Henriette Dahan Kalev the STRUGGLE for EQUALITY of WOMEN in ISRAEL

‰È‰˜· ÈÏ‡¯˘È‰ ÈÓ„˜‡‰ ÊÎ¯Ó¯ اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻻﻛﺎدﳝﻲ اﻻﺳﺮاﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة BULLETIN the israeli academic center in cairo Henriette Dahan Kalev THE STRUGGLE FOR EQUALITY OF WOMEN IN ISRAEL Dr. Henriette Dahan Kalev, a political scientist, is Director of Gender Studies at Ben Gurion University of the Negev in Beersheva, Israel. Her publications cover a broad range of areas, including democratic thought, postcolonialism, and feminist theory. She divides her time between academic research and teaching, on the one hand, and the struggle for social justice and human rights, on the other. She has been among the initiators of several social movements and is involved with the advancement of institutions concerned with the struggle against discrimination, racism, and sexism. Until recently, she was the Chairperson of “B’tselem,” the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories. Preface in a series of annual feminist and slowly being pushed to the conferences included women from margins of the movement. Their Feminist ideas were imported into most sectors of Israeli society. voices were being silenced. As one Israel in the 1970s, in the wake of the There were Israeli Palestinian of them put it: Six-Day War. The military victory in women, American Jewish migrants, What do they [the Ashkenazi 1967 elicited feelings of solidarity religious and secular women. The women] know about what it among Jews all over the world, overwhelming majority could be means to be a Mizrahi woman? drawing many new immigrants defined either as Ashkenazi women A woman with many children, to Israel, especially from affluent (of European Jewish background) religious? They close their ears western countries. Among the or as Mizrahi women (of Arab- to us. They are patronizing. young migrants from the Anglo- Jewish background).2 The feminist What can one say! How can American countries were women movement was not large, but those you even talk with them about who had been exposed to feminism. who participated were enthusiastic our regular harassment – an Bringing with them ideas about and devoted. They felt confident unrequited love. ... They gave women’s equality and liberation that women’s liberation was nigh. you all the reasons in the world that had developed during the It was not long before some of to make you feel a stranger ... late 1960s in the “Women’s Lib” the women who thought they were No opportunity to open your movement in the U.S., they struggling “shoulder to shoulder” mouth. There is nobody to talk initiated grassroots activity among for the same cause, on an equal to anyway. A club ... of feminist Israeli women. That is how second- level with their sisters, realized that Neturei Karta [an exclusive sect wave Israeli feminism took its first there were those in the movement of Ultra-Orthodox Jews] – most important steps in the domain of the who enjoyed privileges that others of the time even the language is struggle for women’s rights.1 were denied. These feelings of different. A club for immigrants A movement was founded, deprivation were shared especially where the domain and language and slogans such as “liberation,” by the Mizrahi and Palestinian is English.3 “sisterhood,” and “women’s women. They discovered that there rights” were voiced in speeches were events and meetings to which The Mizrahi women tried to bring and written on the signs held up at not everyone was invited, that they up the issue of ethnic exclusion, but demonstrations. The participants were receiving selective information it was dismissed as irrelevant to the 22 23 BULLETIN feminist struggle.4 Many women the course of a number of years, in solidarity, and equality by refus- began to drop out. the struggle for women’s equal ac- ing to sacrifice their upper-class In the early 1980s, after the first cess to the pilots’ course of the Israel privileges and abusing “feminist decade of second-wave feminist Air Force. They argued that success solidarity” to promote their own struggle in Israel, the movement would open the door to elite roles interests. The Ashkenazi feminists was almost exclusively based on in the Israel Defense Forces – and, rejected these accusations and Ashkenazi women activists and consequently, to advancement in refused to take responsibility for focused largely on issues of concern civilian society – for all women the Mizrahi women’s grievances. A to the upper classes. The relation- equally. In fact, that struggle pro- deadlock ensued, and many of the ship between the small Mizrahi and moted upper-class women’s inter- participants, Ashkenazi as well as Palestinian groups that remained in ests, because such roles were not Mizrahi, left the conference.8 Bitter the movement and the larger group a realistic option for women who, feelings were expressed on both of Ashkenazi and American-born5 like so many Mizrahi women, had sides, and the movement split. women seemed to replicate the eth- lower educational qualifications. In the following year, this debate nic conflict that had existed between Moreover, it was not an option at continued to preoccupy feminists Mizrahim and Ashkenazim in the all for Palestinian Israeli women and was extensively discussed in larger society since the early years or for most religiously observant feminist circles in many forums: of the state, and even before.6 The women, who are exempted from academic, grassroots, political, Ashkenazi activists determined the compulsory service in Israel’s and the media.9 The outcome of objects of the movement’s struggles armed forces. the conference impacted harshly and the subjects of its conferences, On a practical level, Mizrahi and on relations among Israeli femi- and ran them; they gave priority Palestinian feminist activists often nists, and the movement never to issues such as the demand for found themselves assigned to tasks recovered from the ailments of representation of women on the like mailing or distributing flyers sectarianism, feeble solidarity, and boards of national corporations and preparing the signs for demon- an upper-class image. However, the and political parties, higher educa- strations, rather then representing split clarified ideological outlines, tion, and the celebration of sexual the movement abroad or speaking showing that Israeli women’s preference. for it in the media – tasks that were causes are not monolithic and that This set of priorities subordi- monopolized by Ashkenazi wom- women are divided by social factors nated issues of concern to poorer en. The movement’s elitist priorities such as race, class, nationality, and women, many of whom were and the patronizing attitude of its religion. Sectorial interests proved Mizrahi (or Palestinian). The Miz- Ashkenazi members towards their to be stronger then feminist senti- rahi activists in the movement itself Mizrahi and Palestinian colleagues ments of sisterhood. The debate at were middle class and often had ac- fostered tensions between them. Givat Haviva is now recognized as quired higher education, but they The conflict simmered for several a significant milestone in the devel- came from poor families and were years before it boiled over. opment of feminist consciousness sensitive to lower-class issues. They in Israel. supported the movement’s agenda, Mizrahi feminists began to meet but their priorities were different. Shaping a Mizrahi Feminist and very soon organized the First They were interested in issues Agenda Mizrahi Feminist Annual Confer- such as completion of elementary ence, held in Netanya in May 1995. education and the improvement In 1994, at the Tenth Annual Femi- It provided a public forum where of labor conditions in low-paying nist Conference in Givat Haviva, Mizrahi feminists could talk explicit- jobs that demanded long hours of a small group of Mizrahi women ly about complex experiences of manual work.7 That the differences made a first successful attempt at ethnic and gender oppression. They between upper-class and lower- raising a distinct feminist voice. experienced the feeling of being able class women’s interests were not Disrupting the proceedings, they to talk about these issues, without always clear enabled the Ashkenazi claimed that the Ashkenazi wom- being required to provide excuses women to blur their elitist agenda. en did not represent their special or justifications, as empowering For example, many feminists in- concerns and had betrayed the and liberating.10 The women spoke vested a great deal of energy, over feminist principles of sisterhood, of historical wounds that were 24 25 ‰È‰˜· ÈÏ‡¯˘È‰ ÈÓ„˜‡‰ ÊÎ¯Ó¯ اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻻﻛﺎدﳝﻲ اﻻﺳﺮاﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة BULLETIN the israeli academic center in cairo discovered to have very personal taken a significant step in the direc- theoretical analysis of the conflict as well as collective aspects, which tion of exposing hidden links that between Mizrahi and Ashkenazi they compared with the public make it more difficult for marginal- feminists. and formal elements of the Zionist ized women to break their silence. ethos that they had been taught. The This process of feminist social for- resemblance of so many of their in- mation did not occur in a void. The Theoretical Perspective of dividual experiences, as reflected in poverty and deprivation of Mizrahi Marginalized Feminists the talks at the conference, began to women were part of a broad social form a Mizrahi women’s collective disparity that had existed in Israel The pattern of women’s hege- narrative that fostered solidarity. A since the establishment of the state. monic-subordinate relationships Mizrahi feminism with distinctive However, the intersection between in feminist movements, and its outlines was shaping itself around the gender and ethnic experiences consequences, are not unique to that narrative. of deprivation is not to be under- Israel. They have been discussed The topics chosen for discussion stood merely as a combination of extensively in feminist literature, at the conference reflected two ma- two sorts of deprivation; the social particularly in connection with the jor concerns.

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