William,Lord Hastings and the Crisis of 1483: an Assessment. Part 1

WENDY E. A. MOORHEN

ON A SUMMER MORNING in 1483 the King’s Chamberlain, William Hastings, was escorted on to Tower Green, ordered to lie on a makeshift block; then suffered death by decapitation. The arrest and execution of the popular Hastings, who was barely given time to ask for absolution of his sins, shattered the peace of the ancient palace and within a few hours that of the capital. In the ensuing confusion George Cely caught the mood of the people and noted the current rumours, facts and questions: there is great rumour in the realm, the Scots have done great [harm] in England. the Chamberlain is deceased in trouble, the Chancellor is desperate and not content, the Bishop of Ely is dead, if the King, God save his life, were deceased, the Duke of Gloucester were in any peril, if my Lord Prince, who God defend, were troubled, if my lord of Northumberland were dead or greatly troubled, if my Lord Howard were slain.I The action of Richard of Gloucester, the Lord Protector, in ordering the execution without trial of his brother’s greatest friend and confidant, is one of the great conundrums of the period leading to Richard’s accession a few days later. The execution’s illegality has meant that Richard is vulnerable to criticism that is difficult to refute. Richard in effect, gave his enemies and detractors the opportunity to vilify him, an opportunity that they have not failed to exploit. Many believe this was Richard’s first action that publicly indicated his intention to become king. What is most startling, however, is that Hastings and Gloucester, although both capable of vigorously pursuing their quarrels, had never before been in conflict with each other but united in their love and loyalty to, respectively, their kinsman and brother, King Edward IV. Hastings has been a victim, not just of Richard’s swift retribution but of history itself. Despite a long and successful career Hastings seems never to have been studied in his own right, but usually as an adjunct to Edward IV or part of the saga of Richard III’s ‘usurpation'. The date of his execution became the subject of

446 the Hanham/Wolffe debate in the 1970s when theories went under the historical microscope to be analysed and rebutted.z The biographies included in The Hastings Hours and Dunham’s Lord Hastings’ lndentured Retainers were, perhaps, inspired by the survival of the work of art and the indentures rather than to any particular interest in Hastings.3 Hastings’ public career spanned over two decades, and encompassed the roles of politician, administrator, soldier, diplomat, businessman, landowner and great lord. He played a critical role in the events of 1483 and his death was a landmark in an important chapter of English history. A deeper study of his background, life and career is needed to give us a greater understanding of his character and motives and to discover what happened to bring the former brothers-in-anns to the tragic events of that June morning. The following is an attempt to address that need and put into perspective the role of Hastings in that crucial period of Yorkist history.

Early Career Born circa 1431, William was the son of Sir Leonard Hastings and Alice, daughter of Lord Camoys. Lady Hastings’ mother was Elizabeth Mortimer, the widow of Sir Henry Percy (Hotspur) and the eldest great grandchild of Edward III. Lady Hastings’ uncle, Roger Mortimer, although never proclaimed heir presumptive to the throne of England, was undoubtedly considered a candidate due to Richard 11 being childless.“ Sir Leonard, ‘beloved councillor’ of Duke Richard of York, held land primarily in and Yorkshire and on his death in October 1455 the Duke ‘did his best to ensure a smooth succession for William Hastings to his father’s property’.‘ Duke Richard’s partiality to the Hastings’ family may have owed something to the family connection.6 Within six weeks Hastings was appointed shen'ff of Warwickshire and Leicestershire and the following year ranger of the Chase of Wyre in Shropshire. Firmly bound to the Yorkists he received an annuity from Duke Richard of £10 per annum on the understanding that Hastings ‘serve him above others’ excepting of course the king.’ Hastings combined his public appointments with the role of landed gentleman, and one of his first actions was to grant his mother her dower lands, manors in Yorkshire, Northamptonshire and Leicestershire.‘ Illustrative of the routine activity is the leasing in 1457 of the Ravenstone watermill to Thomas Barewell for eighteen years at an annual rent of 13s 4d.9 A dispute over land may have been the cause of an incident that demonstrates a ruthlessness in Hastings' character. Hastings’ brother Thomas, and Henry Ferrets (probably the brother of his sister Anne’s husband, Thomas Ferrers of Tamworth), were questioned by Henry Pierpont regarding the murder of his brother Robert and the matter was referred to Duke Richard. Hastings was not accused of the actual murder but he was clearly held responsible and together with his brother, Ferrets and Pierpont, were ordered to ‘keep 'the peace with each other’. The ‘good lordship’ of the Duke towards Hastings was demonstrated in October 1458 by his award of £40 to Pierpont payable by instalments."J A year later the Yorkist cause was in disarray following the rout of Ludford. Although the leaders fled the country, Duke Richard to Ireland and his son Edward to Calais, the Yorkists at large surrendered to King Henry VI: Hastings survived the debacle but his lands were forfeit. He was pardoned, together with brothers

447 Thomas and Ralph, on 23 February 1460,.but was undeterred from Duke Richard’s cause as events moved swiftly towards the ascendancy of the House of York.”. _ Hastings precise role during the winter months of 1460-61 is unclear. It has been suggested that Duke Richard visited Hastings en route to Wakefield to solicit help ‘but it does not seem to have been forthcoming'.” If such a meetingdid take place perhaps the two men agreed that Hastings’ support would be better employed on behalf of the more inexperienced Edward of ,March. It was,unlikely.that Hastings was present at the Battle of Mortimer’s Cross on 3 February although he was amongst Edward's supporters on the subsequent march towards the capital.". The Earl of Warwick, following his defeat at the second battle of St. Albans on 17 February, joined Edward in the,Cotswolds and the Yorkist_party entered London on 26 February. Edward formally became,king on 4 March but within a few days he left London and marched north to secure his throne. " The bloodiest battle of the took place at Towton on 29 March and was a decisive victory for King Edward. . .

The First Reign - ,- »' . Hastings was knighted after the battle and his career was now assured. '5 A strong bond had been forged between Hastings and his young master during the previous months and their relationship has been described as ‘based on mutual trust and affection and compatibility of taste'.'6 Summoned to parliament on 13 June 146] as ‘William Hastynges knight Lord Hastynges of Hastynges’ ‘he Was also appointed king’s Chamberlain, Chamberlain for Nonh.Wales (until 1469), master of the mint (for twelve years), receiver-general of the Duchy of Cornwall ,(for life), joint constable, with brothei' Ralph, of Rockingham and a member of the king’s council.” A grant dated 23 June 1462 gave“Hastings ‘full power to receive persons into the king’s grace at his discretion’. "‘ Hastings was installed as a knight of the Garter on 21 March 1462 succeeding Lord William Bonville, a Yorkist supporter, who had been executed by Queen Margaret 3 year earlier. ‘9 , Hastings' power base In the Midlands was consolidated as part of Edward’s ' policy of ensuring that geographic units of land were held by men loyal to the new dynasty. He was granted lands formerly heldlby the defeated Earls of_ Pembroke and Wiltshire, Viscount Beaumont and Lord Roos.’°.Thus William found himself in the company of Sir William Herbert, Lord Henry Stafford and his future brother- in-law Richard, Earl of Warwick. One of the most important royal offices bestowed on Hastings was the stewardship of the honour of Leicester in July 1461. The honour had strong Lancastrian connections and it was a measure of King Edward’s faith in Hastings that he made the appointment. The territory included manors and lands throughout Leicestershir'e and in south Nottinghémshire, Warwickshire, Nonhamptonshire and in twelve other counties." ' As his importance grew in the Midlands Hastings was courted by the nobility including John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, who gave him the‘stewardship of'the manors of Melton Mowbray, Segrave and others 1n Leicestershire at an annual fee of £10. ‘2 He also received an annuity of £26 135 4d. from Richard Woodville and his wife Jacquetta, Duchess of Bedford, so long as he was receiver of the duchy of Cornwall. 1’ The appointments from fellow peers and senior churchmen- continued during _the 14605, such as the stewardship of Warwick's lands in Leicestershire, Northamptonshire and Rutland and that of the bis_hopric lands ,in Devon and

448 Cornwall from the Bishop of Exeter.“ The uneasy peace in England was broken in the summer of 1462. The Lancastrians rebelled in the North and Hastings rode with the King on the ensuing expedition. The Great Chronicle of London records Hastings’ leadership and his breaking of the siege at Alnwick where he fought alongside the future duke of Norfolk, then simply Sir John Howard, and John Paston the younger, who wrote ‘I am well aqueyntyd with my Lord Hastyings.” Turning from military matters, Hastings now engaged in diplomacy and over the next few years negotiated with Scotland, France and Burgundy. The commercial relationship between England and Burgundy was strained during this period.26 In 1464 the ageing Duke Philip of Burgundy imposed a ban on the importation of English cloth that successfully reduced England’s export of cloth in 1464/5 by thirty five percent.“ England retaliated in early 1465 with a ban on almost all Burgundian imports. In May, Warwick and Hastings were appointed to an embassy formed to treat with Burgundy, France and Brittany on matters of commerce, peace and friendship. The commercial negotiations with Burgundy were unsuccessful and it was a further nine months before Warwick, Hastings and others met again with Burgundy when their mutual concern over France brought them to fresh negotiations at St. Omar. Although these later talks eventually led to a political pact in October 1466 they failed to resolve the mercantile conflict due to the deep rooted Burgundian grievances over the whole question of trade. Hastings, this time with Earl Rivers and Robert Stillington, met with Burgundian representatives when they visited England in December 1466 to specifically discuss the ‘intercourse of merchandise’. The matter was not finally resolved until after Duke Phillip's death in June 1467 when he was succeeded by his son, Charles the Rash. The new Duke’s chief ambition was to4defeat Louis XI and to achieve this end he turned to England for support. The commercial treaty between Edward and Duke Charles was signed in November 1467. The alliance culminated in the mam'age of Margaret of York to the Duke in 1468.28 Hastings had emerged from the diplomatic activity of the mid-60’s as strongly pro-Burgundian and his relationship with the duchy remained cordial throughout his career. Not all Hastings’ duties were on such an elevated level, however. In 1462, together with the Abbot of Leicester and others, Hastings was appointed to investigate ‘the bad and wasteful governance of Matilda’ at the Priory of Nuneaton and ‘to apply all issues beyond the necessary sustenance of the prioress and convent and their servants to the relief of the priory and to enquire into the excesses and alienations committed'.29 Hastings’ advantageous marriage to Katherine Neville took place before 6 February 1462.30 Sister to Warwick the ‘Kingmaker’ she was the widow of William Bonville, Lord Harrington, who was killed at the battle of Wakefield. Already mother of Cecily Bonville, Katherine bore William at least four children, Edward, Richard, William, and Anne.3l Hastings arranged prestigious marriages for his daughter and eldest son, the former marrying George Talbot, fourth Earl of Shrewsbury and the latter to Mary Hungerford, the heiress to three baronies.“2 Little is known of the relationship between Hastings and his wife. The reference to Katherine in his will ‘my entirely beloved wife’ was conventional as was her own reference to William in the will drawn up twenty years after her husband’s death, where she requests a priest to sing for ‘my Lord, my husband’s soul'.”

449 0917

ABBREVIATED PEDIGREE 0F DECENDANTS 0F EDWARD m

EDWARD Ill d. 1377

l-‘dwnn'l Hone] John oqunl Edmund he Black Prince Duke of Clarence Dllkl «hamster Duk: afYoI-k d. I?" d. 1368 d. 1399 d. 1402

RICHARD H l Bldmnl “‘1‘” Philippa: Earl of Cambridge Juan Beaufort: HENRYIV u. 1415 Mlle = Edmund Mortimer Ralph Nevllle ' _ d. 1413 . q.v. Edmund Slaflold EH of March I'm! of Wmorlnnd - fill ofsmmd

Roger Monimer Elizabeth Mortimer = Rlchnnl Nevllle Cecily Nevin: = Anne Neville HENRY V = Katherine de Valob 5 Owen “in Humphrey Sultan! Earl of March (1) Sir Henry Percy £a of Rlcllnnl = d. 1421 ex. 1461 Duke of k. 139! ' Salisbury Duke olYoI-k Humphrey Buckingham (2) Thom I; 1460 q.v. Duke of II. 1460 lad Canon Bndnnghnm =Anne Neville q.v. l q.v.

Anne Mortimer E Alice Cumoys = HENRY V'l Edmund 'Ihdor Humphrey Slaflofll Rlfllnfll Slr Leonard [lasting . d. 1411 Earl of Rlnhmond d. 1455 Wolmhfldge d. 1455 d. 1456 q.v. = Margin! Hamlet!

Blduml Wllllnm a Katherine Nevllle Richard Neville ' Edward HENRY VII Henry Smflonl Duke of York UNI Hastings Lady Harrington Bill of Warwick Pflnwolll d. 1509 Duh of Buckingham I. 1460 ex. 1483 d. 1503 he ‘Klngmnlm" k. 147]. ex. 1483 = Cedly Null}: 3. 1471 q.v.

EDWARD IV RICHARD Ill d. 1483 E. 1485 ‘ Marriage was also the subject of Hastings’ early relations with Edward’s future Queen, Elizabeth Woodville, in April 1464. They entered into an agreement that Hastings should have the wardship of her son, Thomas Grey, afterwards Marquis of Dorset. Within five or six years Thomas would marry the eldest daughter of Lord Hastings then living and provisions were made to substitute other family members] if either-Thomas died or Hastings failed to produce a daughter." This particular marriage never took place, but in 1474 Thomas Grey married Hastings’ stepdaughter Cecily, his previous wife, the heiress Anne Holland, Kinndward’s niece and daughter of Henry, Duke of Exeter, having died. The Queen owed Hastings 2, 500 marks for the custody and marriage of Cecily while William owed a like sum to the King for the marriage of his daughter Anne. It was agreed that the Queen pay her husband on behalf of William and all were quits.’s Hastings’ principal-country seat was at Ashby de la Zouche in Leicestershire where his wife was buried in 1503.3? The town’s prosperity was increased, when in November 1473 Hastings was granted two yearly fairs to be held at Ashby, each fair to be of five day’s duration. Building became a great interest and in April 1474 he was granted a licence to convert five of his manor houses, Ashby, , Thornton, Bagwonh (all in Leicestershire) and Slingsby (Yorkshire), into fortified residences. 37The grant also allowed Hastings to enclose 2000 acres at each site, (3000 at Ashby), for park land. Hastings major building projects were at Ashby and Kirby Muxloe. _ __ The Ashby project was on a grand scale consisting of a ninety foot tower house, chapel and domestic buildings. The splendid chapel was built for the private use of the family despite the proximity of the parish church just a 100 yards away. The chapel was over sixty feet long and the west end was three stories high with rooms overlooking the chancel and accessed by a turret staircase. The fashion for- building tower houses began in the late fourteenth century. The tower provided comfortable and secure private accommodation for a lord and his family during periods of military activity when a castle became a garrison. Security was a high priority. At Ashby the windowless ground floor hadlwalls eight feet thick. The only entrance, apart from an underground passage running to the kitchen to the north of the site, was a small doorway protected with a poncullis. The ground floor was used for storage; the kitchen was situated on the first floor; the hall'and oratory on the second and finally the great chamber on the third floor. The smaller section of the tower to the east had five stories, the upper floors probably providing sleeping accommodation.” - The sixteenth century antiquary, John Leland, provides an anecdote to Hastings’ activity during the reconstruction of Ashby. Hastings had been granted the castle and manor of Belvoir in 1464, formerly held by Lord Roos who had been executed after the Battle of Hedgley Moor. Hastings visited Belvoir ‘to peruse the ground and to lye in the castel’ but was repelled by a local gentleman called Ham'ngton, an erstwhile friend of Lord Roos. Hastings returned to Belvoir with a ‘raging wylle’ and evicted Harrington. He stripped the castle of us lead roofing and used the material at Ashby, resourcefully reducing both the military significance of and his own building costs at Ashby. The manor of Stoke Albany, which had also belonged to Lord Roos, similarly provided lead for Ashby.39 Hastings’ other great building enterprise began in 1480 at Kirby Muxloe, where he planned a prestigious red brick fortified residence financed by. his‘now

451 considerable income. ‘° The' Inner court encompassed the original hall of the old and ‘the enclosure was entered from the outer court by a great 1n the middle of the north side. The castle wall had a tower at each angle and a tower in the middle ‘of it’s east,south and west sides respectively’. The castle was surrounded by a that took the ‘ditchers’ ten months to excavate. The survival of the accounts for this project provide a detailed insight into medieval building. Hastings’ agent, Roger Bowlott, received'a total of £994 185 2d for ‘the repairs to be done at Kirby’ and expended £993 17s 6%d on materials'and wages: The master craftsmen each earned 8d per day, other craftsmen 6d per day and the labourers 4d pef day. Wages were reduced during>the winter due to the shorter working day. The master mason, John Couper, came from Tagtershall where he worked on the church tower and was undoubtedly influenced by the magnificent bn'ck keep built by Ralph Cromwell forty years earlier. 4' Sadly this testament to Hastings’ position and affluence was abandoned due to his sudden execution. Only the moat, gatehouse and west tower almost reached completion. Hastings’ building programme possibly included his manor at Bagwonh as it was described seventy years later by Leland as ‘withyn a diche mines of a manor place, like castelle building’. ‘2 Hastings’ London residence may have been the house in the parish of St. Benet’s Paul’s Wharf which he leased in June 1463 from Prior Reynold of St. Bartholomew’s Priory in West Smithfield. The house included two solars and measured only twenty-four feet lying east to west with a yard to the north and a dye house five feet wide. The lease was for sixty years, the consideration being one red rose yearly if demanded.43 This may have been the house occupied'by Hastings’ brother-in-law, John de Vere, Earl of Oxford during the re-adeption in 1471.“ Oxford and Hastings were presumably well acquainted as the former asked Sir John Paston to purchase some horse harness on his behalf and writes ‘The‘Lofd’ Hastings had for the same price, but I wolde not meyne were lik his’.“ Oxford’s Lancastrian sympathies, exposed in 1468 when he was arrested and committed to thq Tower, would not ha'Ve endeared himvto Hastings.“6 -

The End of Warwick Towards the end of the decade, Richard, Earl of Warwick, the most powerful of Edward’s magnates, became disillusioned with his young cousin. King Edward had married, in 1464, Elizabeth Woodville, the widow of Sir John Grey, who was slain at St. Albans fighting for Henry VI. This marriage seriously threatened Warwick’s grand scheme of a political alliance with France although he continued to work towards this goal. By 1467 this ambition clashed with King Edward’s own foreign policy of achieving a Burgundian alliance. The promotion of the Woodville clan and the important marriages of the new Queen’s family into the old nobility further exacerbated a dangerous situation. Bgcoming increasingly isolated Warwick began to take desperate measures, marrying his elder daughter, without the King’s permission, to George of Clarence. Events culminated in Warwick’s alliance to his former arch enemy Queen Margaret. - Warwick’s dissatisfaction first turned to open rebellion in the summer of 1469. He engaged the royalist army, headed by the Earls of Pembroke and DeVon, at Edgecote on 26 July. News of Warwick’s victory resulted in the desenion of the King’s men and Edward was taken prisoner by Archbishop Neville at Olney in

452 Northamptonshire. Hastings’ loyalty to King Edward was never in question, despite his maniggp into the Neville family. He was active on behalf of Edward throughout the crisis although he had been re-appointed Chamberlain of North Wales in August 1469 by Warwick following the execution of Pembroke to whom he had surrendered the post the previous April. This has been interpreted as an attempt to win Hastings’ support but perhaps in View of his relationship to both the King and the Earl he was an acceptable choice to both parties." When King Edward reasserted his authority in the autumn of 1469 Hastings was one of the lords who was reunited with the King in Yorkshire and accompanied him on his march south to London. The situation was relatively stable until early spring when trouble broke out in Lincolnshire. Hastings was with the King at Waltham Abbey on 7 March when news of Sir Robert Welles’ treasonable proclamation reached the royal party. Edward immediately marched north." The military engagement, which became known as Losecoat Field, took place near Empingham, Rutland; and here the rebels were routed. Returning to Stamford the King preferred diplomacy to confrontation with Warwick and Clarence. Hastings’ brother-in-law, John Donne, was chosen to negotiate with the rebel lords at Coventry. Despite assurances that they would return to the King they reneged and escaped to France."9 Five months later, in September, Warwick returned to England and restored Henry VI to the throne. In France he had made an alliance with Queen Margaret and married his younger daughter, Anne, to her son Prince Edward. At the time of Warwick’s landing King Edward was in Yorkshire, settling yet another uprising, but he immediately proceeded south. Meanwhile, John Neville, who had hitherto been loyal to Edward, now defected to his brother’s cause. Neville not only abandoned his task of raising troops on behalf of the King, but now marched the troops that he had mustered, against Edward who took flight.’o One tradition is that Hastings held the front of a house in Doncaster while Edward slipped out of the back door and made his escape." The Yorkists fled across Lincolnshire and on to the Low Countries. As they left English soil Hastings dismissed the remaining army, and advised them to ‘go to the Earl of Warwick, but conjured them to retain their old affection and allegiance to the King and himself’.52 On arrival in the Low Countries, King Edward immediately wrote to the Governor of Holland, Louis of Gruuthuse, who entertained the Yorkist party in both The Hague and Bruges, where they spent most of their exile.” By March 1471 their fortunes had shifted yet again and King Edward, with his followers, returned to England. Hastings had not been idle during the months abroad: he was amongst those who had negotiated with George of Clarence. Clarence, due to Warwick’s alliance with the Lancastrians, was susceptible to overtures to return to the family fold. Hastings’ efforts were rewarded when the reunion with Clarence took place near Banbury. Hastings had also communicated with his affinity in the Midlands which produced 3000 men led by Sir William Stanley and Sir William Norris of Yattendon, who joined Edward at Leicester, less than a fortnight after the King’s landing at Ravenspur. This muster represents a considerable achievement by Hastings in rallying such numbers to the cause of an exiled king, and in such a timely fashion. The whole enterprise bespeaks of loyalty, but more particularly of loyalty

453 complemented by organisation ...... If men who had, arguably, little to gain from a change of landlord and everything to lose could thus be persuaded to put aside their customary wariness, then Hastings had more than justified Edward’s confidence in him.“ The inevitable battle against Warwick took place at Barnet on 14 April. Hastings commanded the left division of the Yorkist army opposite Warwick’s right division led by the Earl of Oxford. That misty Easter Sunday morning at Bamet, although successful for the Yorkists, was not to be a glorious day for Hastings. The fighting begain in earnest, shots having been exchanged by both armies during the night, between 4 am and 5 am The armies had lined up for battle the previous evening but the manoeuvres had gone slightly awry and the two flanks were mis-aligned. Although this proved to be to the advantage of the east flank, commanded by the young Duke of Gloucester, it was a disaster for Hastings. The appalling visibility, combined with the poor deployment, led to his division dispersing under Oxford’s onslaught and the troops ran ignobly into Bamet town and beyond. The mist continued to cause chaos as Oxford and his men regrouped and returned to the main battle but were mistaken for Yorkists due to the similarity of badges. King Edward took full advantage to press home his victory that was assured after the death of Warwick.” The King did not have long to savour his triumph, however, as Queen Margaret and her son Edward had landed at Weymouth the day her allies were beaten at Bamet. The final destruction of the old Lancastrian dynasty took place at Tewkesbury on 4 May. King Edward repeated his tactics of Bamet with himself commanding the central division, Gloucester the vanguard, this time on the left, and Hastings the rearguard to the right. No mention is made in The Arrival, the major source for the battle, of Hastings or his division. Most of the action centred on Somerset's division against both Edward and Gloucester, but Hastings’ troops must have been engaged because his opposite number Thomas, Earl of Devon, perished on the field. Hastings’ brothers, Richard and Ralph, were both knighted after the battle.’6 Writing about thirty years later, Polydore Vergil does, however, assign a role to William along with the two royal dukes: that of murdering the Prince of Wales after the battle. Edward the prince and excellent youwth being browght a lyttle after to the speache of king Edward, and demaundyd how he durst be so bowld as to enter and make war in his realme, made awnswer, with bold mynde, that he came to recover his awncyent inherytance; hereunto king Edward gave no awnswer, onely thrusting the young man from him with his hand, whom furthwith, those that wer present wer George duke of Clarence, Richard duke of Gloucester, and William lord Hastings, crewelly murderyd.57 Little credence is now given to this story.“

The Second Reign Hastings’ support and loyalty during Warwick’s rebellion did not go unrewarded and on 17 July 1471 he succeeded Earl Rivers as lieutenant of Calais, a crucial appointment in view of Edward’s embryonic plan to invade France.” The garrison at Calais had supported the Bastard of Fauconberg in his insurrection during May

454 and the presence of the new lieutenant was immediately required to restore order. Hastings crossed the channel with Lord Howard, and Sir John Paston was able to report that he ‘be in Caleys,and have it pesebely’.so Other rewards included the offices of constable of Nottingham Castle, keeper of Sherwood Forest, and Chamberlain of the receipt of the Exchequer." In 1471 Hastings’ cousin Elizabeth, the dowager Lady Bonville, died and he was granted the custody of her dower property during the minority of the heiress, his own stepdaughter Cecily.“2 Louis of Gruuthuse, visited England in the autumn of 147] and was rewarded for his generous hospitality towards the Yorkists exiles by King Edward creating him Earl of Winchester and granting him an annuity of £200 per annum.63 His visit to Windsor was recorded by Blue Mantle Pursuivant and provides a colourful and intimate glimpse into Yorkist court life. Hastings acted as deputy host and greeted Louis on his an'ival. The day’s entertainment included sport in ‘the little park’, a stroll in the King’s ‘gardens & vineyard of pleasure’ and an evening banquet after which the King and Queen escorted their honoured guest ‘to three chambers of plesance, all hanged with white silk and linen cloth, and all the floors covered with carpets’. Gruuthuse’s bed was covered with a counterpane of ‘cloth of gold, furred with ermines’ and the third chamber contained two baths ‘covered with tents of white cloth’. The royal couple departed leaving Gruuthuse and Hastings together to enjoy a ceremonial bath and a collation of ‘green gingers, divers syrups, comfits, and ipocras’.“ With the final defeat of the Lancastrians now behind him, King Edward had to reconstruct his regional power bases. Of the great magnates from the first decade, Hastings was the only one to have survived. New lords ruled beside him in the provinces: Earl Rivers on behalf of the infant Prince of Wales in the principality, Richard of Gloucester in the North, Percy in the North East, and one familiar face from the first reign, Thomas Stanley in Cheshire. Hastings influence in the Midlands was now extended into the north of the region. In 1472 Clarence appointed Hastings steward of the honour of Tutbury, which formed part of the Duchy of Lancaster lands in Staffordshire and Derbyshire."5 By patronising Hastings Clarence vainly hoped to retain his elder brother’s favour. The following year King Edward resumed these lands from Clarence and in April 1474 he re- appointed Hastings as steward for life.“ Almost immediately Hastings began to create an affinity by retaining local gentry.“7 Hastings had been retaining gentry since 1461. During his career he is known to have contracted with ninety-one persons and over half of the retainers were connected with the honour of Tutbury and they represented a complex network of Duchy officers, local interests and family connections.“ One of the first to be retained from the Honour was it’s receiver, John Agard, the brother-in-law of the Derbyshire born mercer, William Shore."9 Shore’s wife, Elizabeth, more commonly known as Jane, was to achieve notoriety at the court of King Edward. Hastings’ position in the north Midlands was augmented by his appointment as steward of Derby in 1474 and the acquisition of the wardship of the Talbot heir in the same year. The Talbots, along with the Staffords, were the major aristocratic families in the region. Due to the minority of George Talbot and the unpopulari of Henry, Duke of Buckingham with King Edward, Hastings fulfilled a role that would normally have been assigned to a member of one of these families. Twenty-nine of Hastings' retained affinity were to serve as sheriffs and thirty-

455 five as commissioners of the peace though only about a third of the appointments were made during their period of retention. It is arguable whether the appointments were due to Hastings' influence as these men were already prominent in their communities.” Earlier influential lords in the area had failed to attract support to their causes from within the honour. Hastings knew and accepted this situation and with a shrewd distribution of patronage within the existing framework of the region he displayed a refinement in the role of great lord that balanced moderate self interest with a policy of laissez-faire." He was of course only acting as the King’s representative in this region and was not establishing a personal domain. On 4 July 1475 King Edward, after much preparation, finally embarked on his French expedition with an army described by Commines as ‘the most numerous, the best disciplined, the best mounted, and the best armed, that ever any king of that nation invaded France withal’.72 Hastings earned four shillings a day and provided forty men-at-arms and three hundred archers." This represented a fraction of the following he had mustered for King Edward during the Warwick crisis. On this occasion, however, the King was accompanied by the ‘flower of the English nobility’ and not just his supporters." The army numbered at least 11, 000 and probably more.” Hastings’ retinue included his brother-in-law, John Donne, and the knights, John Scott and Thomas Thwaytes, who between them mustered 104 archers at ‘any convenient place near Calais’." Hastings was, of course, closely involved in the planning of the entire expedition, conducting the diplomacy with Burgundy together with John Howard and, as lieutenant of Calais, played a key role in the logistics exercise." Hastings’ planning was extended to his own affairs as he was mindful of the dangers whilst on military service: on 12 May he took the precaution of enfeoffing various clerics, crown officers and lawyers with his lands." Edward marched south from Calais on 18 July leaving the remainder of his army to disembark, a process that took another week to complete. The campaign was already in jeopardy as Duke Charles of Burgundy had failed to provide the substantial army he had promised his brother-in-law. In addition Queen Elizabeth’s uncle, Louis Count of St. Pol, failed to deliver St. Quentin to the allies, resulting in probably the only genuine casualties of the invasion when a troop moved towards the town and met resistance}9 Relations between Edward and Charles were further strained when the English army was not allowed to enter the Duke’s town of Peronne. King Edward had no wish to continue the campaign into the autumn months and if Commines is to be believed, a prearranged signal initiated the negotiations with King Louis, a state of affairs more than acceptable to both monarchs.“o The Treaty of Picquigny, that resulted from the meeting of Edward and Louis, provided the English king with an immediate lump sum and a generous pension, in addition to other benefits. The practical Louis sought to appease the English peers in a similar manner, in lieu of the anticipated plunder and ransom of prisoners. Lord Hastings, ‘21 man of honour and prudence, and of great authority with his master, and deservedly, upon account of the faithful service done him’ was given plate worth 1000 silver marks and a French pension of 2, 000 gold crowns delivered personally by Pierre Clairet in London. Hastings refused to give a receipt, however, declaring ‘ ...... it shall never be said of me, that the High

456 Chamberlain of England was pensioner t0 the King of France”.RI A shrewd though perhaps hypocritical and unnecessary statement. in View of the fact he received a Burgundian pension in 1471 and retained the gram.“

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The manticora or mantgrye badge of William, Lord Hastings. Add. MS. 40742, f. 1 I. Reproduced by kind permission of the British Library.

The Final Years of the Reign Despite the settlement with France, peace at home and the king’s financial affairs on a good footing, Hastings’ activities were not reduced. He returned to Calais in early March 1476 and Visited Guisnes 0n the twelfth where he was ‘receyvyd honourablye with owt any obstaklys’.“ In January 1477, however, peace was threatened 0n the continent by the sudden death of Duke Charles of Burgundy, leaving a daughter as his heir. Hastings was sent to Calais with 500 men to reinforce the garrison and ‘to keep peace with the French king’."4 On both occasions he was accompanied by the courtier Sir John Paston who, of the 1477 visit, wrote ‘It semythe that the worlde is allle qwaveryng . . . . Iffeer that I can nott be excusyd, but that I shall fforthe with my Lorde Hastyngs ovyr the see . . . I hope nott t0 tarry longe’.XS On the latter assignment, however, Hastings found himself in

457

a difficult position. His sympathies were undoubtedly pro-Burgundian. Commines commented on Hastings being a ‘favourer’ of the young princess Mary of Burgundy and that he was concerned over the fate of her duchy. King Edward and King Louis, on the other hand, did not want to abandon their newly found alliance despite the pressures on Edward to support his sister and Louis’ ambitions in the Low Countries. The French King attempted to sow discontent by spreading rumours that Margaret, Clarence and Hastings were involved in a plot to marry Mary to Clarence. Hastings returned to England in June and was with the King at Windsor. King Edward may well have called Hastings to account but on this occasion Edward was not to be deceived by Louis’ deviousness.86 For the next few years King Edward maintained good diplomatic relations with both France and Burgundy, their influence alternately waxing and waning according to the current state of Edward’s dilemma of retaining the benefits of Picquigny and an alliance with Burgundy. At one stage, when King Louis influence was declining, he again resorted to bribery and gave extravagant gifts to Hastings and other influential couniers. “7 In England the sinecures bestowed on Hastings during this period included his appointment as steward of the manor of Bederminster with an annuity of 30 marks in 1476 from George Neville, Lord Bergavenny." In 1477 he was appointed steward of the Abbey of Welbeck in Nottinghamshire with the modest annual fee of five marks.” In February 1478 Hastings was again appointed lieutenant general of Calais, for a period of ten years.90 Hastings’ servants also benefited: for example John Burton was granted the office of bailiff of the lordship of Sherstone in Wiltshire during the minority of Clarence's son Edwar .9' In June 1477 the Duke of Clarence had been arrested following a series of incidents that had finally worn down the patience of his brother King Edward. Parliament assembled in January 1478 for the trial and to pass the subsequent bill of attainder against the Duke. ‘Efiery effort had been devoted to securing a compliant commons’ and Hastings may have influenced the election of up to ten members of parliament. Certainly three peers were within the sphere of his influence. The King, having obtained the verdict he wanted, ordered the private execution of his brother on 18 February 1n the Tower. 9‘ Hastings’ influence touched on many other aspects of society including the church and commerce. Together with the King’s mother, Princess Elizabeth and Richard of Gloucester he was granted the collation to the next vacant prebend in St. Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster in 1478, and he received similar grants during the reign.” In 1472 Hastings and his bromer, Ralph, formed a guild or fraternity in honour.of the Holy Rood in the Wall at the church of St. Gregory the Pope in Northampton. The guild was to acquire land and rents to ‘support chaplains to celebrate divine service’ for the King, Queen, the founders of the guild and for their souls after death.“ During the building of -the castle at Kirby-Muxloe, Hastings paid a chaplain, John Syde, £5 6s 8d. , to look after the spiritual welfare of the workmen.95 In his will Hastings made several bequests, totalling over £350 in money and goods, to ecclesiastical establishments in the Midlands, particularly in the city of Leicestershire, as well as to St. George’s Chapel, Windsor, where he was to be buried. 9‘ All were requested to pray for his soul. Hastings was a rich man and such generosity was to be expected. His piety can perhaps be summarised as conventional: he does not appear to be excessively zealous. . .

. 458 Hastings had been granted the office of master and worker of the Mint in 1461, 1465 and for"life 1n 1477. Hastings was well qualified to execute King Edward’s monetary policy having been closely involved In trade negotiations during' the 1460s and had, presumably, gained a good {Index-standing of fiscal matters. The everyday duties of. this office would have been delegated to the deputy master. For most of Hastings’ period of office the deputy was the future mayor of London, Hugh Bryce, who in turn employed the goldsmith Edmund Shaa, at an annual salary of twenty pounds, to mint the coinage. Bryce held his superior at the mint in sufficient esteem to presenthim with a copy of‘ Ca_xton’.s The Mirrour of the Worlde in 1481. This gift would have been added to Hastings existing collection of books that included two books of hours and the second volume of Froissart's Chronicles of France and England which was probably another gift from Bryce.” The office of master of the mint incorporated the king’s mint in Calais, a place that represented a number of interests to Hastings. In addition to being thé king’s lieutenant of the town he was undoubtedly a member of the Merchants of the Staple of Calais as he is known to have exported wool from London.” There was a close relationship between the Staple, the government and the mint. The cost of maintaining the garrison, over £10, 000 annually, was paid from revenues collected by the Staple, on behalf of the government, in the form of custom and subsidies on exported wool. A further proportion of this revenue was given to the local mint to produce coinage.99 Hastings was, therefore, not only the commanderof this strategic military establishment but he took an active role in the commercial community which provided an important source of income to the crown. - Héstings was a familiar and popular figure to the citizens of London. His support was solicited by city merchants in appeals to the King, as in January 1480 when he was given, together with Dorset and Rivers, ‘ great lawde & thanke’ from the Merchant Adventurers who continue: ‘for that they haue ben right frendeley & laboured for us in our mater of Subsidie, And haue prayde them of theire g_ood lordshippes’. The same minute also illustrates Hastings' pragmatism when it is recorded that ‘the lorde Chaumberlayn avisith the felishipp to be more secrete of theyre frendes and than non avaunt [boast] be made who that is freindly & laboureth for 'us’.'°° In thisparticular incident the Queen also interceded on the Adventurers behalf and it was her influence with the King that brought the matter to a satisfactory conclusion for the Merchant Adventurers. In 1468, Hastings, together with Clarence, Warwick, Rivers and others, were appointed to a commission of oyer and terminer that was convened to enquire into the affair of Sir Thomas Cook. ‘°' Sir Thomas, a wealthy London draper, together with a number of Lancastrian agents and prominent city merchants, was indicted for treason. Only two of the accused were seriously affected. John Hawkins,‘ one of the agents and servant of Lord Wenlock, was executed and Sir Thomas Cook was; heavily fined for the crime of misprison as he had failed to report his knowledge of the plot t0'the authorities"?! One of those who presented a pardon was the grocer and alderman Sir John Plummer and it is possible that Hastings helped Sir John to obtain his pardon.'°’ In the will of his wife, the former Margaret Fray, she places my singular trust in him [Hastings] befor alle creatures be cause of the . grete secour that I have had of his gode lordeship in my lives daies.'°‘ a a The final year of King Edward’s reign was overshadowed by problems with Scotland and the Franco-Burgundian conflict. The Scottish campaign was handled

459 by Richard of Gloucester, who with the Duke of Albany, the Yorkist candidate to replace James III, parted from Edward at Fotheringhay and travelled north to prepare for the invasion. Meanwhile, King Louis ‘pushed his conquests nearer to Calais’ in his campaign against Burgundy.“ Twice Edward visited Dover, in May and again in July, probably meeting with Hastings on the latter visit.‘06 Hastings had arrived in Calais on 1 May and was immediately occupied fortifying the garrison.” He had been liaising with Duke Maximilian’s representative, the Count of Chimay, who visited England early in 1482 to request English aid for the Burgundian cause."m Always pro-Burgundian, Hastings was to receive special thanks from Duke Maximilian for his endeavours. Ultimately these endeavours were to no avail as, although the situation was sufficiently serious for Edward to raise reinforcements of 1,000 Kentish archers to protect his own interests in Calais, he was not prepared to helpMaximilian!” ._ Despite his international problems the pleasure loving King Edward took the time in the summer of 1482 to provide ‘Joyous Recreacion’ in Waltham Forest for the Mayor of the City of London and his colleagues who were brought ‘unto a lusty and pleasant lodge made of grene bowhhys & othr thyngys of pleasure’ where they were fed with venison ‘bothe of Rede dere & of ffalow‘ and supplied with Gascon wine. The King sat apart from the company but twice during the meal sent Hastings, who was taking a short respite from his duties in Calais, to his guests ‘to make theym chere’."° The continental situation deteriorated and by August Hastings had returned to Calais where he was daily receiving requests for help from St. Omer. He was sufficiently heanened by news of Gloucester’s success in Scotland to celebrate publicly with a procession and bonfires ‘as was att Myddsomer Nyghte’, possibly to boost morale."' Despite the seriousness of the situation there was time for leisure pursuits as William Cely twice reported from Calais on his inability to obtain goshawks due to Hastings buying all the birds as they became available!” Hastings returned to London in early October 1482 to attend a council meeting and unfortunately he brought no good news to the King as Duke Maximilian was now in dire straits. King Edward was still not prepared to send troops and the inevitable collapse of the Burgundians resulted in the treaty of Arras between King Louis and Duke Maximilian. The news reached Edward whilst he was celebrating Christmas at Westminster. The King’s foreign policy was in ruins; Louis had reneged on the treaty of Picquigny and ceased payment of the pension to King Edward. The proposed marriage between the Dauphin and Princess Elizabeth of York was overturned and the former was now affianced to Maximilian’s daughter, the Archduchess Margaret. For the few remaining months left to him, Edward planned his revenge against France.“3 0n 6 February 1483 Hastings was succeeded at the mint by a London goldsmith, Bartholomew Reed!“ There is no explanation as to why Hastings was removed from this office. One unsubstantiated source refers to Hastings being committed to the Tower following an accusation from Earl Rivers ‘where his treatment led him daily to expect his death warrant’, but there is no indication when this incident may have occurred.” Hastings rivalry with the Queen’s family was noted by the Crowland Chronicler, ‘Much ill will indeed, had long existed’, which may have stemmed from Hastings’ appointment as lieutenant of Calais

460 replacing Rivers in 1471."6 An earlier contentious issue may have been the marriage in the late 14605 between Sir John Woodville and the ageing dowager Duchess of Norfolk which had ‘prevented Hastings from making good royal grants of the duchess’s jointure’J" The duchess’ third husband had been Lord Beaumont and Hastings had been granted the reversion of part of the Beaumont estate. The problem, however, was short lived as Sir John was executed in 1469. Mancini reported that Hastings ‘maintained a deadly feud with the queen’s son and that because of the mistresses whom they had abducted, or attempted to entice from one another?” Although it is entirely possible that the middle aged Chamberlain was a womaniser, it would perhaps be rather undignified behaviour for him to compete against Thomas Grey, the Queen’s son, a much younger man. Mancini continued to describe the feud: ‘the suborned informers of each had threatened a capital charge against the other’. Support for this statement is provided by the confession of John Edwards at Westminster before the King and Council on 8 August 1482 when Edwards rescinded allegations against Dorset and Rivers that he had made in Calais when he was ‘in fear of his life’ and of being put in the ‘breke’.”9 Hastings was not present at Westminster due to his commitments on the continent but almost certainly he would have been aware, if not actively involved, in the questioning of John Edwards in Calais.no Clearly the Woodvilles held Hastings responsible for the allegation, the nature of which is unknown. It was, however, serious enough to be brought before the King and for Rivers to have several copies of the August confession prepared, presumably for circulation)“ Another rumour is reported by More: that Hastings planned to betray Calais to the French ‘although this accusation was the merest slander’.”2 Mancini believed the hostility between Hastings and Dorset caused King Edward such concern that, after his sudden collapse in April 1483, he arranged a reconciliation between his great friend and stepson.‘23 Two days later, on 9 April, King Edward died leaving his kingdom to his twelve year old son and the protectorship of the realm to his brother, Richard of Gloucester!"

To be concluded.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Alison Hanham, ed. , The Cely Letters 1472-1488, Early English Text Society, OS 273 (1975), pp. 184-5. 2. Alison Hanham, Richard II], Lord Hastings and the historians. English Hislorical Review.. vol. 87 (l972), pp. 233-248. B. P. Wolffe, When and why did Hastings lose his head? English Historical Review, vol. 89 (I974), pp. 835-844. Alison Hanham, Richard III and his early historians 1483-1535, Oxford 1975, pp. 24-9. Alison Hnnham. Hastings Redivivus, English Hixlarical Review, vol. 90 (1975), pp. 821-827. B. P. Wolffe. Hastings Reinlened, English Historical Review, vol. 91 (1976), pp. 813-824. See n. [62 below for a review of the significance of the dating of Haslings’ execution. 3. D. H. Turner, The Hastings Hours, London I983, preface and commentary. William Huse Dunham Jnr. . Lord Haslings' Indemured Retainers l46l-I483. Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. vol. 39. New Haven 1955.

461 4. For a discussion on a possible Monimer claim to the throne see T. B. Pugh, Henry V and the Southampton \IO\ Plat, Gloucester 1988, pp. 71-7. 5. Dunham, Lord Hastings" lndenmred Retainers. p. 19. P. A. Johnson, Duke Richard of York l4ll-l460, Oxford 1988, p. l60. . Johnson, Duke Richard of York, p. 26. . William Dugdale, The Baronage of England, London 1675. p. 580. 8. Historical Manuscripts Commission, The Manuscripts of Ille late Reginald Rawdon Hastings Exq. , 4 vols., London 1928-47, vol. I, p.295 9. lbid. . vol. I, p. I l 10. Dugdale, Baranage. p. 580. Such violent incidents were not uncommon in the fifteenth century. In 1467 Roger Vernon, uncle of one of Hastings’ retainers, was murdered by the men of another retainer. Lord Grey of Codnor. Susan M. Wright, The Derbyxhirc Gentry in Ihe Fifteenth Century, Derbyshim Record Society. vol. 8 (1983). p. 139. I l. Calendar of the Palenl Rollx _l45l -l46l, p. 577. . Johnson. Duke Richard of York, p. 222. 13. Dugdale's reference to Hastings ‘signaI adventures in divers Battels ..... against Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, James Earl of Willshine', Baronage. p. 58]. indicates Hastings presence at Monimer’s Cross but his name does not appear on the list of Yorkist supporters at the battle in William Worceslre, Itineraries, ed. 1. H. Harvey. Oxford 1969, pp. 203, 205. William of Worcester, (pseudo) Annals. ed. , Thomas Henme, London 1771. p. 488. . James Gairdner, ed. , William Gregory's Chronicle of London, The His/arical Collections of a Citizen of London, Camden Society 1876, p. 215. . W. C. Mercalfe, A Book of Knights. London I885, p. 2. . Charles Ross, Edward IV. London I974, p. 73. . Calendar of the Close Rallx 1461-68, p. 61 (summons to Parliament). CPRl46l-67. pp. 26 (appointed Chamberlain for Nonh Wales). 130 (appointed master of the mint), 221 (appointed receiver-general of the Duchy of Lancaster). G. E. Cokayne, The Complete Peerage, 13 vols. , London l9l0—59, reprinted 6 vols.. Gloucester 1987, vol. 6(vol 2), p. 371. Ross, Edward IV, p. 75. . CPR 1461-67, p. 190. - . G. F. Beltz, Memorials of Illa Mos! Noble Order of the Gamer. London l84l , p. clxiii. . CPR 1461-67, pp. 103-4, 353. CPR [467-77. p. 27. Ross, Edward IV. p. 75. . Complete Peerage, vol. 6 (vol. 1). p. 371. David Baldwin, The Political Influence of Ihe Hastings Family in the Midland Counties. l46l-l529. unpublished M. Phil Thesis, University of Leicester 1991. pp. 38-4]. . Dugdale, Baronage (see n. 7). p. 580. . lbid _ . Kim Watson, ed. , Henry E. Huntington Library, Haslings Manuscripts, List and Index Society. Special Series. vol. 22. , London [987, p. I86. . A. H. Thomas and I. D. Thomley, eds. , The Great Chronicle of London, London 1938, pp. 199-200. James Gairdner, ed. . The Paxton Letters, 6 vols. 1904 reprinted Gloucester I986. vol. 4, p. 6l. . In 1463 the policy of denying credit to foreign buyers of English wool and requiring a proportion of the sale price to be paid in bullion was revived by King Edward. This was bitterly resented by Duke Phillip who was concemed a! the flow of those scarce commodities. gold and silver, into England. John H. A. Munro, Wool, Cloth & Gold: The Struggle for Bullion in Anglo-Burgundian Trade, [340-1478, Toronto 1972. pp. 155-9. . The reduction for English exporters, i. e. excluding the Hanseatic and other alien merchants, however, was far more dmmatic. Their exports fell some seventy five per cent. Munro, Wool. Cloth and Gold, pp. 164-5. . Munro, Wool. Clollx and Gold, pp. 164-l7l. Ross,Edward IV (see n. l6). pp. 106-111. . CPR 1461-67, p. 199. . Complete Peerage, vol. 6, (vol. 2), p. 373 . Dicu'onary of National Biography. re-issue 22 vols. , London 1908-9, vol. 9. p. 48. Two additional children are ascribed to William and Katherine in Visitation: of the North of England 1480-1500, Sunees Society. vol. 144 (I930). p. 32. Katherine refers to a son called George in her will but this is probably her son-in-law George Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury. Will of Katherine. Lady Hastings, PCC 7 Holgmve, 1504,

462 Public Record Office, Prob. 1 1/14. f. 7. 32. Complete Peerage, vol. I 1 (vol. 5), p. 709. vol. 6 (vol. 2), pp. 622-3. 33. Will of William, Lord Hastings. PCC IO Logge, I483, PRO. Prob. llfl, f. 10. Will of Katherine.Lady Hastings, (see n. 3]). 34. Hastings Mss. (see n. 8), pp. 30l-2. The widowed Elizabeth Woodville sought the help of William Hastings in obtaining a settlement for her sons ‘against the rapacity of her mother-in-law'. The mother-in- law was Lady Elizabeth Grey, Baroness Ferrets of who was a cousin of Hastings’ brother-in-law. Thomas Ferrers of Tamworth and now married to Sir Thomas Bourgchier, a cousin to King Edward. William provided assistance at a price. In addition to the marriage the indenture further provided that if any assets from the estates of Sir William Astley, Elizabeth Woodville's step great grandfather-in-law or from her mother-in-law were forthcoming ‘the rents and profits were to be divided equally between Hastings and Lady Grey‘. The price of the marriage was to be 500 marks payable by Hastings but if no marriage took place due to the deaths of Thomas or Richard Gney or there was no available Hastings family bride then Hastings was to receive 500 marks. J. R. Lander, Government and Community: England 1450-1509, London 1980. pp. 237-8 n. 4. Prof. Lander commented that the transaction was a ‘very hard bargain' on the part of Hastings. David MacGibbon. Elizabeth Woadville (1437-1492):I-Ier Life and Times. London 1938, p. 31, interprets the agreement as Elizabeth ensuring her son’s inheritance by marrying him into the powerful Hastings family. Dr. Michael Hicks remarked the agreement was the price Elizabeth had to pay for 'access to the king that surprisingly made her queen', Richard III, the Man behind the Mylh, London l99l. p. 45. . CPR 1476-85, p. 36. . Complete Peerage, vol. 6(vol. 2), p. 374n. . Calendar of the Charter Rolls 1427-1516, p. 242. . T. L. Jones, English Heritage Guide to Ashby de la Zouche, London 1984, pp. 20-4. Margaret Wood, The English Mediaeval House, London 1965. pp. 173, 237. Also Kenneth Hillier, William, Lord Hastings and Ashby-de-la-Zouche. The Ricardian, vol. 8(1988). pp. 13-17. 39. Lucy T. Smith, ed. , The llinerary of John Leland in or about the years 1535-43, London 1964. vol. 1, pp. 97-8. 40. Hastings' income by the end of the 14705 has been estimated at not less than £1, 300 per annum. Baldwin, Influence of the Hastings Family (see n. 21), p. 74. 41. A. H. Thompson, ed. , The building accounts of Kirby Muxloe castle, 1480-1484, Tranxaclians of [he Leicesterxhire Archaeological Society, vol. 1 [(1915), pp. l93-345. . Itinerary of John Leland, vol. I, p. 20. . Hastings Msx. (see n. 8), pp. 213-4. . The Great Chronicle of London (see n. 25), p. 212. . Paslan Letters (see n. 25), vol. 4, p. 300. . Anne F. Sutton, Sir Thomas Cook and his ‘Troubles’: an Investigation. Guildhall Studiex in London History, vol. 3 (1978), pp. 85-108. . Ross, Edward IV. (see n. l6). p. I33. . (bid. , p. 140. . J. G. Nicholls, ed. , Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lincolnshirc in I470. Camden Society I847, pp. 10-12. . Ross, Edward IV (see n. I6), p. 152. . Sir John Craig. The Mint. A History of the London Mint from AD 287 to 1948, Cambridge 1953, p. 93. . Andrew R. Scoble, ed. , The Memoirs of Philip de Commines, 2 vols. London 1856, vol. 1. p. 191. . L. Visser—Fuchs, Richard in Holland, 1470-], The Ricardian, vol. 6(1982-4)pp. 220-28. P. W. Hammond, The Bullies of Barnel and Tewkesburyu Gloucester 1990. pp. 38-40. 52. . Baldwin, Influence of the Hastings Family (see n. 2]), pp. 50-1. . David Smunhwaile, The Ordinance Survey Complete Guide to the Battlefields ofBrilain, Exeter I984, pp. l 13-4. Alfred H. Bume, The Battlefields of England, London 1950, pp. 108-116. . Bume. Battlefields of England, pp. 117-136. John Bruce, ed. , Historic of the Arrival! of Edward IV in England and the Final! Recouerye of hit K ingdomes from Henry VI, Camden Society 1838, iap. 26-31. Hammond, Burner and Tewkesbury, p. 99. . Henry Ellis, ed. , Three Book; of Polydore Vergil's English History, Camden Society 1844, p. 152.

463 58. The legend surrounding Edward of Lancaster's death is examined by Peter Hammond in Bar-net and Tewkesbury, pp. 123-6 and more recently by Livia Visser—Fuchs who examines the significance of the miniatures depicting the death of Edward in the Ghent and Besangon manuscripts of The Arrival! and the birth and growth of the rumour. Edward IV’s Memoir on paper to Charles, Duke of Burgundy: The so- called ‘Shon Version of the Arrivall', Nottingham Medieval Smdiex. vol. 36 (1992), pp. 193-7. . Complete Peerage, vol. 6 (vol. 2), p. 372. . Paxton Letters (see n. 25). vol. 5, p. 111. . CPR [467-77, pp. 3l0-l. . (bid. , p. 311. Lady Bonville was the daugher of Maud Camoys, half sisier to Alice, Lady Hastings. . Complete Peerage, vol. 12(vol. 6), p. 755. . C. L. Kingsford, ed. .English Hixlorical Literature, reprinted New York 1962, pp. 385-8. The Chronicles of the White Rosc of York. London 1843, pp. 146-9. . Watson, Huntington Library (see n. 24), p. [86. . lbid. , p. 187. . The legality of retaining has been questioned by historians and the sub-title of Dunham’s book (see n. 3) is 'lhe lawfulness of livery and retaining under the Yorkists and Tudors‘. For Dunham's arguments see pp. 67-89. . Dunham believed Hastings contracted with ninety persons but a recent reappraisal of the indentums has amended the total to ninety-one. Baldwin, Influence of the Hastings Family (see n. 2l). pp. 93-98. Ian Rowney, Resources and Retaining in Yorkist England: William, Lord Hastings and the Honour of Tulbury in A. J. Pollard, ed. . Property and Palilics: Essays in Later Medieval Englixh History. Gloucester 1984. p. 144. 69. Anne F. Sutton, William Shore. Merchant of London and Derby, Derbyshire Archaeological Journal, vol. 1060986), p. 129. 70. Rowney, William. Lord Hastings and the Honour of Tulbury, pp. 149-50. Dunhnm, Lord Haxtings' lndenmred Retainers (see n. 3). p. l4l-5. Baldwin, Influence of the Hastings Family (see n. 2]). p. 129. 71. Ian Rowney, The Hastings Affinity in Staffordshire and the Honour of Tutbery, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, vol. 57 (1984), pp. 35-45. 72. Commines (see n. 52). vol. I, p. 25! 73. F. P. Bamard, Edward I V's French Expedition of l 4 75 , The Leaders and their Badges being MS. 2. M. I6 College of Arms, Oxford 1925, p. 21. 74. Comminex (see n. 52), vol. I. p. 25]. 75. Ibid. . Commines records I, 500 men-at—arms. 15, 000 archers. a force of 3, 000 in Brittany plus foot soldiers. 76. CPR 1467-77, p. 55]. 77. Nicholas Pronay and John Cox, eds. . The Crow/and Chronicle Confirmations [4594486. London 1986, p.81. 78. F. R. H. Du Boulay. ed. , Regislrum Tlmme Baurgchier Cannmriensis Archiepiscopi A. D. [454-1486, Oxford 1957, p. xxi. . Conunines (see n. 52). vol. I, pp. 256-7. . Ibid. .vol. 1, pp. 253, 258. . lbid. . vol. 2, pp. 4, 6. . Hastingx My. (see n. 8), p. 30]. Watson. Huntington Library(see n. 24), p. 185. The date is incorrectly shown in both sources as I46] but the Library has since corrected this catalogue error which was based on a comemporary or sixteenth century annotation in the margin of the gram. . Paxton Letters (see n. 25), vol. 5, pp. 256. . Cora L. Scofield. The Life and Reign of Edward Ihe F aurth, I923, vol. 2. p. 176. . Pasta" Letters (see n. 25), vol. 5, p. 270. . Cammines (see n. 52), vol. 2, p. 5. Christine Weighzman, Margaret of York. Duchess of Burgundy [446-1503. Gloucester 1989, pp. l2l-2. Pastor: Letters (see n. 25). vol. 5, p. 290. Scofield, Edward IV, pp. 191-3. 87. Ross, Edward IV (see n. 16), p. 255. 88. Dugdale. Baranage (see n. 7). p. 582.

464 89. Ibid. 90. Complete Peerage, vol. 6(vol. 2). p. 373. 91. CPR [476-85, p. 90. 92. Michael A. Hicks, False, Fleeting, Perjur'd Clarence: George, Duke of Clarence 1449-78, Gloucester 1980, pp. 140-1. 152. 158. 93. CPR 1476-85, p. 143. 94. CPR 1467-76, p. 372. 95. Thompson, Kirby Muxloe Accounts (see n. 41), pp. 207-8. 96. Will of William Hastings (see n. 33). 97. Craig, The Mint (see n. 5l). pp. 88-9. Tumer, The Hastings Hourx, (see :1. 3), pp. 100-1. John Delves was appointed deputy master in February I470. Watson, Huntington Library (see u. 24), p. 186. 98. Hastings shipped three consignments of wool within one day in 1478. Scofield. Edward IV (see n. 84), vol. 2, p. 420. 99. E. Lipsum, The Economic Hixrory of England, London 1937. vol. 1, p. 564. l00. Laetitia Lyell and Frank D. Watney, Acts of Court aflhe Mercer's Company [453-1527, Cambridge 1936, p. 125. lOl.CPR 1467-77, p. 103. 102. Sutton, Sir Thomas Cook (see n. 46), pp. 95-6. 103.lbid. , p. 99n. 104. Hastings is also mentioned in the wills of Sir John Plummer (my singular and special gode lorde), Sir John's mmher-in-law. Agnes Say, the widow of Lord Wenlock (myn especiall and singlet good Lord). and Lady Agnes’ most recent husband, Sir John Say of Bmxboume (singular and special] goode lorde). and was appointed overseer of all three wills. The former two each bequeathed to Hastings, for his labours as the overseer, £20 and a ‘pyx' of gold from Agnes. Hastings was also the overseer of Lady Margaret's will and was left £l0. Hastings was undoubtedly a good friend to this family and in return commanded their respect and trust. Will of Margaret Leynham (alias Plummer). PCC 6 Logge, PRO. Prob. 11/7 f. 6. Will of Sir John Leynham (alias Plummer), PCC_ 37 Wanys, 1479. PRO, Prob. ”/6, f. 37. P. E. Jones, ed.. Calendar of the Plea and Memoranda Rolls aflhe City of London I458— 82, Cambridge. 1961, p. 139. Will of Sir John Say, FCC 35 Wattys, 1478 PRO, Prob. 11/6 f. 35 and J S. Roskell. Sir John Say of Broxboume, Ens! Herfordshire Archaeological Society Transactions, vol. 14, pan 1(1955-7). pp. 20-41. I am indebted to the Editor for drawing my attention to the mention of Hastings in the wills of Margaret Leynham, Agnes Say and Sir John Say. 105. Scofield, Edward IV (see n. 84), vol. 2, p337. 106. Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 337-4l. 107. Cely Letters (see n. l). p.145. [08. Scofield (see n. 84), Edward IV. vol. 2, pp. 34l-2. l09.lbid. . vol. 2. p. 341 l 10. Great Chronicle of London (see n. 25). pp. 228-9. 11 l.Cely Lelters (see n. l). p. 169. 112.lbid., pp. l74-5. 113. Crow/and Chronicle (see n. 77), pp. ISO-l. 1 l4. CPR 1476-85, p. 343. ll5.The Chronicles of the White Rose. London 1843, p. 255. This is an unmferenced statement which is probably taken from More. Shakespeare, closely following More's text. has Hastings declaring ‘. . . Then was I going to the Tower, By the suggestion of the Queen's allies'. A. Hammond, ed. , King Richard III, Arden Shakespeare. London 1981, Act 3, Sc. 2. l 16. Crawland Chronicle (see n. 77), p. 155. ll7.Hicks. Clarence (see n. 92), p. 40. M. Hicks, The Changing Role of the Wydevilles in Yorkisl Politics to 1483. in C. Ross,ed. . Palronage, Pedigree and Power, Gloucester 1979. pp. 68-9. 118. C. A. J. Annslmng, ed. and trans]. . The Usurpalian of Richard III by Dominic Mancini, reprinted Oxford I969 and Gloucester I984, p. 69. ll9.Mnncini, p. 69. James Gairdner, History of the Life and Reign of Richard the Third, Cambridge 1898 and reprinted Bath 1972, pp. 338—9. _

465 120. E. W. Ives, Andrew Dymmock and the Papers of Antony, Earl Rivers, 1482-3, Bulletin of Institute of Historical Research, vol. 41(1968), pp. 216-29. 12].lbid..p.221 122.R. S. Sylvester, ed. , The Complete Works of Sir Thomas More, The History of King Richard the Third. vol. 2. New Haven 1963. p. 225. Ives, Andrew Dymmock, p. 221. This is quite an extraordinary accusation in view of Hastings‘ pro-Burgundian sympathies. 123.Mancini. p. 69. Also see More, pp. ”-13. Neither Crowland, p. l5] or Vergil, p. I'll, make any references to a reconciliation. 124. King Edward had previously made a will and he added a number of codicils during his illness, Crow/and Chronicle (see n. 77). p. 153. Neither the will or the codicils are extant. Ross, Edward IV (see n. 16), p. 425. believes it ‘is probable, but not entirely certain’ that Richard was named Protector by his brother. Cenainly the Woodville's haste to crown young Edward. an act that would end the protectorate, taking the precedent of Henry VI's coronation, suggests Richard’s appointment.

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