices existing in the tribal culture that could be used to foster development. This "vacuum ideology"has led to the large-scaletransfer of national structures or practices to tribal cultures that were little understood (Colletta,1975, 1977). The primary example of this is the spread of Western technologyand schooling throughout the non- Western world by colonialwarders. While contact with nationalswill inevit- ably bring some change in tribal practices and attitudes,prevailing basic customs and traditionsneed not be drasticallyaltered or eliminated. Furthermore,the tribe alone should choose which traditions should be altered. Retention of tribal customs enhances maintenance of ethnic identity,stability as a productiveunit, and, more importantly,successful adaptation to new circumstances. One reason, for instance, why the Balinese have been rela- tively impervious to outside influence is that they have maintained their cultural integrity,will not admit non-Balineseas members of their com- munities, and have adopted changes that reinforce their culture.

3.51 Policy of Cultural Autonomy

The policies usually adopted concerningthe degree of social change that is to occur within tribal groups range widely. The two extremes are: total enforced isolation of the tribal groups allowing no change, on the one hand, all the way through rapid and complete assimilationresulting in the loss of the tribe's identity,on the other. Isolation should be rejected as impossible: a zoo-like arrangementof an enforced primitive state. Complete assimilationinto the national society denies, then extinguishes,ethnic diversity. Furthermore,as noted earlier, rapid change can separate tribal people from their cultural identity: a form of extinction.

An intermediatepolicy adopted by the Bank under the projects it finances is more humane, prudent, and productive. This allows the retention of a large measure of tribal autonomy and cultural choice. Such a policy of self-determinationemphasizes the choice of tribal groups to their own way of life and seeks, therefore, to minimize the impositionof different social or economic systems until such time as the tribal society is sufficientlyrobust and resilient to tolerate the effects of change. This policy provides safe- guards for tribal people so that they themselves can manage the pace and style of their own involvementwith the national society. The followingconditions are essential if this intermediatepolicy is to succeed: - 28 -

a. National governments and international organizations must support rights to land used or occupied by tribal people, to their ethnic identity, and to cultural autonomy.

b. The tribe must be provided with interim safeguards that enable it to deal with unwelcome outside influences on its own land until the tribe adapts sufficiently.

c. Neither the nation nor the nontribal neighbors should compete with the tribal society on its own lands for its resources.

The Bank adopts this intermediate policy, where appropriate, in order to assist these beleaguered societies. When these conditions are observed, not only does tribal culture survive, but the tribe becomes a productive contributor to the nation, rather than a ward of the state.

Cultural autonomy differs from the integrationist approach in several respects. First, cultural autonomy stresses the value of the tribal culture and the desirability of maintaining the culture rather than replacing it as quickly as possible with the customs and values of the dominant society. Second, cultural autonomy recognizes the potentially harmful effects of unrestrained contact between dominant culture and tribal culture, and seeks to moderate them. Third, cultural autonomy creates conditions under which the tribal members themselves control the pace and manner of their adjustment to national society and culture. Finally, cultural autonomy does not preclude the training of selected tribal representatives in the dominant culture and their role as mediators with the latter -- provided controls by the tribe are designed to prevent abuse of authority by the dominant society.

3.52 Desired Outcome

Action to guarantee the physical survival of tribal populations and encourage freedom of cultural choice is directed towards the following outcome:

a. a tribal population that forms a recognized and accepted ethnic minority -- one component of an ethnically pluralistic national society;

b. as such, this ethnic minority maintains its traditional way of life, more or less modified in accordance with the prefer- ences of the tribal population itself;

c. the tribal economic system progressively evolves from precontact" subsistence to a sustained-yield agro-ecosystem with the production of a surplus on occasion. - 29 -

Immediate integrationof tribal populationscan only swell the numbers of the rural and urban poor. Since developing countriesalready face enormous problems in their attempts to eliminate poverty, adding to the numbers of the poor by dispossessingtribal societies only worsens their situation. This is amelioratedby maintaining ethnic minoritiesas viable and productive societies,and by retaining their cultural autonomy. This policy will be facilitatedby recognizingthe need for a pluralisticview of national identity and an understandingthat cultural or ethnic diversity is desirable. Then, tribal peoples will belong to societiesas fully participatoryand productivecomponents.

Given the fundamentalimportance of economic patterns in all cul- tures, and consideringthe extreme contrastsbetween tribal and national economies, the economic interactionof tribal cultures with the national market economies is a critical one. A tribal culture may surrenderpart of its politicalautonomy, but can still continue to be ethnicallydistinct if it is allowed to retain its economy and if it remains unexploitedby out- siders (Bodley, 1975).

ANNEXES

ANNEX 1

OPERATIONALSTEPS FOR THE PROJECT CYCLE

1. Country Economic Analysis and Sector Work

The World Bank prepares an introductoryand basic economic report (BER) to provide an adequate and comprehensivebackground knowledge of a country's economic and social structure. Knowledge of the existence and general location of special social groups (e.g., tribal people), noted in the BER, that may constrain developmentstrategies or projects, or that need special attention,assists project designers. Appropriatecountry sector reports and, especially,regional (i.e., within a country) economic reviews dealing with a region new to the Bank highlight special and sensitive factors, such as tribal groups, that are to be taken into account in project work. 1/

2. Project Identification

As soon as the type and general location of the project has been selected,but before its precise location has been decided, the presence or absence of special social groups (e.g., tribal people) is to be routinely determined during identificationor during prefeasibilitystudies. The classified and country-specificguide of the bibliography(Annex 7) can be consulted, though the government-stribal agency (Annex 5) should best be able to provide informationon specific locationsof tribal groups in earlier phases of integration. Where there is no official tribal agency, the anthro- pology departmentsof the appropriateuniversities are a possible source of preliminaryinformation. The nongovernmentaltribal organizations,listed in Annex 6, maintain the most comprehensiveand detailed information. If the presence of tribal people in the general region is identified and a decision is made not to relocate the project to avoid the tribal area, then reconnais- sance by an indigenist 2/ or appropriateanthropologist would be necessary before project preparation. Bank staff involved in the early stage of such a project should ensure that the necessary informationbe gathered as part of the prefeasibilitystudies.

3. Project Preparation

Staff or agencies (includingconsulting firms) responsibleto the government for project preparationneed specialist indigenistinput in order to evaluate the informationprovided by the tribal agency if one exists. If

1/ Such as the innovative and highly effective analysis of the indigenous peoples (Shuar, Jibaro, Yumbo) in Ecuador (World Bank, 1979).

2/ Indigenist is used here to connote "protribal,"since anthropology may not necessarilyhold a protribalposition. The indigenist should function as an advocate of tribal peoples and as an inter- mediary between the tribal people and the dominant society.

- 33 - - 34 - the project area contains hitherto uncontactedtribal people, contact pro- cedures should be completed,preferably by the tribal agency, before the teams responsiblefor project preparationarrive.

The stage of contact will be ascertainedby the specialist during preparationso that an appropriatetribal componentof the project can be designed. Delimitationand demarcationof tribal lands are best carried out before preparation. Without them, an acceptable tribal component cannot be designed. 3/ The preparationteam should be furnishedwith a profile of the specific tribal society in which it will be working and will be informed,in a general way, of the possible impact of the project on the tribal people and vice versa. All socioculturalvariables that are operationallyrelevant to the achievementof the project goals will be outlined,together with possi- bilities to design and implementan acceptable tribal component to mitigate any adverse effects. The preparationteam must ensure that the tribal agency or appropriategroup has the willingness,capacity, and means to design an ade- quate tribal component. If not, then the tribal agency should be strengthened during preparationso that the necessary tribal component can be undertaken successfullyand be ready by appraisaltime. The Bank is willing to assist governmentsto locate appropriateanthropological expertise. The Bank is prepared to help locate internationalor bilateral sources of financing, or, in exceptionalcircumstances, to assist through other mechanisms such as the Project PreparationFacility, 4/ where applicable.

4. Appraisal

The appraisalmission determines the adequacy of the tribal component prepared by the tribal agency. This involves (a) reviewing the measures proposed to mitigate the impact of the project on the tribal people; (b) assessingwhether there are risks that the tribal people might interferewith project implementation;(c) assessing the ability of the

3/ Assuming that such a study had not been included as part of the back- ground or regional studies.

4/ The Project PreparationFacility is available to poor countries that could not reasonablybe expected to finance certain costs in connection with the preparationof, or to provide additional support for, a project when no other sources of financingare available. It is a form of interim financingbefore a loan or credit is made, covering mainly foreign exchange costs, is not limited to a specific sector, and is supervisedby the Bank in the normal course of its work. The "advance," limited to an amount up to $1 million per project, is repaid through refinancingunder the loan or credit for the project in question as soon as it becomes effective. If no loan or credit materializes,the advance is repaid by the borrower over a five-year period. - 35 - tribal agency to implement the proposed tribal component. If necessary, measures to facilitatecooperation between the tribal people, the tribal agency, and the borrower or implementingagency (e.g., National Highways Department or the National Power Authority) will be proposed. Legal specialistsmay be necessaryduring preparationand appraisal.

5. Negotiations

Agreement on the details of the tribal component is essential. Land tenure may need special attention. Legislation,or the means for its implementation,providing for tribal peoples as assessed during appraisalmay need strengtheningby covenantsduring negotiations. Since the duration of the implementationof the tribal componentwill probably extend beyond completionof the main project, special provisionsmay be necessary in the loan agreement to ensure achievementof objectivesduring operation and beyond disbursement. SIGNIFICANT DATES CONCERNED WITH TRIBAL PEOPLE

Date Event

1215 Magna Carta: One of the first codifications of human rights.

1542 Tribal people were officially recognized as being human rather than subhuman or bestial. Dominican Frays Bartolome de las Casas (1474-1566) and Antonio de Montesinos (late 1400-1545) first proposed the novel concept and then interceded with King Charles I of Spain and the conquistadores against slavery and slaughter being carried out on the indigenous population in Central America.

1833 Britain emancipates slaves.

1848 France abolishes slavery.

1861 Russian serfdom ended.

1865 U.S. Emancipation Proclamation declared that humans should not enslave other humans, including the ethnic minorities (13th Constitutional amendment).

1883 Brazil abolishes slavery.

1924 U.S. Congress granted U.S. citizenship to U.S. Indian populations.

1948 United Nations Convention on the prevention and the punishment of the crime of genocide (entered into force in 1951).

1948 United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted which started that "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights."

1957 The United Nations International Labour Conference adopted Convention 107 concerning the protection and integration of indigenous and other tribal and semitribal populations in independent countries.

1963 United Nations Declaration on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination was proclaimed by the General Assembly.

1971 Stone-age Tasaday tribal people reported in Mindanao, Philippines.

- 36 - - 37 -

ANNEX 2

Date Event

1972 For the first time in Colombian history, a group of white farmers at Villavicenciowere put on trial for the murder of a number of Amerindians,but were later acquitted by the Supreme Court on grounds that they did not know they were doing wrong because they thought that Amerindianswere not human, and the laws pro- tecting the Amerindiansare (relatively)recent.

1974 First Indian Congress, held at San Cristobal de las Casas, included the participationof severalhundred mostly Mayan Indians under the auspices of the Mexican Governmentand the Brother Bartolome de las Casas Committee. LIST OF BASIC INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS OF HUMAN RIGHTS (Selective listing only)

Date of Date of Name of Insturment/ Sponsor Adoption Effectiveness Title of Documents Organization

1. Dec. 9, 1948 Jan. 12, 1951 Convention on the Preven- United Nations tion and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide

2. Dec. 10, 1948 Universal Declaration of United Nations Human Rights

3. Jun. 25, 1958 Jun. 15, 1960 Discrimination (Employment International and Occupation) Convention Labour Office

4. Nov. 20, 1963 UN Declaration on the Elimi- United Nations nation of all Forms of Racial Discrimination

5. Dec. 21, 1965 Jan. 4, 1969 International Convention on United Nations the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination

6. Nov. 4, 1966 Declaration of the Princi- United Nations ples of International Cultural Cooperation

7. Dec. 16, 1966 (not in force International Covenant on United Nations as of Dec. 31, Economic, Social and 1972) Cultural Rights

8. Dec. 16, 1966 (not in force International Covenant on United Nations as of Dec. 31, Civil and Political Rights 1972)

9. Nov. 26, 1968 Nov. 11, 1970 Convention on the Non- United Nations Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes Against Family

- 38 - - 39 -

ANNEX3

Date of Date of Name of Insturment/ Sponsor Adoption Effectiveness Title of Documents Organization

10. Sep. 26, 1948 Jul. 7, 1955 Slavery Convention United Nations (as amended)

11. Apr. 30, 1956 Apr. 30, 1957 Supplementary Convention (Conference of on the Abolition of Plenipotentiaries) Slavery, the Slave Trade, Economic and and Institutions and Social Council Practices Similar to Slavery

12. Aug. 30, 1961 (not in force Convention on the Conference of as of Dec. 31, Reduction of Statelessness Plenipotentiz.ries 1972)

13. Sep. 28, 1954 Jun. 6, 1960 Convention relating to the Conference of Status of Stateless Persons PlenipotentiLries SUMMARY OF INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

1. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide

This convention recognizes the great losses on humanity inflicted by genocide and provides for the prevention and punishment of any form of genocidal act.

2. Universal Declaration of Human Rights

This declaration provides a common standard for all peoples of all nations, to which end every individual and every organ of society shall strive. It proclaims all important traditional, political, and civil rights, and basic economic, social, and cultural rights.

3. Discrimination (Employment and Occupational) Convention

This convention adopts proposals to eliminate discrimination in the field of employment and occupation, affirms the Declaration of Philadelphia, and states that all human beings have the right to pursue both their material well-being and their spiritual bent in conditions of freedom and dignity, of economic security and equal opportunity.

4. UN Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination

This declaration proclaims the necessity to eliminate racial discrimi- nation throughout the world, in all its forms and manifestations, and adopts national and international measures to that end.

5. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination

This convention resolves to adopt all necessary measures speedily to eliminate racial discrimination in all its forms and manifestations, and to prevent and combat racist doctrines and practices in order to promote understanding between races and to build an international community free from all forms of racial segregation and discrimination.

6. Declaration of the Principles of International Cultural Cooperation

This convention seeks to inculcate cross-cultural knowledge and awareness, and thus contribute to the establishment of peaceful, long-term relationships among the different nations. It also aims towards the enrichment of cultural life for the mutual benefit of all nations.

- 40 - - 41 -

ANNEX 4

7. InternationalCovenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

In recognitionof the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalien- able rights of every member of the human family as the foundationof freedom, justice, and peace in the world, this covenant details economic,social, and cultural rights based on the UniversalDeclara- tion of 1948.

8. InternationalCovenant on Civil and Political Rights

This covenant spells out civil and political rights based on the Universal Declaration. It establishesthe Human Rights Committee to receive reports on implementationand also investigatescom- plaints of violations.

9. Convention on the Non-Applicabilityof StatutoryLimitations to War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity

This convention realizes the necessity to affirm in international law, and to secure its universal application,the principlethat there is no statute of limitation for war crimes and crimes against humanity. It proclaimsthe need for effective punishment of war crimes and crimes against humanity whether committed in times of war or peace.

10. Slavery Convention

This convention declares that necessary steps be taken to prevent and suppress the slave trade, and to bring about the complete abolition of all forms of slavery.

11. SupplementaryConvention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade and the Institutionsand Practices Similar to Slavery

This convention serves to further the goals of the Slavery Convention,by securing the abolition of slavery, practices similar to slavery, the slave trade and institutions.

12. Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness

This conventionpromotes the reduction of statelessnessby inter- national agreement.

13. ConventionRelating to the Status of StatelessPersons

This convention regulates and improves the status of statelesspersons by internationalagreement. NATIONAL GOVERNMENT AGENCIES COORDINATING TRIBAL AFFAIRS*

LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN

Argentina Servicio Nacional del Indigena, Ministerio de Bienestar Social, [National Service for Indigenous Affairs, Ministry for Social Welfare], Defensa 120, Buenos Aires.

Bolivia Ministry of Peasant (Rural and Agricultural.) Affairs (mainly concerned only with the Quechua and Aymara highland peoples; no official policy towards the forest tribes).

Brazil Fundacao Nacional do Indio [National Indian Foundation] (FUNAI), Ministerio do Interior, SAS Quadra 1, Bloco A, Brasilia 70070, Brazil.

Chile Instituto Nacional de Desarollo Agropecuario (INDAP), Department of Agriculture.

Colombia Diviston de Asuntos Indfgenos [Division of Indigenous Affairs], Ministerio del Gobierno. Cosejo Nacional de Polftica Indigenista (National Council on Indigenous Policy), established 1971. Administrative Department for the Develop- ment of the Community and Indigenous Affairs.

Costa Rica Consejo Nacional de Asuntos Indigenos (CONAI).

Ecuador No official tribal agency. However, IERAC Agrarian Reform established the Alama Reservation in 1971; in 1976, the Ministry of Agriculture was exploring the possibility of establishing a body to centralize Indian affairs during rural development.

El Salvador No official tribal agency.

Guatemala Instituto Indigenista Nacional, Ministerio de Educaci6n.

Guyana Minister of Regional Development. Amerindians are Guyanese citizens. The leader or captain of each Amerindian council is appointed by the government, and annual meetings of the council are held. Race Relations Department, Ministry of Education, Brickdam, Georgetown.

Honduras Closest entity: Ministerio de Cultura y Turismo.

* Arranged according to the Regional Offices of the World Bank.

- 42 - - 43 -

ANNEX 5

Mexico InstitutoNacional Indigenista,Avenida Revoluci6n 1279, Mexico, DF.

Instituto IndigenistaInteramericano (OAS), Avenida InsurgentesSur 1690, Mexico, DF 20.

Nicaragua Ministerio de la Costa Atlantica (for the Miskito Amerindians).

Panama Local Government and IndigenousPolicy Section, Ministry of Government and Justice.

Paraguay Department of IndigenousAffairs (established1958), Ministry of Defence. InstitutoNacional del Indio (INDI) [National Indian Institute],Decree No. 22274 of April 1976. Indigenist Association of Paraguay (semiofficial).

Peru Divisio'nde ComunidadesNativas de la Selva [NativeForest CommunitiesDivision], Ministry of Agriculture. National System of Support for Social Mobilization (SINAMOS)has the responsibilityfor the forest-dwellingIndians (about 200,000) under 1974 legislation.

Suriname Ministry of InternationalAffairs. District Administrator.

Venezuela Federacion Indigena del TerritorioFederal, IVIC, Apartado 1827, Caracas 101. National Commission for the Indigenous (honoraryconsultative and advisory body to the government);the Central Office for IndigenousAffairs is the executive arm. Commissionfor Developmentof the South (CODESUR)holds executive power over tribal peoples from its duties con- cerning the economic developmentof the area south of the Orinoco River.

SOUTH ASIA

Bangladesh Ministry of Cultural Affairs. Secretary of the Ministry of Home Affairs. Hilltribes DevelopmentBoard, Chittagong.

Burma Frontier Areas Administration-- sponsors the Hill Peoples RegulationAct of 1889 which put tribal peoples under special jurisdiction.

India Tribal Welfare Institute,The Tribal DevelopmentDivision, Ministry of Home Affairs. - 44 -

EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC

China, Central Institute for National Minorities. People's Republic of

Fiji Ministry of Fijian Affairs and Rural Development. Native Land Trust Board -- supports careful use of tribal lands to promote development.

Indonesia Department of Social Welfare (DEPSOS), Ministry of Social Affairs (resettlement of tribal people is done by other agencies), Jalan Juanda 36, Jakarta.

Korea, No official tribal agency. Republic of

Lao People's Le Comite' des Nationalites. Democratic Republic

Malaysia Department of Orang Asli Affairs.

Papua Office of Home Affairs. Also, the Department of Decentra- New Guinea lization which deals with the provinces, containing the Division of Provincial Affairs. All inhabitants of Papua New Guinea are considered citizens, no special legislation for tribal populations.

Philippines Presidential Assistant on National Minorities (PANAMIN), 36 Rosario Drive, Quezon City, Manila.

Thailand Department of Public Welfare.

Hill People Development and Welfare Division, Ministry of Interior, also carried out a socioeconomic survey in 1961-62 on selected tribes: Meo, Yoa, Lahu, Lisu, Akha, and Karen. Deliberate government involvement with northern hill tribes began in 1955 with the program of the Border Patrol Police and was intensified in 1959 when the Department Public Welfare was assigned research and develop- ment activities in remote mountain regions.

Tribal Research Centre, Public Welfare Department in the University of Chiengmai. - 45 -

Viet Nam No official tribal agency.

Western Samoa No official tribal agency.

EUROPE, MIDDLE EAST, AND NORTH AFRICA

Afghanistan Ministry of Frontiers and Tribal Affairs.

Algeria No official tribal agency.

Bahrain No official tribal agency.

Egypt, Arab No official tribal agency. Republic of

Iran

Iraq No official tribal agency, but inquiries are to be directed to the Ministry of Culture and Information.

Jordan No official tribal agency.

Kuwait Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, Assistant Undersecretary for Social Affairs.

Lebanon No official tribal agency.

Libya No official tribal agency.

Morocco Ministry of the Interior.

Oman The primary responsibility is the administrator (the Wali) of each regional government, otherwise, the Ministry of the Interior. Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor. Ministry of Aquaf and Islamic Affairs. Ministry of Diwan Affairs (deals with questions concerning the Sultan).

Quatar Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs: Ali Al-Ansari, Minister.

Saudi Arabia Ministry of Interior. Ministry of Planning. Ministry of Tourism.

Syria No official tribal agency.

Tunisia Minist'ere des Affaires Sociales.

Turkey No official tribal agency. - 46 -

Europe, Middle East, and North Africa (continued)

United Arab Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, Box 809, Abu Dabi, Emirates U.A.E. (for nomadic peoples).

Yemen Arab No official tribal agency. Republic

WESTERN AFRICA

Benin, Ministere de l'Inte"rieur. People's Republic of

Cameroon Ministry of Information and Culture.

Cape Verde No official tribal agency.

Chad No official tribal agency.

Congo, No official tribal agency. People's Republic of the

Gabon Ministere des Affaires Sociales et de la Promotion Feminine.

Gambia, The Ministry of Economic Planning: Community Development and Indigenous Planning Board.

Guinea Minist'ere de l'Education et de la Culture: Commissariat du Sport, de l'Art, et de la Culture.

Guinea-Bissau No official tribal agency.

Ivory Coast No official tribal agency.

Liberia Ministry of Information, Cultural Affairs and Tourism. Ministry of Local Government (modern and traditional legal aspects).

Mali No official tribal agency.

Mauritania No official tribal agency, since there is no differentiation between tribal groups.

Niger Minist'ere de l'Inte'rieur;Centre national pour la recherche humaine (CNRH).

Nigeria Ministry of Internal Affairs. - 47 -

Senegal No official tribal agency.

Sao Tome No official tribal agency. e Principe

Sierra Leone Ministry of Tourism and Cultural Affairs.

Togo No official tribal agency.

Upper Volta No official tribal agency.

EASTERN AFRICA

Angola

Botswana Ministry of Local Government and Land: Remote Areas Development Program.

Burundi No official tribal agency.

Ethiopia The Department of Nationalities has been incorporated within the new infrastructure of the Ethiopian Socialist Party Commission. Relief and Settlement Commission.

Kenya No official tribal agency.

Lesotho No official tribal agency, since the country is composed basically of one large tribal group (with many "claims"). Ministry of Information.

Madagascar No official tribal agency.

Malawi No official tribal agency.

Mozambique No official tribal agency.

Rwanda Ministry of Economy and Commerce.

Seychelles No official tribal agency.

Somalia No official tribal agency.

Swaziland No official tribal agency. - 48 -

Eastern Africa (continued)

Sudan Tribal groups are dealt with at the level of local govern- ments. Temporary agencies have been set up for the resettlement of Halfa groups, and nomadic tribe refugees.

Tanzania Ministry of Information and Culture.

Uganda No official tribal agency.

Zaire Departement de l'Administration du Territoire.

Zambia No official tribal agency. ANNEX 6

NON-GOVERNMENTALORGANIZATIONS CONCERNEDWITH TRIBAL AFFAIRS (Selective listing only)

UNITED STATES-BASED GROUPS

American Indian Movement 1209 4th St., S.E. Minneapolis, MN 55414

Amnesty International Washington, D.C. (202) 544-0200

Amnesty International 304 West 58th New York, NY (212) 582-4440

Anthropological Resource Center 59 Temple Place Suite 444 Boston, MA 02111 or P.O. Box 90 Cambridge, MA 02138 (617) 426-9286

Borneo Research Council Phillips, Maine 04966 (207) 639-3636

Cultural Survival 11 Divinity Ave. Cambridge, MA 02138 (617) 495-2562

Friends of the Filipino People 1232 Irving St. Washington, D.C. 20013 (202) 797-9705 (202) 797-9704 and 646 Foothill Blvd. Oakland, CA 94606

Human Rights Internet 1502 Ogden St. Washington, D.C. 20015 (292) 462-4320

- 49 - - 50 -

United States - Based Groups (continued)

Indigena P.O. Box 4073 Berkeley, CA 94 94704

Institute for Policy Studies 1901 Q St., N.W. Washington, D.C. (202) 234-9382

Institute for the Development of Indian Law 927 15th St., N.W. Suite 612 Washington, D.C. 20005 (202) 638-2287

International Association of Filipino Patriots P.O. Box 24737 Oakland, CA 94623

International Treaty Council 777 UN Plaza Room lOF New York, NY 10017

Micronesian Legal Services Corp. 1424 16th St., N.W. Suite 304 Washington, D.C. 20036

Native American Research 1026 Westdale Drive Lawrence, KA 66044 (913) 841-6916

Native American Studies Tecumseh Center University of California Davis, CA 95616

Pacific Research 867 West Dane St., 204 Mountainview, CA 94041

Research on Minority Rights Minority Studies University of Wisconsin - La Crosse 1725 State St. La Crosse, WI 54601 - 51 -

Southeast Asia Resource Center P.O Box 4000D Berkeley, CA 94704 (415) 548-2546

Summer Institute of Linguistics 7500 West Camp Wisdo Road Dallas, TX 75236 (214) 298-3331

Survival International (U.S.A.) 245 Fifth Ave. Suite 2305 New York, NY 10016 (212) 683-3987

Survival International (U.S.A.) 2121 Decatur St., N.W. Washington, D.C. 20008 (202) 265-1077 (See also Survival International, London)

UN Commission on Human Rights Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities United Nations Plaza New York, NY 10017

World Council of Indigenous Peoples Standford 1117, N.E. Albuquerque, NM 87131

See also: UN Listing of Non-Governmental Organizations in consultative status Yearbook of International Organizations: Union of International Associations Brussels, Belgium, 1979

CANADIAN-BASED GROUPS

Canadian Association in Support of the Native Peoples 251 Laurier Ave. West Suite 904 Ottawa, Ont. KIP 5J6

Native Council of Canada 72 Metcalf St. Suite 200 Ottawa, Ont. KIP 5J6 - 52 -

Canadian-Based Groups (continued)

Native People½s Resource Center 533 Clarence St. London, Ont. N6A 3N1

Northern Native Rights Campaign Project North 154 Glenrose Ave. Toronto, Ont.

Quaker Committee for Native Concerns 60 Lowther Ave. Toronto, Ont. M5R 1C7

Regional Council of Indigenous Peoples c/o Armando Rojas, President Bankal building 102 Bank St. Ottawa, Ont. KlP 5N4

EUROPEAN-BASED GROUPS

Aborigines Protection Society 180 Brixton Road London SE9 6AT United Kingdom

AMAZIND Documentation and Information for Indigenous Affairs in the Amazon Region 17, rue de Sources 1205 Geneva Switzerland or P.O. Box 509 1211 Geneva 3 Switzerland

Amnesty International 10 Southampton Road London WC2E 78F United Kingdom

Anti-Slavery Society (for the Protection of Human Rights) Committee for Indigenous Peoples 180 Brixton Road London SW9 6AT United Kingdom

Arbeitskreis fur Lateinamerikanische Indianer Im Fiedlersee 37 61 Darmstadt-Arheiligen Federal Republic of Germany - 53 -

Belgische Werkgroup Indianen Zuid-Amerika c/o Jean Bot Maastrichterstraat 4 3700 Tongeren Belgium

Brazil Op Weg (Brazil on the Way) Domstraat 29 Postbus 380 3500 AJ Utrecht Netherlands

Commission de Sauvegarde des Indiens Universit6 Paris VII 2, Place Jussieu 75005 Paris France

Committee for Indigenous Minority Research and Action 5 Caledonia Road London Nl United Kingdom

Division of Human Rights United Nations Palais des Nations Ch 1211 Geneva 10 Switzerland

Gesellschaft fdr Bedrohte V6lker (Society for Endangered Peoples) Postfach 159 3400 G6ttingen Federal Republic of Germany

International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) Fiolstraede 10, DK-1171 Copenhagen K Denmark

Minority Rights Group Benjamin Franklin House 36 Craven St. London WC2N 5NG United Kingdom 01-930-6659 - 54 -

European-BasedGroups (continued)

Survival International 36 Craven St. London WC2 United Kingdom

Survival InternationalIreland 17 Parkview Avenue, Harolds Cross, Dublin 6, Ireland

Svensk-IndianskaForbundet Box 9113 10272 Stockholm 9 Postgiro 25 44 14-6 Sweden

Werkgroup Indianen Zuid-Amerika Minahassastraat1 Postbus 4098 1009 Amsterdam Netherlands

LATIN AND CENTRAL AMERICAN-BASED GROUPS

ARGENTINA Asociacio'n Indigenista de la Republica Argentina Balbastro 1790 Buenos Aires

BOLIVIA Movimento Indio Tupak Katari: MITKA Casilla 6106 La Paz

BRAZIL CoQiissao pela Cria9go do Parque Yanomami (CCPY) Rua Sao Carlos do Pinhal 345 01333 Sao Paulo

Comissao Pro-Indio SP (CPI) Rue Caiubi, 126 Sao Paulo--Capital

COLOMBIA Asociacion Pro-Indigenas de Colombia Apartado Aereo 29225 Bogota

Consejo Regional Indigena del Cauca: CRIC Apartado Aereo 516 Popayan, Cauca - 55 -

Comision por la Defensa del Indigena en Colombia Apartado Aereo 14 650 Bogota

Fundacion de Solidaridadcon Indigenasy Campesinos Apartado Aereo 28195 Bogota 1

ECUADOR Instituto IndigenistaEcuatoriano

GUYANA AmerindianAssociation of Guyana Georgetown

MEXICO Centro Antropologicode Documentaci6nde America Latina Apartado Postal M-2405 Mexico 1, DF

Centro Nacional de Pastoral Indfgena Gomez Palacio 142 Mexico, DF

InstitutoIndigenista Interamericano (Inter-American Indian Institute,OAS) Ni?os Heroes 139 Mexico, DF

PARAGUAY Asociaci6nde ParcialidadesIndigenas (API) Defensa Nacional 849 Casilla Postal 1796 Asunci6n

AsociacionIndigenista del Paraguay (AIP) Asuncion

PERU Centro de Investigaci6n Amazonica Ricardo Palma 666-D Lima 18

Comunidad Nativa Tsachgoen Correo Central via Tarma Apartado 12 Exapampa

Movimento Indio Peruano Consejo Nacional Al Guise 2179-6093 Lince, Lima - 56 -

EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC-BASED GROUPS

PHILIPPINES Philippine Association for Intercultural Development Room 209, UCCP Building 877 C. de los Santos Ave. Quezon City 99-62-41

Anthropology Association of the Philippines Anthropology Department University of the Philippines Diliman Quezon City

Episcopal Commission on Tribal Filipinos Rm 15 Capital Bldg. 372 Cabildo St. Intramuros, Manila ANNEX 7

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Page No.

Section 1: Bibliography--by Author ...... 59

Section 2: Bibliography--by Subject ...... 105

Section 3: Bibliography--by Country or Region ..... 107

- 57 -

Section 1: Bibliography--by Author

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Anderson, E. 1972. The Life and Culture of Ecotopis (264-283), in Hymes, D.H. (ed.), Reinventing Anthropology. New York: Pantheon Books. 470 p.

Anderson, J.W. 1978. There Are No Khans Anymore -- Economic Development and Social Change in Tribal Afghanistan. Washington, D.C.: Middle East Journal 32(2):167-183.

Anonymous. 1978. Land and the Forest-Dwelling South American Indian: The Role of National Law. Buffalo, New York: Buffalo Law Review 27(4):759-800.

Anonymous. 1977 Anthropology in the Development Process. New Delhi, India: Vikas Publishing House. 560 p.

Anonymous. 1980. Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Development. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America. 466 p.

Appell, G.N. 1975. Indigenous Man. London: Survival International 9&10:7-12.

Appell, G.N. 1975. The Pernicious Effects of Development. New York: UN Association, Fields Within Fields 14:31-41.

- 59 - - 60 -

Appell, G.N. 1976a. The Rungus: Social Structure in a Cognatic Society and its Ritual Symbolization, in Appell, G.N. (ed.), The Societies of Borneo. Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association. 160 p.

Appell, G.N. (ed.). 1976b. The Societies of Borneo: Exploration in the Theory of Cognatic Social Structure. Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association. 160 p.

Appell, G.N. (ed.). 1976c. Studies in Borneo Societies: Social Process and Anthropological Explanation. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies Special Report. 158 p.

Appell, G.N. 1977. The Status of Social Science Research in Sarawak and Its Relevance for Development. Williamsburg, Virginia: College of William and Mary, Studies in Third World Societies 2:1-90.

Appell, G.N. 1977. The Plight of Indigenous Peoples: Issues and Dilemmas. London: Survival International Review 2(3):11-16.

Appell, G.N. 1978. The Status of Social Science Research in Borneo. Ithaca, New York: South East Asia Program, Cornell University. 117 p.

Appell, G.N. 1979. Basic Elements for Demonstration Projects to Help Threatened Indigenous Groups. President-s Report for Survival International, U.S.A. New York: Survival International, U.S.A. p. 38-46.

Appell, G.N. 1980. The Social Separation Syndrome. London: Survival International Review 5 (1/29):13-15.

Appell, G.N. 1981. The Health Consequences of Social change, in Stark, L., and Macdonald, T. (eds.), Amazonia: Extinction or Survival: The Impact of National Development on the Native People of Tropical South America. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Arcand, B. 1972. The Urgent Situation of the Cuiva Indians of Colombia. Copenhagen: IWGIA* Document No. 7.

* IWGIA: The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Copenhagen, Denmark. - 61 -

Arcand, B. 1972. The Cuiva (105-107), in Dostal, W. (ed.), The Situation of the Indian in South America. Geneva: World Council of Churches. 453 p.

Arens, R. 1976. Genocide in Paraguay. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Temple University Press. 171 p.

Arens, R. 1978. The Forest Indians in Stroessner's Paraguay: Survival or Extinction? London: Survival International Document No.4. 13 p.

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Asad, T.; Cunnison, I.; and Hill, H. 1966. Settlement of Nomads in the Sudan: A Critique, in Agricultural Development in the Sudan, Vol. 1. Khartoum: Philosophical Society of the Sudan.

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Aspelin, P. 1979. Indian Areas Threatened by Hydroelectric Projects in Brazil. Florianopolis, Brazil: Federal University of Santa Catarina. 53 p.

Barabas, A., and Bartolome, M. 1973. Hydraulic Development and Ethnocide: The Mazatec and Chinantec People of Oaxaca, Mexico. Copenhagen: IWGIA Document No. 15. 20 p.

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Bardhan, A.B. 1976. The Tribal Problem in India. New Delhi: Communist Party of India Publication 12. 96 p.

Barker, D. 1978. A Note on Research Methods in the Study of Indigenous Environmental Knowledge. Background paper for the IGU Workshop on Perception of Environmental Quality. Ibadan, Nigeria: University of Ibadan. - 62 -

Barker, D. 1979. Appropriate Methodology: An Example Using a Traditional African Board Game to Measure Farmer-s Attitudes and Environmental Images. Brighton, United Kingdom: Institute of Development Studies Bulletin 10(2):37-40.

Barnes, J.A. 1968. Australian Aboriginals? Or Aboriginal Australians? New Guinea 3(l):43-47.

Bartolome, M.A. 1969. La Situaci•n de los Guaranies (Mbya) de Misiones (Argentina). Asunci6n, Paraguay: Suplemento Antropol6gico de la Revista del Ateneo Paraguayo 4(2).

Bartolome, M.A. 1972. The Situation of the Indians in the Argentine. The Chaco Area and Misiones Province (218-251), in Dostal, W. (ed.), The Situation of the Indian in South America. Geneva: World Council of Churches. 453 p.

Barton, R.F. 1949. The Kalingas: Their Institutions and Custom Law. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press. 275 p.

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Bateson, G. 1972. Ecology and Flexibility in Urban Civilization (494-505), in Bateson, G. (ed.), Steps to an Ecology of Mind. San Francisco, California: Chandler. 545 p.

Bayliss-Smith, T., and Feachem, R. (eds.). 1977. Subsistence and Survival: Rural Ecology in the Pacific. London: Academic. 428 p.

Beale, R. 1955. Indian-Mestizo-White Relations in Spanish America (Chapter 18), in Sind, A.W. (ed.), Race Relations in World Perspective. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Bell, M. 1979. The Exploitation of Indigenous Knowledge or the Indigenous Exploitation of Knowledge: Whose Use of What for What? Brighton, United Kingdom: Institute of Development Studies Bulletin 10(2):44-50. - 63 -

Belshaw, D. 1979. Taking Indigenous Technology Seriously: The Case of Inter-Cropping Techniques in East Africa. Brighton, United Kingdom: Institute of Development Studies Bulletin 10(2):24-27.

Benenson, A.S. (ed.). 1975. Control of Communicable Disease in Man. New York and Washington, D.C.: American Public Health Association. 413 p.

Bennett, C.F., Jr. 1962. The Bayano Cuna Indians, Panama: An Ecological Study of Livelihood and Diet. Washington, D.C.: Annals of the Association of American Geographers 52:32-50.

Bennett, G. 1978a. Aboriginal Rights in International Law. London: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Occasional Paper 38:1-30.

Bennett, G. 1978b. Aboriginal Title in the Common Law: A Stony Path Through Feudal Doctrine. Buffalo, New York: Buffalo Law Review 27(4):617-667.

Bennett, G. 1979. Why an International Tribunal: the Legal Background. London: Survival International Review 4(3):15-17.

Berdichewsky, B. 1977. Agrarian Reform in Chile and Its Impact on Araucanian Indian Communities, in Sevilla-Casas, E. (ed.), Western Expansion and Indigenous Peoples. The Hague, Netherlands: Mouton. 307 p.

Berdichewsky, B. 1975. The Araucanian Indian in Chile. Copenhagen: IWGIA Document No. 20. 37 p.

Berlin, B.; Breedlove, D.E.; and Raven, P.H. 1974. Principles of Tzeltal Plant Classification: An Introduction to the Botanical Ethnography of a Mayan-speaking People of Highland Chiapas. New York: Academic Press. 660 p.

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Black, I.D. 1977. Inter-EthnicRelations and Culture Change under Colonial Rule: A Study of Sabah, in Appell, G.N. (ed.), Studies in Borneo Societies. De Kalb, Illinois: Northern Illinois University,South East Asian Studies Department.

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Brookfield, H.C.; Bayliss-Smith, T.P.; Bedford, R.D.; Brookfield, M.; Campbell, J.C.; Hardaker, J.B.; and Latham, M. 1977. The Eastern Islands of Fiji: Ecology, Population and Development. Paris: Unesco. 407 p.

Brooks, E., et al. 1973. Tribes of the Amazon Basin in Brazil, 1972. London: Charles Knight. 201 p.

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Burling, R. 1967. Tribesmen and Lowlanders of Assam (India) (215-232), in Kunstadter, P. (ed.), Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities and Nations. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. 903 p.

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Carey, I.Y. 1963. The Malayan Orang Asli and Their Future. Kuala Lumpur: Commissioner for Orang Asli Affairs.

Carey, I.Y. 1973. The Administration of the Aboriginal Tribes of Western Malaysia. Chicago, Illinois: International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences (IXth) 0528. 46 p.

Carlston, K.S. 1968. Social Theory and African Tribal Organization. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 462 p.

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Carneiro, R.L. 1970. The Transition from Hunting to Horticulture in the Amazon Basin. Durham, United Kingdom: Proceedings of the International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences 8:244-248.

Carneiro, R.L. 1978. The Knowledge and Use of Rain Forest Trees by the Kuikuru Indians of Central Brazil (201-216), in The Nature and Status of Ethnobotany. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Anthropological Paper, No. 7.

Caswell, D., and Molina, G. 1954. Promoci6n de desarrollo en grupos indIgenas del Oriente Ecuatoriano servidos por misioneros evangelicos; artesanias, defensa de la salud, seguro social y poblaciones selvaticas. Quito, Ecuador: Actas del V Congreso Indigenista Interamericano 3:226-240.

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Chagnon, N.A. 1968a. Yanomamo, the Fierce People. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 142 p.

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Chagnon, N.A. 1973. The Culture Ecology of Shifting (Pioneering)Cultivation among Yanomamo Indians (126-142),in Gross, D.R. (ed.), Peoples and Cultures of Native South America. Garden City, New York: Doubleday. 566 p.

Chagnon, N.A. 1979. EvolutionaryBiology and Human Social Behavior. Boston, Massachusetts: Duxbury Press. 623 p.

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Chayanov, A.V. 1966. The Theory of Peasant Economy, in Thorner, D. (ed.) Homewood, Illinois: American Economic Association,Irwin. 317 p.

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CULTURAL CHANGE: Tribal Groups and Change

Bernard and Pelto, 1972. Berry and Annis, 1974. Berry, 1975. Broom and Kitusi, 1955. Colletta, 1977. Crosby, 1972. de Kadt, 1979. De Vos, 1976. Foster, 1962. French, Rodgers, and Cobb, 1974. Hansen and Oliver-Smith, 1982. Harding, 1960. Hinkle, 1974. Mair, 1965. Maybury-Lewis, 1979. Nash, 1977. Noronha, 1979. Peel, 1976. Redfield, 1935. Service, 1971. Sevilla-Casas, 1977. Smith, 1977. Steward, 1972.

DEVELOPMENT and Tribal Groups

Appell, 1975. Appell, 1977. Barbira-Scazzocchio, 1980. Bodley, 1975. Goulet, 1971. Hunter, 1974. Maybury-Lewis, 1980.

DISCRIMINATION and Tribal Groups

Simpson and Yinger, 1958. United Nations, 1973. United Nations, 1978. United Nations, 1979. Wright and Akwesasenotes, 1982.

ECONOMICS and Tribal Groups

Bicchieri,i972. Chayanov, 1966. Dalton, 1967. Dalton, 1971. Dobyns, 1973. Dommen, 1974. Konczacki, 1978. Lathrap, 1968. Nash, 1966. Schapera, 1967.

GOVERNMENT and Tribal Groups

Appell, 1978. Bennett, 1978a. Bennett, 1978b. Bennett, 1979. Buckley, 1980. Clinebell and Thomson, 1978. Corry, 1978. Department of State,1978. Edwards, 1972. Organization of American States, 1979. Piven and Cloward, 1965. Sanders, 1973. Suter, 1978.

HEALTH and Tribal Groups

Appell, 1975. Benenson, 1975. Black, 1975. Brownlee, 1978. Center for Disease Control, 1978. Feachem, 1975. Leighton, 1967. May, 1961. Miller, 1970. Moody, 1965. Newman, 1975. Nutels, 1968. PAHO, 1968. Solomon, Amkraut, and Kasper, 1974. Vogel, 1970.

INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE and Tribal Groups

Amaru IV Cooperative, 1980. Barker, 1978. Barker, 1979. Bell, 1979. Belshaw, 1979. Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven, 1973. Bodley, 1977. Dasmann, 1975. Dommen, 1975. Elkin, 1946. Hanbury-Tenison, 1980. Hazelton, 1980.

- 105 - - 106 -

IndigenousKnowledge and Tribal Groups (continued)

Howes, 1979. Howes and Chambers,1979. Janzen, 1973. Lee, 1968. O'Keefe and Howes, 1979. Neel, 1970. Richards, 1975. Richards, 1979. Swift, 1979. Thompson, 1970. Wyatt, 1979.

TRAINING and Tribal Groups

Cochrane, 1979. Cole, Gay, Glick, and Sharp, 1971. Section 3: Bibliography--by Country or Region

AFGHANISTAN

Anderson, 1978.

AFRICA General

Allan, 1965. Carlston, 1968. Dornboos and Lofchie, 1971. Douglas, 1965. Duignan, 1971. Gibbs, 1965. Heinz and Maguire (undated). Horton, 1967. Hughes and Hunter, 1972. Johannesburg Public Library, 1956. Lambo, 1965. Lee, 1969. Liniger, 1968. Manning, 1973. Marshall, 1960. Monod, 1975. Murdock, 1959. Richards, 1975, Turnbull, 1965. Turnbull, 1966. Turnbull, 1971. Western and Dunne, 1979.

ARGENTINA

Bartolome, 1969. Bartolome, 1972. Fock, 1966-67. Harner, 1968. Pupareli, 1969. Rodriguez, 1976.

ASIA, SOUTH-EAST

Embree and Dotson, 1950. Hunter, 1966. Kunstadter, 1967. LeBar, Hickey, and Musgrove, 1964. Murdock, 1960. Provencher, 1975. Thompson and Adleff, 1955. Wallace, 1972.

AUSTRALIA

Barnes, 1968. Elkin, 1954. Gale, 1972. Gould, 1969a. Gould, 1969b. Howard, 1978b. Howard, 1979. Schapper, 1970. Sharp and Tas, 1966.

BOLIVIA

Holmberg, 1969. Kelm, 1972. Lewis, 1978. Medina, 1977a. Riester, 1972. Riester, 1975. Tumiri-Apaza, 1978.

BRAZIL

Arnaud, 1973. Aspelin, 1975. Aspelin, 1979. Bourne, 1978. Brooks, 1973. Carneiro, 1964. Carneiro, 1970. Carneiro, 1978. Chagnon, 1968a. Chagnon, 1968b. Chagnon, 1973. Chagnon and Hames, 1979. Chiappino, 1975a,b. Cowell, 1974. Davis, 1977. Davis and Mathews, 1976. Denevan, 1966. Denevan, 1970. Fock, 1963. Fuerst, 1972. FUNAI (Funda9ao Nacional do Indio), 1975. Galvao, 1979. Gross, 1975. Gross, 1979. Goodland and Irwin, 1975. Goodland, Irwin, and Tillman, 1978. Guppy, 1958. Hanbury-Tenison, 1973. Hemming, 1978. Hopper, 1967. Huxley, 1957. Indigena, 1974. Junqueira, 1967. Junqueira, 1975. Kracke, 1979. Laraia and Da Matta, 1979. Martins de Souza, 1979. Maybury-Lewis, 1968.

- 107 - - 108 -

Brazil (continued)

Maybury-Lewis, 1969. Maybury-Lewis, 1974. Medina, 1977b. Melatti, 1972. Migliazza, 1978. Mora and Chirif, 1979. Presland, 1979. Price, 1975. Price, 1977a. Price, 1977b. Price, 1982. Ramos, 1979. Ramos and Taylor, 1976. Ribeiro, 1967. Ribeiro, 1970. Romanoff, 1977. Ross, 1978. Seeger, 1974. Seeger, 1979. Seeger, 1980. Seeger and de Castro, 1977. United States Congress, 1978. Vidal, 1977. Wagley, 1977.

BURMA

Lehman, 1967.

CANADA

Cumming, 1977. De'Ath and Michalenko, 1980. Sanders, 1973.

CHILE

Berdichewsky, 1975, 1977. Fortin, 1977.

CHINA

Diao, 1967.

COLOMBIA

Bonilla, 1972. Cardenas, 1972. Corry, 1976. Corry, 1978. Hugh-Jones, 1974. Medina, 1977c. Silverwood-Cope, 1972.

ECUADOR

Bromley, 1979. Burbano, 1964. Caswell and Molina, 1954. Robinson, 1972. Salazar, 1977. Whitten, 1976. Whitten, 1978.

ETHIOPIA

Harbeson, 1975. Knutsson, 1972.

GUATEMALA

Davis and Hodson, 1982. Guatemala, 1978. Medina, 1977d.

GUINEA-BISSAU

Darcy, Rosiska, and Miguel, 1975-6.

GUYANA

Colson, 1977. Fournier, 1979. Henfrey, 1964. Heningsgaard, 1981. Kenswil, 1946. Knapp, 1965. Menezes, 1977. Peberdy, 1948. Sanders, 1972. - 109 -

INDIA

Aiyappan, 1948. Burling, 1967. Gardner, 1972. Ghurye, 1963. Krishna, Bala Ratnam, and Bala Ratnam, 1961. Madhya Pradesh, Government of, 1979. Menon, 1966. Moser, 1972. Sinha, 1972. Sinha, 1974. Viayarth, 1974.

INDONESIA

Appell, 1976a. Appell, 1976b. Appell, 1976c. Appell, 1977. Black (undated). Colletta, 1975. Crystal, 1977. Dixon, 1974. Goodland, 1981. Haar, 1962. Harris, 1956. Hudson, 1972. Kennedy, 1962. King, 1974a. King, 1974b. Suparlan, 1979. Vayda, Colfer, and Brotokusomo, 1980.

JAPAN

Takakura, 1960. Ward, 1967.

LIBERIA

Harley, 1941. Kurtz, 1976.

MEXICO

Barabas and Bartolome, 1973. Wolf, 1959.

MALAYSIA

Carey, 1961, 1963, 1973. Clifford, 1968. Dentan, 1962. Dentan, 1968. Geddes, 1954a. Geddes, 1954b. Geddes, 1961. Gullick, 1958. Harrison, 1967. Jones, 1968. Malaya, Department of the Adviser on Aborigines, 1951. McTaggert, 1968. Pelzer, 1971. Ryan, 1962. Smith, 1961. Taylor, 1977. Williams-Hunt, 1952.

NEW GUINEA

Buchbinder, 1976. Bulmer, 1971. Clarke, 1966. Clarke, 1971. Dornstreich, 1973. Dornstreich, 1977. Feachem, 1975. Finney, 1973. Hipsley and Kirk, 1965. Hornabrook, 1977. Lowman, 1975. Rappaport, 1967. Watson, 1967.

NIGERIA

Faniran and Arcola, 1976. Freeman, 1955. Leighton, 1963. Norman, 1975. Smith, 1965.

NORTH AFRICA

Gellner, 1965. Hailey, 1957. - 110 -

PACIFIC

Bayliss-Smith and Feachem, 1977. Brookfield, Bayliss-Smith, Bedford, Brookfield, Campbell, Hardaker, and Latham, 1977. Colletta, 1980. South Pacific Commission, 1957.

PANAMA

Bennett, 1962.

PARAGUAY

Arens, 1976. Arens, 1978. Clastres, 1966. Clastres, 1972. Maybury-Lewis and Howe, 1980. Medina, 1977 e. Munzel, 1973. Munzel, 1974. Munzel, 1976. Reboratti, 1979. Sardi, 1971. Smith and Melia, 1978. Stephansky and Alexander, 1976. Stephansky and Helfeld, 1977.

PERU

Lewellen, 1978. Smith, 1974, 1979. Uriarte, 1971. Varese, 1972a. Varese, 1972b. Webster, 1971.

PHILIPINES

Conklin, 1957. Dozier, 1966. Drucker, 1978. Eggan and Hester, 1956. Evans-Pritchard, 1965. Nance, 1975. Philipines, 1980. Razon and Hensman, 1976. S.E. Asia Resource Center, 1979. Sinusat, 1973. Swain, 1977.

SOUTH AFRICA

Goodfellow, 1973. Heinz, 1966. Schapera, 1937. (rep. 1953). Schapera, 1941. Seligman, 1957.

SOUTH AMERICA General

Anonymous, 1978. Barbira-Scazzochio, 1980. Basso, 1977. Beale, 1955. Declaration of Barbados, 1972. Dostal, 1972. Grimes, 1978. Gross, 1973. Hames, 1980. Jackson, 1975. Lyon, 1974. Materne, 1980. Minority Rights Group, 1973. Moran, 1979. Murdock, 1951. O'Leary, 1963. O'Shaughnessy, 1973. Schapera, 1967. Steward, 1946-1963. Steward and Faron, 1959. Swepston, 1978. Udy, 1959. Werner, 1979. Wilbert, 1961.

SUDAN

Asad, Cunnison, and Hill, 1966. Deng, 1978.

SURINAM

Kloos, 1971, 1972, 1977. - ill -

THAILAND

Geddes, 1967. Manndorff,1967.

VENEZUELA

Coppens, 1972. de Jimenez, 1972. Harris, 1971. Mosonyi, 1972. Taylor, 1974.

VIETNAM

Hickey, 1967.

ZAIRE

Ciparisse,1978. The World Bank

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