To be published in G. Valtchinova (ed.), Religion on the Boundary and the Politics of Divine Interventions. Proceedings of the International Conference, Sofia 14-18 April 2006. Istanbul, Isis Press. RELIGION ON THE BORDER: SANCTUARIES AND FESTIVALS IN POST-COMMUNIST ALBANIA Gilles de Rapper This paper is an attempt to bring together observations conducted in three ‗sanctuaries‘ in south-east Albania and observations regarding the international border between Greece and Albania, with special attention to its impact on local society. Data were collected in 1995-96 and 2003 in the districts of Korçë and Devoll in the frame of a project on the transformations of Albanian borderlands since 1990. Religious practice in itself was not the focus of my study: the three ‗sanctuaries‘ were visited only for a few days, on the occasion of their annual festivals. What was happening at those times appeared however indicative of many aspects of Albanian society in this borderland context, regarding for instance the relation between Muslims and Christians or the impact of migration in Greece. The aim of this paper is not a detailed exploration of religious life in the three places in question but, rather, to contextualise the three festivals in the border area. It suggests that ‗sacred places‘ are not insignificant, but highly relevant to borders and boundaries. Several aspects of the link between sanctuaries and the border can be listed and serve as hypothesis for further explorations: — By the end of Communism in Albania, international borders – kept closed for decades – opened at the same time when places of worship throughout the country – closed in 1967 with the ban on religion – became open to the public again. What was then the meaning of visiting sacred places, on both sides of the border, for people who experienced the opening of the border? It seems from our first observations that if a visit to a sanctuary can be a way to gain protection for a journey that continues to be perilous, 1 the opening of the border has made new sanctuaries accessible to local believers, whose ‗power‘ is increased by their location on the other side of the border. — Festivals bring together, in the same place and at the same time, people whose positions toward the border are different. In the cases discussed here, the common participation of Muslims and Christians in religious festivals taking place in the border area seems to be closely connected to the differentials generated by the border between Greece and Albania. Migration of many Muslim Albanians to a Christian country has given a renewed and crucial meaning to the boundary between Muslims and Christians inside Albanian society.1 Religious festivals are times when this boundary is likely to be negotiated for migration purposes. This is also true for other boundaries, such as the one between Albanians on the one hand and Aromanians and Roma on the other, two groups who locally enjoy cross-border networks and facilities to cross the border, and who have particular claims on some sanctuaries. Observations of festivals might thus be a way to reach a better understanding of interethnic relations in post-communist Albania. — Finally, festivals are times when migrants returning from Greece or other countries of destination manifest their attachment to their village of origin; they are also times when departing migrants seek divine protection as well as human support to achieve their crossing of the border. Observing religion practices in the sanctuaries can thus inform us on migration process. In the first part of the paper, sanctuaries are described within the international border area. In the second part, I explore the impact of the international border on the definition and attendance of the sanctuaries. I focus on three sanctuaries located in the villages of Voskopojë, Vithkuq (district of Korçë) and Hoçisht (district of Devoll). These are Christian sanctuaries which – as elsewhere in the Balkans and the Mediterranean (Albera 2005) – are also frequented by Muslims, especially on the saint patron‘s day. In the outskirts of the village of Voskopojë – in a mountainous area west of the city of Korçë – the abandoned monastery of Saint John the Baptist (Shën Prodhrom) is celebrated on June 24th. A few days later, in quite a similar location, people visit the abandoned monastery of Saint Peter (Shën Pjetër) in Vithkuq, on June 29th. Finally, on July 1st, an impressive crowd gathers around the small church of Saints Cosmas and Damian, in the village of Hoçisht, east of Korçë, in a place called Satrivaç.2 I first went to Voskopojë in 1995, with a Muslim family from Bilisht who had links with the village: the head of the family had married a woman from Voskopojë. The 1 The religious boundary between Muslims and Christians, as one of the lines that divide post-communist Albanian society, is attested in various ways: in the spatial distribution of members of both communities in separate villages; in the low level of intermarriage; in the use of a wide range of names (for both self- and exo- designation), including the words for ‗race‘ and ‗nation‘ to refer to religious communities; and finally in a system of stereotypes through which the ‗nature‘ of Muslims and Christians is made a part of popular sociology (de Rapper 2002). 2 The name Satrivaç is generally acknowledged as originating from Bulgarian Sveti Vrači or ‗Holy Healers‘, a name given to Saints Cosmas and Damian. The saints themselves are called in Albanian Shën Anargjirë, from Greek αναργυροι. The two doctors reached holiness by refusing payment from their patients. 2 next year, I went to Hoçisht while I was staying with another Muslim family in Bilisht. The extended family used to gather annually for a picnic in Satrivaç, on the saint‘s day or the day before. I returned to both places on my own in 2003 and added a visit to Vithkuq, where I had never been before. Sanctuaries on the border Although there is no space for a detailed description of these places and festivals (festë, panair),3 several points should be made in order to understand what these places and moments are. The scene is similar in the three places: people arrive in the afternoon, on the day before the saint‘s day, and spend the night on the spot, either inside the church or in the area around the church. There is a religious celebration in the evening and another one the next morning, on the saint‘s day. People spend that day in visits to the church and meetings with friends and family. A long time is spent for picnic, for which a lamb might be sacrificed on the spot and food distributed around. Departures from the sanctuary start after lunchtime. By the end of the afternoon, the place is empty. The first point concerns the location of those places in the religious landscape. The three villages are known as Christians villages where Muslims have recently settled, especially during communist times, so that today their population is said to be ‗mixed‘ (i përzier). They are also surrounded by Muslim villages, or by demographically depressed Christian villages; in other words, from the Christian point of view, the villages and their surroundings have lost a part of their Christian character. In the case of Voskopojë and Vithkuq, this loss is told in a more dramatic mode: both villages are known to have been prosperous Christian cities in the 18th century, before they were plundered and destroyed during repeated attacks by local Muslims. The churches and monasteries still existing – including Saint John‘s and Saint Peter‘s discussed here – date back to those times of prosperity and wealth (1765 and 1763 respectively).4 The festivals thus take place in rural and somehow deprived spaces where Christians have an ambiguous status: as a minority whose existence is challenged by a growing Muslim majority; as a privileged minority whose religion affords facilities in migration and a better and European image, in contrast to the Muslim majority who enjoys a less comfortable reputation in Greece and complains of the difficulties they meet in migration. The second point is that although local villagers take part in the feast, most of the visitors are urban families coming from the city of Korçë or from more distant cities. Some of them claim familial origins from the villages or at least identify with the sanctuaries as local or regional ones. The conditions in which the festivals take place are thus characterised by the rapid and strong urbanisation of Albania since 1990 and by the stress put by both villagers and new urban-dwellers on locality and on the notion of origin. In this 3 The second word is Greek πανηγύρι, ‗festival, feast, fair‘. 4 For a historical account, see Adhami 1998, Plasari 2000 and Falo 2003. 3 way, festivals and sanctuaries participate in the reshaping of local territories in Albanian society. Finally, the three sanctuaries are not the only ones of their kind in the area. People who visit them each year have already gone, or plan to go, to other places, including similar sanctuaries such as Saint Mary‘s church (Shën Meri) at Boboshticë (August 15th) and Saint Marina‘s monastery (Shën Marenë) in Llëngë (Pogradec), celebrated on July 17th. They also visit Muslim sanctuaries, such as the Bektashi tekke of Turan. All those places are known both as holy places in which healing and relief can be obtained and as tourist places of rural or mountainous scenery where one can get rid of the stress and fatigue of urban life. More interestingly for our purpose, this network of shrines and sanctuaries is also a cross-border network: it includes for instance the monastery of Saint Naum (Sveti Naum), located on the shore of Lake Ohrid, just on the other side of the border between Albania and Macedonia.