The Korean English Linguistic Landscape

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World Englishes, Vol. 31, No. 1, pp. 70–92, 2012. 0883-2919

The Korean English linguistic landscape

C. BRUCE LAWRENCE∗

ABSTRACT: This paper utilizes sociolinguistic theories of social stratification, gravity and cascade models to analyze the usage of English in the linguistic landscape of Korea. Public signs in different regions of Seoul and Korea were photographed and analyzed according to the percentage of English, Korean, Konglish, and Chinese. Labov’s gravity model was not found to be accurate, but his social stratification and cascade models were moderately supported. However, in all regions of Seoul and greater Korea, there are domains of English. English is found in the physical domains of main streets, amusement parks and foreign districts, in the product domains of beer, wine and clothing, and in the sociolinguistic domains of modernity, luxury and youth.

INTRODUCTION The spread of English in Korea English has become the lingua franca of the world, so that, today, many people in the European Union, for example, use English to communicate with neighboring countries. The economic and cultural influence of the United States has lead to the increased use of English around the world and it is now the main language of international communication. English vocabulary items such as ‘taxi’, ‘visa’ and ‘exchange’ are used throughout the globe the tourism domain, and other English words are being borrowed into specific languages for specific purposes, such as ‘high hat’ (someone who puts on airs, a snob) in the Philippines (Platt, Weber, and Ho 1984), and ‘hand phone’ (cellular phone) in Japan and Korea (Lawrence 2010). However, the numbers that support this are confusing. English is not the language with the largest number of ‘native speakers’ (i.e. speakers of English in Inner Circle countries; see below). The Summer Institute for Linguistics (SIL) Ethnologue Survey (Gordon 2005), lists the top three languages by native speakers as Chinese, English and Hindi/Urdu. English is the most common language designated a ‘second language’, and Crystal (2003) lists 75 nations in which English ‘holds a special place’ with numerous L1 (first language) and L2 (second language) speakers. He calculates that there are around 98 million speakers of English as a second language, but estimates that number to be around 350 million if you include ESL immigrant populations living in English-speaking countries, adding that if you allow for those with a limited ability in English the number would soar to 1,500 million (Crystal 1995; 1997). Gargesh (2006) notes that English is also the preferred ‘language of the educated elite’ in many countries. Kachru (1985) suggests dividing the English-speaking world into three concentric circles. The first ‘Inner Circle’ includes countries such as the USA and the UK where English is used as a first language. The second ‘Outer Circle’ includes the countries where English is spoken as a second or

∗Ajou University, Dept. of Humanities, San 5, Woncheon-dong, Yeongton-gu, Suwon 443–749, S. Korea, (PhD candidate Seoul National University [SNU]). E-mail: [email protected]

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Figure 1. Korean education spending (Kim 2008)

significant language such as India and Singapore. The third ‘Expanding Circle’ refers to countries where English has acquired cultural or commercial importance, such as China and Russia. Recent estimates include Crystal’s (2003) estimation of the Outer Circle as being 300–500 million and Crystal’s (2010: 37) estimate of ‘First language speakers of English’ (369,706,100) and the population of ‘countries where English has special status as a medium of communication, including those where people learn it, usually in school, as a second language’ (2,902,853,000). The fever for English is by no means foreign to Korea, and Koreans now study English from elementary school all the way through university, although the Korea National Statistics Office estimates that school fees only cover about 24 per cent of English education costs. Today, Korean parents spend millions of won and thousands of dollars on extra-curricular English classes at language institutes or hagwons,covering 73 per cent of domestic English education costs, and an increasing amount of Korean parents are sending their children abroad to study English (see Figure 1). However, the nation of Korea and the city of Seoul actually have a rather tenuous relationship with English. While some policy makers feel that Korea needs to adopt English as an official language, others have argued that this would bring about the decline of the Korean language and the destruction of national identity. For example, The Seoul Devel- opment Institute (2004) has compared Singapore’s successful attempt to make English an official language with Jeju Island’sfailure to do so. Jeju is an island off the south west coast of Korea, where despite President Roh Moo-hyun’s efforts and the Jeju Provincial Gov- ernment’s interest in making English the ‘second official language’, local people remain resistant to this policy (Korea Herald 2003; Young 2008). The Institute concluded that Singapore succeeded because of ‘cultural flexibility’ and Jeju failed because of feelings of national identity, even though Jeju Island continues to promote English education and use through projects such as ‘The English Education City’ and ‘The Jeju Free International City’ (Young 2008). The Institute suggested that the Seoul City government work on increasing the population’s cultural flexibility and familiarity with English and, rather than adopting English as an official language, it should adopt English as a ‘public language’,

C 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd 72 C. Bruce Lawrence which they define as being ‘more culturally common than official language’ (author’s translation). In addition to Jeju Island, Korea and other Asian countries have mixed attitudes toward English. Some research indicates a positive attitude toward English due to its associations with ‘internationalization’, ‘reliability’, ‘modernity’ and ‘sophistication’ (Haarmann 1984; Takashi 1990; Song 1998). Other research indicates a neutral attitude toward English and its use for ‘new technology terms’, ‘neologisms’ and ‘euphemisms’ (Honna 1995) and it being ‘attitudinally neutral’ (Morrow 1987). Other research shows a negative attitude toward English. Lee (2004) suggests that Korean pop musicians use English as a language of ‘self-assertion’ and ‘resistance’ against older conservative values, while Lee (2006: 237) criticizes K-Pop star BoA for using ‘two languages of the other: the ex-colonizer Japan and the oft-accused unofficial imperialist America’. Collins (2005) argues that English was associated with ‘pro-Japanese conservativism’ and the ‘US military government’ and criticizes Korean pop singer J for not knowing what ‘tong-il (the reunification of North and South Korea)’ is. Baik (1992) argues that many Koreans are involved in the movement for the ‘purification’ of Korean and the use of ‘pure’ Korean words. So ‘English as a Public Language’ has its opponents.

Konglish The tenuous relationship between English and Korean has produced an offspring: Konglish. Like its name, it entails a mixture of English and Korean, but defining it is rather difficult. Academic studies have focused on loanwords (Tranter 1997), while (Shim 1999) viewed it as ‘codified Korean English’. However, Konglish is a spoken, not codified, language and its vocabulary has undergone too much transmutation to be simply labeled loanwords. Konglish is mentioned in a number of ESL textbooks (Fisher and Stuart 2006a, 2006b; Holt, Middleton, and Park 2008), and is the subject of a number of internet web- sites (such as http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Konglish; http://efl.htmlplanet.com/konglish. htm;http://www.funtrivia.com/trivia-quiz/Humanities/Konglish-101–203597.html). Konglish is often defined via vocabulary, sometimes via grammar, sometimes via pronunciation, and sometimes simply classed as ‘bad English’. Some of the processes involved in Konglish are similar to those of pidginization and creolization. For example, numerous scholars have noted the process of ‘simplification’ in the pidginization of languages (Decamp 1971; Hymes 1971; Foley 1997), and Konglish words such as ‘aircon (aircon- ditioner)’, ‘OT (orientation)’ and ‘home p (homepage)’ display similar simplification. Konglish is also similar to what Lightbrown and Spada (2001) define as ‘interlanguage’, which is a learner’s developing second language knowledge that may have characteristics of the learner’sfirst language, characteristics of the second language, and some characteristics that occur in most interlanguage systems. However, Konglish is perhaps closest to Platt et al.’s (1984) notion of ‘new Englishes’. They sought to distinguish ‘new Englishes’ from erroneous English or creative, but fleeting, usages of English, and devised the following criteria:

1. It has developed through the education system. 2. It has developed in an area where a native variety of English was not the language spoken by most of the population.

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3. It is used for a range of functions among those who speak or write it in the region where it is used. 4. It has become ‘localized’ or ‘nativized’ by adopting some language feature of its own, such as sounds, intonation patterns, sentence structures, words, expressions. (Platt et al. 1984: 2–3) Yet, all of these definitions fall short of delineating precisely what Konglish actually is. It cannot be described as a traditional ‘pidgin’ or ‘creole’ because it the context of its development has been very different from that found in pidgin/creole contexts. It is not a ‘new English’ or an interlanguage, because it is not an identifiable variety as such, but might rather be conceptualized as a sub-variety of Korean, in the form of words and phrases. At the same time, it cannot be considered a series of ‘mistakes’ either, because educated Koreans recognize that ‘director’ is not spelled ‘direkter’ or ‘Yesterday, I have visited to Japan’ should be ‘Yesterday, I visited Japan’. There should also be a recognizable consistency of usage in order to be termed Konglish. Therefore for this paper I will use a definition of Konglish that was communally generated at the March 27th Seoul KOTESOL Conference:

Konglish, Chinglish and Janglish are potential contact vernaculars developing as a creative mix between English and the local language, which normally include morphology, semantics and syntax but may also include pronunciation, pragmatics and discourse. They are ‘potential’ in that they are not considered languages, but subsections of languages. They are ‘contact’ in that they result from the contact of English and local languages. They are ‘creative’ in that they are not static, but dynamic with new elements appearing and some disappearing over time. They are a ‘mix’ in that elements of English are mixed with elements of the local language, or changed, or recombined with other elements of English in unique ways. (Lawrence 2010: 45)

Labov’s research on language variation Labov (1966) noted that pronunciation was linked to social stratification in New York City. He investigated the pronunciation of post-vocalic /r/ in relation to social status and hypothesized that the pronunciation of post-vocalic /r/ is an indicator of high status, and its absence is an indicator of low status, and that this distinction is correlated to the social environment. His research methodology was to go to three different department stores and ask for something which he knew was on the fourth floor (which contains two tokens of post-vocalic /r/) and note the pronunciation of the answer given. The department stores were chosen according to class: Sak’s 5th Avenue (upper middle class), Macy’s (lower middle class), and S. Klein (working class). He found that Sak’s 5th Avenue employees pronounce post vocalic /r/ the most (45%), followed by Macy’s (15%), then by S. Klein employees (5%). His data indicated that post-vocalic /r/ deletion is associated with the working class and post-vocalic /r/ pronunciation with the higher class. The pronunciation of /r/ ‘cascades’ down from upper middle class, to lower middle class and working class. In his later research on the linguistic influence between cities, Labov (2007) cites two models: ‘gravity’ and ‘cascade’. Trudgill’s(1974) gravity model describes the development and the spread of non-standard features from London to smaller British cities, through a process of diffusion related to the population size of cities. However, in other cases research using this model has not been as successful (Callary 1975; Bober and Strassel 2000). The more general cascade model, in which change proceeds from the largest to next largest city in

C 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd 74 C. Bruce Lawrence an area, has proven to be more applicable, but other studies indicate that it is only one of many possible models of territorial diffusion (Baily, Wikle, Tillery, and Sand 1993).

Linguistic landscapes In recent years, there has been growing interest in ‘linguistic landscapes’ (LL), a term first popularized by Landry and Bourhis (1997: 25) who define it as the ‘language of public road signs, advertising billboards, street names, place names, commercial shop signs, and public signs on government buildings [which] combines to form the linguistic landscape of a given territory, region, or urban agglomeration’. However, research in this area actually started earlier. The linguistic landscape of Jerusalem was studied by Rosenbaum, Nadel, Cooper, and Fishman (1977), by Spolsky and Cooper (1991), and again by Ben-Rafael, Shohamy, Amara, and Trumper-Hecht in 2004. They found that the western areas of the city are dominated by Hebrew, while the eastern parts, including the Old City, are Arabic dominated. Another pattern emerged in that public signs have much more Hebrew and private signs have more English, suggesting that English is considered to be a ‘neutral’ language. Lee (1979) undertook research into the linguistic landscape of six different cities in Korea and found that larger cities, apparel shops and city centers have more signboards containing foreign language, and that the use of hangeul (Korean characters) is on the rise. Montreal’s linguistic landscape was assessed by Monnier (1989) who found that French dominated the east and English the west. Monnier also found that 90 per cent of department stores signs were monolingual French, whereas this number was only 39 per cent in hotels and restaurants, suggesting the necessity of English in the domain of tourism. Calvet (1990; 1994) compared the cities of Paris and Dakar, and found that despite being ‘a French city’, Paris had a high degree of multilingualism with signs in French, written in the Roman alphabet, Arabic in Arabic script, and Chinese in Chinese characters. Dakar’s notion of linguistic landscape was more inclusive in some respects, and, for example, Chinese script on a restaurant was not merely seen as a literal message, but an indication that Chinese food is served there. The linguistic landscape of Brussels was studied by Wenzel (1996) who found that the city is divided geographically: the north had more Dutch on billboards, whereas the south had more French; in the city center, English was more visible in the signs of shops selling electronic products, whereas French was used for fashion products. Scollon and Scollon (2003) noted that in Beijing English signs are not used for the benefit of foreign residents, but rather to ‘symbolize foreign taste and manners’. Reh (2004) noted that in Lira Town, Uganda, English was used in the domains of health, stationery, bookshops, photocopying and computer services, whereas the local language of Lwo was used in the domain of agriculture. Another important study of linguistic landscapes is Backhaus (2007), in which he com- piled a corpus of 2,444 multilingual signs observed in 28 survey areas in and around Tokyo. Backhaus distinguishes between a ‘semiotic sign’, defined as ‘any meaningful unit interpreted as standing for something other than itself’ (Backhaus 2007: 4) and a ‘public sign’, defined as ‘an inscribed surface displayed in public space in order to convey a message of wider concern to a non-specified group of readers’ (Backhaus 2007: 5). He classified government-related signs as ‘top-down signs’ and all others as ‘bottom- up’. Backhaus found that English appeared more frequently on bottom-up signs, while Japanese was predominant in top-down signs (over 97%). English also exhibited what he called ‘idiosyncrasies’ or ‘deviation from what is considered “proper” language use

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[...] used [in his research] in order to avoid expressions such as “error” or “mistake”’ (Backhaus 2007: 117). Idiosyncrasies were observed at the orthographic (‘alcohl’, ‘Chainese’), morphosyntactic (‘home made burger and cake’, ‘drug and cosmetic’) and lexical levels (‘coffee and restaurant’, ‘make facial cut’) (Backhaus 2007: 119–120). Id- iosyncrasies in Korean signs were absent, possibly because Korean texts are written by people of Korean origin (Backhaus 2007: 129). He concluded that public signs are a major semiotic sign of where one is in the world and what languages one ought to know (Backhaus 2007: 145). The research of Backhaus and others indicates two things. One is that English and other languages are distributed across linguistic landscapes unevenly according to geography. Another is that they are also distributed according to domains, with previous research revealing that English seems to be most dominant in the domains of tourism, technology, fashion and ‘bottom-up’ signs.

THE PRESENT RESEARCH Drawing on Labov, Backhaus and others, the research for this paper consisted of visiting different areas of Seoul and Korea that have different social status and taking pictures of public signs, and then analyzing such signs according to language, location, and domains. Research questions were as follows. Regarding language, what is the percentage of English, Konglish, Korean and Chinese in the signs? Regarding location, does the percentage change according to locale (main streets, alleys, inside stores and on street vendor signs)? Does it change in relation to various districts in Seoul (specifically, Gangnam, Sadang, Ttukseom, Itaewon, Insadong, Namdaemun and Dongdaemun markets)? Does it change in relation to cities in Korea (Bundang, Suwon, Shinduri and Busan)? Does it change in relation to other sites (Everland [theme park in Yongin], public transportation and bridges)? Regarding domains, are there certain domains where English can be expected to either exist or be absent? At the theoretical level, are the social stratification, gravity or cascade models supported by the data? Although this research is by nature qualitative, a quantitative aspect was included. Upon exiting a subway station a direction was chosen and a count was made of how many of out 100 were in English, Korean and Chinese. This gave a rough estimate of the percentage of each. The nearest alley was analyzed using the same method. Then, the nearest store was analyzed according to the amount of the three languages on the menu and wall posters. Any small, mobile, street vendors in the area were also photographed and a rough estimate of the amount of the target languages on their signs or menus was made. These vendors may be permanent tents or mobile, electrically motorized carts with sheltering canopies, and they may sell anything from clothing and caps to freshly cooked seafood and drinks.

Seoul Seoul is the largest city and the capital city of Korea. It is divided into numerous districts called gu, which are subdivided into smaller dong. This study looked at different areas of Seoul including Gangnam, Sadang, Ttukseom, Itaewon, Insadong, and the markets of Namdaemun and Dongdaemun (see Figure 2).

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Figure 2. Korea and Seoul Source: Korean map modified from: http://printable-maps.blogspot.com/2009/11/map-of-korea.html Seoul map modified from: http://mapsof.net/seoul/static-maps/gif/map-seoul-teukbyeolsi

Gangnam Gangnam (or Kangnam) is the financial heart of Seoul. In a broad sense, it is the part of Seoul which is located on the southern bank of the Han River. In a narrow sense, it is one of some 20 administrative districts of the city of Seoul (see Figure 2). First developed in the late 1960s, the area soon became fashionable and its land prices skyrocketed. In late 2006, the average price of one pyeong (3.3 square meters) in a Gangnam apartment complex was more than twice the Seoul average, and the district was home to a number of the rich and famous (Storey and Park 2001; Lankov 2009). One possible speculation, according to the gravity and cascade models, might be that Seoul is the starting place for language change in Korea, and, within Seoul, Gangnam might be the point of origin for language change in Seoul. The main street of Gangnam is full of English and Korean signs. Out of 100 signs, 50 were in English, 40 in Korean, and 5 in Chinese. There were 5 instances of Konglish: ‘Skinfood’, ‘FooVis’, ‘I’m Converse’, ‘Grand Open’ and ‘Size free’. ‘Skinfood’ obviously means food for your skin. ‘FooVis’ is a creative combination of ‘food’ and ‘vision’. ‘I’m Converse’ is a direct translation from the Korean practice of saying “naneun cola imnida/ I’m cola” when indicating which drink they want. ‘Grand Open’ is a shortening of ‘Grand Opening’. ‘Size free’ is a modification to the English phrase ‘One size fits all’ (see Figure 3). Inside the nearest shop, the frequency of English dropped. Some instances of Konglish were noticed (Men Restroom = Men’sRestroom). The dominant language became Korean, and Chinese disappeared (see Figure 4). One alley back from the main street revealed a very different pattern. Korean became dominant in 70 per cent of the signs. English was mixed with Konglish. There were more

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Figure 3. Street signs in Gangnam

Figure 4. No smoking and restrooms

Chinese signs than on the main street, especially for tea shops and oriental medicine stores. A row of street vendors had neither English nor Chinese, just Korean or no signs at all. The distribution showed that English is highly present on the main street, but decreases inside shops, in alleys and with vendors. Korean is moderately present on main streets and increases inside shops, in alleys and with vendors (see Figure 5 and Table 1).

Sadang Sadang is located in the south part of Seoul, in Dongjak-gu, at the crossing of subway lines 2 and 4 (see Figure 2). Following the social stratification, gravity and cascade model one would predict a smaller amount of English in the area of Sadang, because it is smaller and less significant than Gangnam. The history of ‘Sadang Furniture Street’ dates back to the 1970s when Gangnam became Seoul’s biggest booming area. Hundreds of new apartment complexes, townhouses and office buildings were built and residents needed new furniture to fill their new homes. Sadang became the location of furniture stores. Presently, it is suffering from the world economic crisis and the number of both foreign and domestic customers is falling (Jung 2009). Out of 100 signs on the main street only 30 per cent were in English. There was some Konglish (5%) (Soju and Hof = Korean Alcohol and Foreign Beer). There were some Chinese signs (5%). Inside the nearest shop there was an interesting pattern of English and Korean. All coffees were written in English

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Figure 5. Korean street signs

Table 1. Language percentage in Gangnam English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 50 5 40 5 Inside 40 5 55 0 Alleys 10 10 70 10 Vendors 0 0 100 0

Table 2. Language percentage in Sadang English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 30 5 60 5 Inside 30 0 70 0 Alleys 5 5 90 0 with Korean in brackets, for example Capuccino (). However, ‘smoothies’ and ‘sandwiches’ were written only in Korean. I asked the owner why and he said ‘I want to introduce my customers to English. I tried to write it all in English, but I couldn’t.’ There was also a large number of beer posters on the wall with the brand names of the beer written in English: ‘Hite’ and ‘Cass’. The alleys of Sadang showed a remarkable drop off in English. Out of 100 signs, only 10 were in English, 5 of which had Konglish.The remaining 90 per cent were in Korean. No Chinese signs or vendors were seen in Sadang (see Table 2).

Ttukseom The district of Ttukseom is located west of downtown Seoul, in Seongdong-gu, on subway line 2 (see figure 2). It does not have the power and wealth of Gangnam, nor the

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Table 3. Language percentage in Tteukseom English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 10 0 90 0 Inside 5 5 90 0 Alleys 0 0 100 0 Vendors 0 0 0 0

Table 4. Language percentage in Itaewon English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 80 10 10 0 Inside 95 0 5 0 Alleys 80 0 20 0 Vendors 0 0 10 90 exotic foreign influence of Itaewon, so according to the gravity model it would not possess much ‘gravity’. On the main streets there was not much English (10%), but what little there was had no Konglish. Inside English dropped off (5%) and exhibited some Konglish (5%) (‘A/S Center’ short for ‘After Service’ = Customer Service/Warranty Center). Alleys and vendors showed no sign of any language other than Korean (see Table 3).

Itaewon The area known as ‘Itaewon’ is the place for foreigners in Korea. It is located in the central area of Seoul, in Yongsan-gu, on subway line 6 (see Figure 2). After the US set up a military base in Korea during the 1970s, many foreigners stationed at the base settled in the area, naturally developing the region into a district catering to foreigners. It became famous for shopping, bars and nightlife (Storey and Park 2001) and infamous for ‘hostess bars’ and ‘Hooker Hill’ (Robinson, Bartlett and Whyte 2007, 128). In 1997, Itaewon was finally designated an official tourist zone (The Korea Tourism Organization 2011). On the main street of Itaewon, 80 per cent of the signs were in perfect English, 10 per cent had Konglish (‘24 open’ = ‘open 24 hours’). Korean signs made up 10 per cent. The amount of English inside actually increased. The only Korean observed were some menu items and an unfortunate ‘foreigners only’ sign. Alleys had a majority of perfect English (80%) and some Korean (20%). However, street vendors had an abundance of Chinese (90%) with only some Korean (10%). This perhaps indicates that Chinese is a marker of ‘traditional’ items (see Table 4).

Insadong Insadong is also a specialized area. It is located in the central area of Seoul, in Jongno- gu, near subway line 2 (see Figure 2). It is where officials, members or the extended royal family, and the yangban (aristocratic class) lived during the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1910). The shops originally established here carried everyday items of the privileged class, and later became antique shops and art galleries in the face of modernity (Song 2004). The

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Figure 6. The Insadong streetscape

Table 5. Language percentage in Insadong English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 20 5 60 15 Inside 30 0 70 0 Alleys 25 5 60 10 Vendors 5 0 95 0

main street of Insadong mostly had Korean signs (60%). There were some Chinese signs (15%) and English signs (20%), usually on art galleries and restaurants, and some Konglish (5%), mostly on menu signs (‘chicker leg with vegetable’). Actually, Insadong is famous for forcing Starbucks to write its sign in Korean. People in the area proudly told me it is the only case in the world where Starbucks did not use the English alphabet. It was government policy to have all outdoor signs in Korean (Lee 2001), but there were still many Chinese signs, and the Italian restaurant right beside Starbucks had its sign only in English. Inside the nearest shop, there was an interesting pattern. In other areas of Seoul, tea shops were all in Chinese, but in Insadong there was a mixture of Korean, English and Japanese. Alleys had a slight increase in English because the ‘Korean only’ law applies only to the main street. Street vendors had mostly Korean or no language at all (see Figure 6 and Table 5).

Namdaemun market Namdaemun market is the biggest traditional market in Korea, selling clothing, miscel- laneous goods, kitchenware and local and imported products. It is located in the center of Seoul, in Jung-gu (see figure 2). Namdaemun, as its name suggests (‘Great South Gate’ or Sungnyemun, ‘Gate of Exalted Ceremonies’) was once the main gate to the city, and is designated ‘National Treasure No. 1’ (Storey and Park 2001). There are hundreds of shops open day and night, offering both wholesale and retail prices, which enable visitors to purchase various shopping items at extremely inexpensive prices (Robinson et al. 2007, p. 135). The market is made up of a labyrinth of alleys with no main street. These alleys

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Figure 7. Namdaemun Market

Table 6. Language percentage in Namdaemun market English Konglish Korean Chinese

Alleys 10 0 85 5 Inside 5 5 85 5 Vendors 5 0 90 5

had mostly Korean signs (85%), some English signs (10%), which had no Konglish,but were usually short (1∼3 words), and some Chinese and Japanese signs (5%). Inside the shops, the quantity of English dropped. The instances of correct English were usually ‘sale’ signs and anything handwritten usually had some Konglish (‘PC Room’ = Internet Cafe).´ The ‘sale’ signs were usually large and colorful, and if percentages were given they were written from largest to smallest (e.g.%60-%40 SALE), the opposite convention to that of Inner Circle countries. Street vendor signs had very little English (5%). Chinese and Japanese signs were seen in equal numbers (5%) in alleys, shops and with street vendors (see Figure 7 and Table 6).

Dongdaemun market Dongdaemun market is one of the major markets in Korea specializing in wholesale clothing. It is located in the center of Seoul, in Jung-gu, and was also a major gate to the city (‘Great East Gate’ or Heunginjimun ‘Gate of Rising Benevolence’) (see Figure 2). The market is a massive collection of traditional markets, street vendors and department stores including ‘Migliore’ and ‘Doota’ (Robinson et al. 1988). On the main street there was a majority of Korean signs (60%), but there were many English signs (40%), mostly brand names. Inside there was a majority of English (70%), partly because of brand names and ‘sale’ signs, but primarily due to English on clothing, where there were numerous cases of Konglish (‘Nike, Just Do Me’, ‘Doota’ = Doosan Tower). Alleys had less English and street vendors had only Korean (see Figure 8 and Table 7). Four other cities were chosen for investigation, located at increasing distance from Seoul. These were, in order of proximity, Bundang, Suwon, Shinduri and Busan.

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Figure 8. Dongdaemun market

Table 7. Language percentage in Dongdaemun market English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 40 0 60 0 Inside 70 10 20 0 Alleys 10 0 85 5 Vendors 0 0 100 0

Table 8. Language percentage in Bundang English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 50 10 40 0 Inside 30 0 70 0 Alleys 10 0 90 0

Bundang Bundang is a district of the small city of Songnam, located 30 minutes south of Seoul (see figure 2). During the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1910), Bundang was a large farmland of rice paddies. In 1989, the local government announced that it would undertake construction of a futuristic and environmentally conscious city with a population of 450,000 people. It became a planned community to alleviate the excessive demand for high quality apartments in the similarly affluent, but much older, Gangnam area (Kim 1999). The signs on the main street of Bundang were mostly in English (50%) with some Konglish (‘Style Holic’). Inside shops and in alleys, the frequency of English dropped (30%). No Chinese signs were found, and there were no street vendors (see Table 8).

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Table 9. Language percentage in Suwon English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 10 5 80 5 Inside 25 5 70 0 Alleys 15 0 80 5 Vendors 0 0 100 0

Table 10. Language percentage in Shinduri English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 20 0 80 0 Inside 20 10 70 0 Pension 40 0 60 0 Minbak 0 0 100 0

Suwon Suwon lies approximately 30 kilometers south of Seoul (see Figure 2). It is the provincial capital of Gyeonggi Province and is a mixture of modern nightlife and ancient history. The gently meandering walls of Hwaseong fortress draw tourists from around the world. The fortress was built in the late 1700s with a palace attached to the walls that contain a water gate, a fire tower and numerous observation towers. The palace was destroyed by Japanese occupation forces, but was restored and designated a World Heritage site. Suwon is close to the Korean Folk Village, a reconstructed traditional Korean village (Robinson et al. 2007). Suwon’s main streets and alleys showed low levels of English (10%) and Konglish (5%) (‘Wa Bar’, which sounds like /waboa ‘come and see’), but it rose inside the nearest shops (25%) and then disappeared with vendors (see Table 9).

Shinduri Shinduri Beach is a small, isolated, picturesque beach approximately 150 km from Seoul (see Figure 2). It is not a significant town in Korea, and so could be placed at the bottom of the cascade and gravity models of language change. Its only point of significance was when the South Korean government declared the area a ‘state of disaster’ due to Korea’s worst ever oil spill (Deseret News 2007). The beaches have since been cleaned. The main street of Shinduri beach had very little English (20%), usually only hotel names. Inside the hotels the total frequency of English rose (30%), but with it rose the frequency of Konglish (10%) (‘No Loud’ = No Noise). The most interesting feature of the area was the difference between ‘pensions’ and ‘minbak’. In English ‘pension’ means a ‘French boarding house’ (Webster’s Dictionary 1990: 284). In Korea, it means a small, modern, hotel that is more expensive than a local ‘minbak’, which are older, local guesthouses. The amount of English on pension signs is higher than anywhere else in the area (40%), while English is absent on minbak signs (see Figure 9 and Table 10).

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Figure 9. Shinduri Beach

Table 11. Language percentage in Busan English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 60 0 40 0 Inside 40 10 50 0 Alleys 40 5 50 5 Vendors 5 0 95 0

Busan Busan (or Pusan) is the largest port city in South Korea and is the second largest metropolis, after Seoul. The city is located on the Southeastern tip of the Korean Peninsula and faces the Korea Strait (see Figure 2). It has had a long history of foreigner presence and influence, especially Japanese: Hideyoshi Totomi’s first invasion (1592–1593) started in Busan (Turnbull 2002). Busan has also had a long history of exposure to sailors from around the world (Storey and Park 2001). It was the only area not taken during the Korean War (Stokesbury 1990). Busan’s main street of Haeundae beach has a large amount of English (60%). English drops slightly inside (40%) and in alleys (40%) and almost disappears with street vendors (5%). The highest frequency of Konglish occurred inside stores (10%) (‘IcePia’ = ‘ice’ + ‘utopia’) (see Table 11).

Everland Other sites were also analyzed for the frequency of English, including a theme park ‘Everland’, public transportation and bridges. Everland is a large theme park located one hour south of Seoul. It is the largest amusement park in Korea and is owned by Samsung. It contains three distinct themes: Festival World, Caribbean Bay, and Speedway. Festival World includes regional themes such as American, European, and Equatorial Adventure and has a zoo, a botanical garden and numerous rides. Caribbean Bay is a water park that offers a wave pool, sandy beaches and other water adventures. Everland Speedway offers automobile, motorcycle and mountain bike racing (Robinson et al. 2007; Storey and Park 2001). There are no alleys in Everland, so main streets, inside stores and venues and vendors were studied. The frequency of English on main streets was very high (60%), but 10 per cent of it was Konglish such as ‘Headgear’, ‘Gamepia’ and ‘Zootopia’

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Table 12. Language percentage in Everland English Konglish Korean Chinese

Main 60 10 30 0 Inside 20 10 70 0 Vendors 40 10 50 0

Figure 10. Signs in the subway, on a taxi, on a road and in a bus

(‘game/zoo’ + ‘utopia’). Inside stores, English dropped, but Konglish remained at (10%). On vendor signs, English increased (40%) as many vendors and vending machines are bilingual (see Table 12).

Public transportation Public transportation was also analyzed in the areas of subway, buses, taxis and roadways. These signs would be considered ‘top-down’ according to Backhaus’s(2007) analysis. The subway system had the highest amount of English (30%) with Korean, English and Chinese on almost all maps and signs. Each line and stop on the Seoul subway system has a number, color and name. The only problem encountered by tourists is finding which direction to go on the subway line. The names of certain stations are posted to indicate which direction the train is going along the line. Koreans know the history of Seoul, and the stations posted are all famous places. The foreigner’s knowledge of Seoul is minimal, so tourists erroneously assume that stations posted are transfer points. Taxies had the next highest in frequency of English (20%). For example, all taxies have a sign reading ‘free interpretation service’ with a telephone number. Roadways had a high frequency of English (15%) as all road signs are written in Korean, English and Chinese (see Figure 10). Most of the more detailed information, such as traffic conditions, are written in Korean and sometimes only on the road itself. Buses had the lowest frequency of English content (5%). Very few bus destinations were in English and very few signs in the bus, such as fares, were in English (see Table 13).

Bridges One final, intriguing pattern on language distribution occurred under bridges: long messages were in Korean graffiti, while tagging (signing one’s graffiti name) was in English (see Figure 10). This finding fits in with international research on gangs. It has become apparent that the study of gangs can no longer be limited to local conditions,

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Table 13. Language percentage in Public transportation English Konglish Korean Chinese

Subway 30 0 50 20 Taxi 20 0 80 0 Road 15 0 75 10 Bus 5 0 95 0

Figure 11. Graffiti but must also considered in the global context. For there are now Jamaican ‘posses’ in Kansas (Gunst 1995), Mexican gangs in San Diego (Rotella 1998), Russian ‘maffia’ in Chicago (Finckenauer and Waring 1998), female Muslim gangs in Oslo (Lien 2002), LA’s MS-13 and 18th Street gangs in Honduras and El Salvador (Decesare 2003), Nigerian drug smugglers coming through Ronald Reagan International Airport (Grennan, Britz, Rush and Barker 2000), LA’s Crips gang in the Netherlands (van Gemert 2001), US tongs linked to Chinese Triads (Booth 1999), and numerous other examples of global networking of gangs. Sullivan (2006) divides gangs into three levels: first generation gangs, which are traditional street (or prison) gangs with a turf orientation; second generation gangs, which have a business focus; and third generation gangs, which have evolved political aims. There was no indication that graffiti under bridges had been done by even a first generation gang, for there were only tags of individual names, not the name of a gang. However, it seems likely that these individuals are developing ‘resistance identities’, which are identities formed in opposition to the dominant culture and the uncertainties of an unstable modernity (Castells 1997), and they are using English to ‘voice’ that identity.

CONCLUSION A number of tentative conclusions might be drawn from the preceding research. With reference to the choice of language and the percentages of English, Konglish, Korean and Chinese on signs, the data showed an inverse correlation: in most cases, as English increased, Korean decreased. The data also showed a positive correlation, as in many cases, as English increased, so did Konglish. There was no correlation to frequencies of Chinese. With reference to particular locations, for example, main streets, alleys, inside stores and with street vendors, the data showed that in 4 out of 7 districts of Seoul, the frequency of English was highest on main streets, then it dropped consecutively in alleys, inside stores and with street vendors. This pattern might support the cascade model

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Figure 12. English in the streets of Seoul Note: GN = Gangnam, SD = Sadang, TS = Ttukseom, ITW = Itaewon, ISD = Insadong, NDM = Namdaemun market, DDM = Dongdaemun market.

Figure 13. English in particular districts of Seoul Note: GN = Gangnam, SD = Sadang, TS = Ttukseom, ITW = Itaewon, ISD = Insadong, NDM = Namdaemun market, DDM = Dongdaemun market. suggested by Labov (1966). The areas that do not follow this pattern are Itaewon (due to its specialization for foreigners, there are high frequencies of English everywhere), Insadong (due to government regulations, most signs are written in Korean only) and Dongdaemun (due to its specialization in clothing retail, there is a high frequency of English on T-shirts). Figure 12 illustrates this pattern Regarding particular districts of Seoul (Gangnam, Sadang, Ttukseom, Itaewon, Insadong, Namdaemun and Dongdaemun markets), the data showed that the frequency of English on main streets was high in Gangnam, but then decreased in Sadang and Ttukseom. Again, because of the specialized nature of Itaewon and Dongdaemun, frequencies of English were quite high. Figure 13 illustrates this pattern.

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Figure 14. The languages of street signs in Korean cities

In other cities of Korea (Bundang, Suwon, Shinduri and Busan), the data showed that the frequency of English was high in Seoul (50% Gangnam), higher in Busan (60%), dropping in Bundang (50%), lower in Suwon (15%), but slightly higher in Shinduri (20%). This does not support the social stratification, cascade or gravity models. Rather, this supports the idea of English being linked to modernity, luxury and youth (see Figure 14). Regarding other sites (Everland, public transportation and bridges), the data did not follow the social stratification, cascade or gravity models discussed above. In Everland the frequency of English and Konglish on main streets was higher than anywhere else in Korea. The frequency of English dropped inside shops but increased again with vendors. On public transportation the frequency of English was high in subways, then it continuously dropped in taxis, roads and buses. The frequency of English on bridges was high in tags but low in longer graffiti messages. With reference to the theoretical model that discussed in the early session of this paper, the evidence was that the social stratification model was only minimally supported by the data. In terms of location, the data supported the social stratification model in four out of seven districts in Seoul, where the frequency of English is highest on main streets, then cascades down continuously in alleys, inside stores and with street vendors. With reference to the districts of Seoul, the data supported the social stratification model in that the incidence of English (on main streets) was high in Gangnam (high class), then decreased in the Sadang (middle class) and Ttukseom (working class) districts, although the data does not support the model in the districts of Itaewon and Dongdaemun because of the high frequency of English found in those areas. With reference to the cities of Korea, the data only minimally supported the social stratification model in that the frequency of English was high in Seoul, Busan and Bundang, and low in Suwon and Shinduri. However, even though Seoul might be considered ‘higher class’ in certain respects than Busan, it had a lower frequency of English. Also, Shinduri had a higher frequency of English than Suwon, but it is not considered a ‘high class’ area. In terms of other sites, the results were also mixed. Everland, which is considered a ‘classy’ amusement park, has a high frequency of English, thus supporting the model. However, there appears to be no foundation for saying that the descending frequency of English in public transportation (subway > taxi > road > bus) is due to class, and any assumption that tags are higher class than longer graffiti messages is meaningless. Therefore, the social stratification model was only minimally supported. In this context, it should be noted that the notion of ‘class’ as deployed here,

C 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd The Korean English linguistic landscape 89 can only be regarded as a somewhat blunt instrument, based on generalized perceptions in the population as a whole. Further research on this issue would require a much more finer-grained analysis of social class patterns in the Korean context. With reference to the gravity and cascade models, the following observation might be made. The gravity model was not supported by the data, as the frequency of English did not decline according to the population and location of the cities. In fact, the amount of English in the second largest city of Busan was higher than in Seoul (Gangnam), and the frequency of English in the small beach town of Shinduri was higher than that of the city of Suwon. Similarly, the cascade model was only minimally supported by the data. In terms of locale and district of Seoul, the data could be interpreted as indicating that the frequency of English cascaded down from main streets, to inside stores, thence alleys and finally street vendors, and down from Gangnam, to Sadang, to Ttukseom. However, the cascade model is based on the size of a city, so it is arguably inapplicable to locale and district. Even so, only four out of seven districts followed the cascade pattern (Figure 12). In terms of cities of Korea, the frequency of English cascaded down from Seoul, to Bundang, to Suwon (Figure 13). However Busan had a greater frequency of English than Seoul even though it is smaller. Tiny Shinduri also had higher levels of English than the large city of Suwon. The total amount of English (including Konglish) in the small district of Bundang was the same as the large city of Busan. In other locations, the frequency of English did seem to cascade down from subway, to taxi, to road and to bus, but due to the cascade model’s relation to city size, this data is inapplicable. Therefore, the cascade model is only minimally supported by the data of this research. Regarding domains, the data showed that there are certain domains where English can be expected to exist or to be absent. In any region of the country, certain shops frequently have English signs, including coffee shops, sports equipment dealers, clothing stores, car dealers, fast food restaurants, hair salons, hotels, pensions, beer bars and wine stores. Certain shops usually have only Korean, as in most tabang (tea rooms), hanuiwan (traditional medicine stores), hanbok (traditional clothing), hanshikdang (Korean restaurants), minbak and yogwan (traditional guest houses). In addition, certain shops will have Chinese signs, including tea houses, traditional medicine stores, Chinese and Japanese restaurants. This pattern applies to products as well, as certain items will definitely have English: hats, T- shirts, cellular telephones, hair products, sports equipment, beer, whisky and wine. Certain products will definitely have Korean or Chinese: tea, ramyeon (ramen noodles), hanyak (traditional medicine), traditional wine and soju (mass produced sweet potato wine). These uses of English, Korean, and Chinese are influenced by larger sociolinguistic patterns relating to modernity, luxury and youth. On minbaks in Shinduri one can find only Korean, but in hotels and pensions there is a high frequency of English. This is because the hotels on this beach are luxurious, beachside retreats for companies and MTs(Konglish for ‘membership training’, that is, university student party/trips). The amusement park Everland has more English and Konglish than anywhere in Korea because of its specialized nature as a Disneyworld-style amusement park. Beer and wine posters and labels have English, whereas soju (alcohol) posters have Korean. In other words, products that are associated with modernity (cell phones, Everland), luxury (hotels, wine) and youth (beer, T-shirts) are in English. Regions follow a similar pattern. Gangnam, Bundang, and beach/amusement resorts are associated with luxurious, modern living, and have a high frequency of English. These patterns contrast with those for products such as hanyak (oriental medicine), hanbok (Korean clothing), soju (Korean alcohol), and for

C 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd 90 C. Bruce Lawrence districts such as the Namdaemun market and Insadong, where a much higher frequency of the Korean language is used. In the youthful domain of graffiti, tagging in English often occurs. Therefore, if nothing else, this study strongly suggests that, in the linguistic landscape of contemporary Korea, English served as a marker of modernity, luxury and youth.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thanks are due to Professor Wang Hahn-Sok of SNU for his eye for academic detail, the anonymous reviewers of this paper for their excellent feedback, and my wife Sim Sung-Ae for supporting and sustaining this research.

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