THE RADICAL REFORMERS and the JEWS* Three Separate

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

THE RADICAL REFORMERS and the JEWS* Three Separate THE RADICAL REFORMERS AND THE JEWS* Three separate promptings have led me to bring before colleagues in 16th century studies the issues raised in this panel on "Reformers, Radical Reformers, Jews and Heretics," and in particular the issues raised by bracketing "the Radical Reformers and the Jews." Three Promptings The first prompting came during a thorough review of Christian history, in connection with writing an Introduction to Christianity for Jewish Readers. I noticed that from the time of Constantine "Jews and heretics" were bracketed for control and/or persecution in the same periods of suffering. The same rulers and establishment preachers targetted both - e.g., during the Crusades, during the Spanish Inquisition, during the last decades of the Romanovs, during Heydrich's administration of Gleich­ schaltung and "Final Solution" during the German Third Reich. ^> But the great Jewish general historians never recorded what was happening to the Christian "heretics," and the Christian general surveys were silent about mob actions, pogroms and government genocide directed against Jews. The second prompting came from a realization of the degree to which Christian/Jewish dialogue in America, where all communities enjoy the blessings secured by the First Amendment, *A paper by Dr Franklin H Littell, Emeritus Professor of Religion, Temple University, at the 16th Century Studies Conference, 19 October 1991 at the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia PA is tainted - and sometimes corrupted - by the failure of both Jewish communal leaders and church leaders to distinguish between Religious Liberty and toleration, and between legitimate government policies in Christendom and legitimate government policies in an officially secular and pluralistic USA. The third prompting came from a statement by Jules Isaac, a French Jewish historian who lost his family during the Holocaust. Author of a great study Jesus and Israel, he wrote in a smaller essay'on "the teaching of contempt" as follows: "...after very deep historical research, I say and maintain that the fate of Israel [i.e., of the . Jewish people] did not take on a truly inhuman character until the 4th century A. D. with the coming of the Christian Empire."1 The parallel to the Radical Reformers' and later restitutionists' idea of the Fall of the Church was striking, and it clings to the Free Church mind like a burr. Antisemitism in the 16th Century Let me turn now to the section of this discussion which is my portion. References to post-Christian Judaism are missing in most major Anabaptist teachers - for instance, in Menno Simons and Dirck Philipsz. Other- Anabaptist leaders, notably Pilgram Marpeck, pick up a note also prominent among magisterial Reformers. The mythic "Jew" is a polemical weapon: religious opponents are "Judaizers" of the same spirit as the enemies of Jesus; the Jew is stereotyped as "under punishment," "greedy" and usurious.2 Contact with real Jews was slight. "The Radical Reformers and the Jews" 2 From Erasmus to Luther, such was the prevailing complex of constructs about "the Jew" in the Reformation Era, in a Christendom in which theological and cultural antisemitism remained endemic. A recent survey of this miasma is Heiko Obermann's Wurzeln des Antisemitismus.3 Unlike the magisterial Reformers, however, no Anabaptist leader ever justified abuse or persecution of real Jews. Hubmaier attacked the Jews of Regensburg4, leading to their expulsion and the burning of the synagogue, and Menno wrote negatively about "the Jews" in his tract "The Blasphemy of John of Leiden" (1535)5. But these two wellknown anti-Jewish actions occurred while they were still priests in the Latin Church. The incidents were pre-Anabaptist, and neither leader again attacked the Jews after conversion to Anabaptist Christianity and with it ^o Religious Liberty. Radical Reformers and "the Jews" Were there any persons or groups in the Left Wing of the Reformation that were Judaeophile? Did any of them sense that the long centuries during which the political and religious leaders had bracketed "Jews and Heretics" for discrimination and persecution called for an Anabaptist statement on the relation of Jews and Christians different from the traditional set of calumnies and rejections? To begin with, we can make some pleasant statements about what the Christian radicals did no£ teach, although such teachings were rife in the establishments. No Anabaptist taught "The Radical Reformers and the Jews" 3 the deicide calumny. No Anabaptist advocated the burning of synagogues, Hebrew books or Jewish persons. In sum, in terms of the absence of antisemitic theological negatives, the Anabaptists of the 16th century had reached the point officially affirmed by the Roman Catholic Church four centuries later, after the Ecumenical Council: Vatican II (1961-65). Many Christian churches have yet, of course, to reach even that level. So much for the absence of negatives. What is the picture when we turn to affirmatives? Perhaps the most familiar reference involves that sector of the Radical Reformation identified as Anti-Trinitarian - the 16th century fore-runners of Dutch, English and American Unitarianism. Like the other sectors of the "Left Wing," they thought the turning point in Christian history came with Constantine. The Anti-Trinitarians identified the "Fall of the Church" with the rise of professionals to power - apparatchiks, so to say, hierarchs who lorded it over the laity, and theologians who drowned out the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. Michael Servetus, the best known Anti-Trinitarian, called his program book Restitutio Christianismi and used his sharp wit to attack scholastic sophistries. According to the great Unitarian scholar E Morse Wilbur, Servetus was not opposed to the idea of the Trinity but rather to false representations of it. "Its three persons or hypostases were mere mathematical abstractions, having no relation to the living God, nor to the Christ of the New Testament, nor to the Holy Spirit of Christian experience. Its very terms - Trinity, hypostasis, person, essense, substance - were inventions of "The Radical Reformers and the Jews" 4 philosophers, and had not a shadow of support from Scripture."6 In Book I of De Trinitatis Erroribus Servetus asked if the little boy who went with his parents to Egypt and back was named "Hypostasis." He also generalized that the dogmatic disputes wouldn't have caused so much trouble "had the Greeks learned Hebrew."7 Servetus appears to have been permanently oriented against oppression of mind and spirit and toward toleration by the misuse of the Trinitarian dogma in the persecution of Moors and Jews in his Spanish homeland8. Apparently, in the confrontation between the super-powers of that age he was also inspired by the idea of re-stating the doctrine of the Trinity in such a way that Muslims and Christians could agree upon it. Where the theme of the Reformers was reformatio, the Radical Reformers' slogan was restitutio. For some that meant return to the Early Church before the union of church and state. For others the key idea was the believers' church, in a covenant sealed by believers' baptism. For others it was recovery of a purified Christian teaching, before abstractions and sophistries mushroomed. As one specialist put it - "The original antitrinitarian departure in the 16th century was not philosophical but Biblical. The intention was to hold exclusively to the expressions that the Scriptures used in reference to God, and to eliminate everything else as 'Greek' and 'Scholastic'..."9 "The Radical Reformers and the Jews" Himself a Jesuit, the writer thought that Adam Pastor, who was a restitutionist in both doctrine and polity, was the point of departure for a new appreciation of the antitrinitarian contribution to church history. Pastor, a splendid Bible scholar, disputed with Menno on the Trinity and before he was put under the ban was for a decade one of the most influential of Anabaptist leaders in the lowlands.10 Among Italian "evangelical Rationalists" there was a strong anti-Trinitarian note, and some of them became Sabbatarians. There was Marrano influence among refugees from Spain, and eventually it spread from the papal states and north Italy to Moravia and Poland. Before the Counter-Reformation set in, there was a substantial Anti-Trinitarian Anabaptist church in Poland. Elisabeth Mielecka, daughter of Prince Nicolas Radzevvil and wife of Palatin of Ponolic, probably appeared in higher profile than most when she announced "the Decalogue is my religion" and initiated Sabbath observance.11 Nevertheless, the return to the pre-Constantinian church carried pre-Nicaean as well as pre-Roman Imperial implications. It is not surprising that some radicals might return to use of the scriptures that the early Christians called "Scripture," and to the core of the way of life (Torah) that the early Christians considered normative. The publication of George Williams' History of the Polish Reformation, long delayed, will fill us in on this front. "The Radical Reformers and the Jews" 6 Appreciation of the Hebrew texts and normative use of the Bible against later philosophical accretions and institutional innovations was a major force in the movements of the Radical Reformation until savage persecution wiped out almost all of the leaders with formal education. It is worth recalling that before the bloody decade in which some 5,000 Anabaptist leaders were put to death (1523-33), two leftwing scholars, Hetzer and Denck, produced a translation of the Old Testament prophets of such quality that it went through 17 editions in 4 years and was used also by enemies like Martin Luther12. After the great period of persecution, those caught and put to the question by the authorities were usually unlettered folk, noteworthy for their extensive memorization of the Scriptures in the vernacular, but of course unable to read Hebrew. Members of the Left Wing made full use of Old Testament stories and lessons.
Recommended publications
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect repmduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscn'pt and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing fmm left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manusuipt have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6' x 9' black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustmtions appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Bell 8 HowaH Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 USA EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY MENNONITE CONFESSIONS OF FAITH: THE DEVELOPMENT OF AN ANABAPTIST TRADITION by Karl Peter Koop A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Theology of the University of St. Michae18s College and the Department of Theology of the Toronto School of Theology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Theology awarded by the University of St.
    [Show full text]
  • Century Historiography of the Radical Reformation
    Toward a Definition of Sixteenth - Century habaptism: Twentieth - Century Historiography of the Radical Reformation James R. Coggins Winnipeg "To define the essence is to shape it afresh." - Ernst Troeltsch Twentieth-century Anabaptist historiography has somewhat of the character of Hegelian philosophy, consisting of an already established Protestant-Marxist thesis, a Mennonite antithesis and a recent synthesis. The debate has centred on three major and related issues: geographic origin, intellectual sources, and essence. Complicating these issues has been confusion over the matter of categorization: Just who is to be included among the Anabaptists and who should be assigned to other groups? Indeed, what are the appropriate categories, or groups, in the sixteenth century? This paper will attempt to unravel some of the tangled debate that has gone on concerning these issues. The Protestant interpretation of Anabaptism has the longest aca- demic tradition, going back to the sixteenth century. Developed by such Protestant theologians and churchmen as Bullinger, Melanchthon, Men- ius, Rhegius and Luther who wrote works defining and attacking Ana- baptism, this interpretation arose out of the Protestant understanding of the church. Sixteenth-century Protestants believed in a single universal church corrupted by the Roman Catholic papacy but reformed by them- selves. Anyone claiming to be a Christian but not belonging to the church Joitnlal of Mennonite Stitdies Vol. 4,1986 184 Journal ofMennonite Studies (Catholic or Protestant) was classed as a heretic,' a member of the mis- cellaneous column of God's sixteenth-century army. For convenience all of these "others" were labelled "Anabaptists." Protestants saw the Anabaptists as originating in Saxony with Thomas Muntzer and the Zwickau prophets in 1521 and spreading in subsequent years to Switzerland and other parts of northern Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of Early Anabaptism As Minority Religion in German Fiction
    Heresy or Ideal Society? A Study of Early Anabaptism as Minority Religion in German Fiction DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Ursula Berit Jany Graduate Program in Germanic Languages and Literatures The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Professor Barbara Becker-Cantarino, Advisor Professor Katra A. Byram Professor Anna Grotans Copyright by Ursula Berit Jany 2013 Abstract Anabaptism, a radical reform movement originating during the sixteenth-century European Reformation, sought to attain discipleship to Christ by a separation from the religious and worldly powers of early modern society. In my critical reading of the movement’s representations in German fiction dating from the seventeenth to the twentieth century, I explore how authors have fictionalized the religious minority, its commitment to particular theological and ethical aspects, its separation from society, and its experience of persecution. As part of my analysis, I trace the early historical development of the group and take inventory of its chief characteristics to observe which of these aspects are selected for portrayal in fictional texts. Within this research framework, my study investigates which social and religious principles drawn from historical accounts and sources influence the minority’s image as an ideal society, on the one hand, and its stigmatization as a heretical and seditious sect, on the other. As a result of this analysis, my study reveals authors’ underlying programmatic aims and ideological convictions cloaked by their literary articulations of conflict-laden encounters between society and the religious minority.
    [Show full text]
  • The Roots of Anabaptist Empathetic Solidarity, Nonviolent Advocacy, and Peacemaking
    The Roots of Anabaptist Empathetic Solidarity, Nonviolent Advocacy, and Peacemaking John Derksen Introduction uch of Mennonite nonviolent advocacy and peacebuild- ing today finds its roots in sixteenth-century Anabaptism. But Msixteenth-century Anabaptists were diverse. In keeping with the polygenesis viewSAMPLE of Anabaptist origins, this paper assumes diversity in the geography, origins, cultures, shaping influences, spiritual orientations, attitudes to violence, and other expressions of Anabaptists.1 We define Anabaptists as those who accepted (re)baptism or believer’s baptism and the implications of that choice. Various Anabaptists had sectarian, ascetic, spiri- tualist, social revolutionary, apocalyptic, rationalistic, or other orientations, and the distinctions between them were often blurred. Geographically, they emerged in Switzerland in 1525, in South Germany-Austria in 1526, and in the Netherlands in 1530. Many agree that the Anabaptists displayed 1. Stayer, Packull, and Deppermann, “Monogenesis,” 83–121; Coggins, “Defini- tion”; Stayer, Sword. Surveys of Anabaptist history that incorporate the polygenesis perspective include Snyder, Anabaptist, and Weaver, Becoming Anabaptist. Works that explore Anabaptist unity beyond polygenesis include Weaver, Becoming Anabaptist, and Roth and Stayer, Companion. 13 © 2016 The Lutterworth Press 14 Historical Conditions of Anabaptist-Mennonite Peacebuilding Approaches both Protestant and Catholic characteristics in different configurations. “Negatively, there was anger against social, economic, and religious abuses . but responses to this discontent varied widely. Positively, the ‘Word of God’ served as a rallying point for all, but differences . emerged over how it was understood and used.”2 While Swiss Anabaptists tended to fa- vor sectarianism after the 1525 Peasants’ War, South German and Austrian Anabaptists tended more toward spiritualism, and early Dutch Anabaptists tended toward apocalyptic thinking.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reformations
    Saskatoon Theological Union HA/HL 112: Part 1 The Reformation Winter, 2013 HA/HL 112: THE STORY OF CHRISTIANITY: Part A: The Reformations Time: Tuesdays and Thursdays, 1:30 - 2:50 pm. Place: Room 209, Lutheran Theological Seminary (LTS) Instructor: Gordon Jensen, LTS ph. 966-7866 [email protected] Course Description This course picks up the story of Christianity in the late medieval period (the end of the fifteenth century) and carries it through to the end of the sixteenth century. The first part of HA/HL 112 deals with the Reformation movements of the 16th century. The second part, taught by Dr. Sandra Beardsall, will deal with the story of Christianity from the time of the Reformations to the present. The Reformation Era The sixteenth century represents a major watershed in the story of Christianity in the West. We speak of “the Reformations” of the sixteenth century, but what that term means is understood in a variety of ways. Some have seen the Reformations as the triumph of light after centuries of darkness; for others it is the tearing apart of Christ’s body, the church, into many fragments. The first part of the course will seek to address the questions that swirl around the sixteenth century. It will look at backgrounds and try to put the Reformation movements into the context of their time and place. These movements will be seen ultimately in religious terms, but religion itself will be understood as very much a part of the social, economic and political realities of the day. By examining the major developments, personalities and writings of various kinds, we will attempt to shed some light on this period and to lay down some of the basic foundational stones for Christianity in the modern world.
    [Show full text]
  • I Ate and Drank with These Teachers: Martin Luther and Pilgram Marpeck on Being •Ÿtheologians of the Crossâ•Ž
    Consensus Volume 39 Article 5 Issue 2 Re-examining Lutheran Theology 11-25-2018 I Ate and Drank With These eT achers: Martin Luther and Pilgram Marpeck on Being ‘Theologians of the Cross’ Walter Klaassen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/consensus Part of the Practical Theology Commons Recommended Citation Klaassen, Walter (2018) "I Ate and Drank With These Teachers: Martin Luther and Pilgram Marpeck on Being ‘Theologians of the Cross’," Consensus: Vol. 39 : Iss. 2 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/consensus/vol39/iss2/5 This Articles is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Consensus by an authorized editor of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Klaassen: I Ate and Drank I Ate and Drank With These Teachers: Martin Luther and Pilgram Marpeck on Being ‘Theologians of the Cross’ Walter Klaassen1 y title could create the impression that it refers to an event in Auerbach’s Keller in Leipzig, or at least to Martin Luther and his students at table talk in Wittenberg. In M fact, it does not refer to a scene at all but to a metaphorical reminiscence of Pilgram Marpeck in 1531 of what had happened to him a decade earlier. Marpeck was commenting on his excitement at learning the truth of the gospel from Lutheran teachers in the early 1520s. The words are found in a tract he wrote in 1531, which was a sharp critique against his former teachers.2 He does not tell us who these teachers were, but we know two of them by name.
    [Show full text]
  • Power, Politics, and the Theology of Menno Simons
    Power, Politics, and the Theology of Menno Simons by Henry Suderman A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Manitoba in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Religion University of Manitoba Winnipeg Copyright O 2006 by Henry Suderman THE I.INIVERSITY OF MANITOBA FACULTY OF' G-RAD.UATE STUDIES COPYRIGHT PERMISSION Power, Politics, and the Theology of Menno Simons BY Henry Suderman A ThesisÆracticum submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Manitoba in partial fulfïllment of the requirement of the degree oF' MASTER OF ARTS Henry Suderman @ 2006 Permission has been granted to the Library of the University of Manitoba to lend or sell copies of this thesis/practicum, to the National Library of Canada to microfilm this thesis and to lend or sell copies of the film, and to University Microfilms Inc. to pubtish an abstract of this thesis/practicum. This reproduction or copy of this thesis has been made availabte by authority of the copyright owner solely for the purpose of private study and research, and may only be reproduced and õopied as permitted by copyright laws or with express written authorization from the copyright owner. Abstract Sixteenth-cenfury Anabaptism is often assumed to have been, and is frequently labelled, an apolitical movement in the secondary literature. Such an interpretive framework does not do justice to the thought or actions of sixteenth-century Anabaptists, and therefore, does not provide an adequate understanding ofsixteenth-century Anabaptisrn. The purpose of this thesis is to challenge the "apolitical" labelling of Anabaptisrn, and provide an alternate interpretive framework for understanding sixteenth- century Anabaptist thought and actions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenge of Menno Simons' Symbolic View of the Lord's Supper (The Conrad Grebel Review, Fall 2006)
    The Challenge of Menno Simons’ Symbolic View of the Lord’s Supper Joel Schmidt Introduction In sacramental Christian traditions there exists a general conviction that Spirit may be mediated by matter, the eternal by the temporal, and the infinite by the finite. More specifically, particular ceremonies are taken to mediate God’s power in an especially forceful and direct manner, namely, the sacraments. This theological resolution to the puzzle of the relationship between Spirit and matter has, however, most frequently been perceived to be unavailable to Christians of an Anabaptist orientation. Speaking from within the tradition with which I am familiar, Mennonites from the North American General Conference and Mennonite Church1 are used to thinking of themselves as decidedly non-sacramental. This is, of course, in contradiction to the general experience of most Mennonites that God is not available just through the Word or the gathered community of believers but more broadly in the world at large. Nevertheless, when it comes to the formal theological or ritualized recognition of many people’s general experience, most North American Anabaptist fellowships continue to resist acknowledging the sacramental nature of Christian experience. One of the most likely places for such acknowledgment is the Lord’s Supper. Due to the provocative biblical passages associated with this “ordinance,” the direct association of the elements with Jesus, and the clarity of the origin of this rite with his instruction, one might expect it would be here, if anywhere, that Anabaptists could celebrate a sacramental understanding of reality. However, such an expectation is not fulfilled in most contemporary Anabaptist thought or practice.
    [Show full text]
  • MENNO SIMONS LECTURE SERIES PAST SPEAKERS 1953 Roland H
    316/283-2500 316/284-5286 fax 300 East 27th Street North Newton, Kansas 67117-8061 • O f f i c e o f A l u mn i R e l a t i o n s — A l u mn i A s s o c i a t i o n — A f r i c a n - A me r i c a n A l u m n i A s s o c a t i o n — S t u d e n t A l u m n i A s s o c i a t i o n — Y o u n g A l u mn i A s s o c i a t i o n — F a l l F e s t i va l MENNO SIMONS LECTURE SERIES PAST SPEAKERS 1953 Roland H. Bainton, Yale Divinity School, Sixteenth-Century Anabaptism 1954 Wilhelm Pauck, Union Theological Seminary, The Reformers and the Anabaptists 1954 Franklin H. Littell, Chicago Theological Seminary, The Free Church 1955 Robert Kreider, Bluffton College, Anabaptism Speaks to Our Day 1956 Martin Niemöller, Evangelical Church, Hesse-Nassau, Germany, Relevance of Christian Nonresistance in Our Present World Situation 1957 Jacob J. Enz, Mennonite Biblical Seminary, The Only Warfare the Christian Knows 1958 George H. Williams, Harvard Divinity School, Wilderness and Paradise in the History of God’s People 1959 Gordon D. Kaufman, Harvard Divinity School, The Theological Context of the Christian Ethic 1960 Elton Trueblood, Earlham College, The Fellowship of the Concerned 1961 H.
    [Show full text]
  • 2007). William R. Estep, Ed. Anabaptist Beginnings (1523-1533
    The Journal of Baptist Studies 1 (2007). William R. Estep, ed. Anabaptist Beginnings (1523-1533): A Source Book, Bibliotheca humanistica et reformatorica. Nieuwkoop: B. De Graff, 1976. Pp. vii, 172. $135.00. Cloth. One man’s noise is another man’s symphony. Indeed, for Huldrich Zwingli the sirens of Conrad Grebel, Balthasar Hubmaier, and Pilgram Marpeck clamored in complete cacophony to the Zwinglian idea of a Magisterial Reformation. What is more, most of the historiographical tradition that followed until the twentieth century agreed with Zwingli that the Anabaptists were disorderly radicals of extreme dissonance. However, for William R. Estep, the works of the Anabaptists created a tune of a different kind. Signaling the reemergence of the Free Church, these were songs of harmonic precision providing the motivating accompaniment for the beginnings of an ecclesiastical revolution. In his twenty-first year of teaching at Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, William Roscoe Estep assembled and edited a volume of primary source works that chronicle the genesis of the Anabaptist Reformation. When originally published, Anabaptist Beginnings took its place in the already stacked arsenal from which Estep was firing toward those who sought to discount the validity of the Anabaptist movement. Estep waved proudly the Anabaptist flag in an era that had never before seen it, much less seen it defended. At the outset, Estep acknowledges that the works contained in Anabaptist Beginnings have been “published primarily for the student of Anabaptism who lacks the skills to translate the sixteenth century Latin and German sources for himself” (v). This is no small undertaking as Estep translated nine out of the eighteen tracts.
    [Show full text]
  • Anabaptist Masculinity in Reformation Europe Adam Michael Bonikowske University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
    University of Wisconsin Milwaukee UWM Digital Commons Theses and Dissertations May 2013 Anabaptist Masculinity in Reformation Europe Adam Michael Bonikowske University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.uwm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, Gender and Sexuality Commons, and the History of Christianity Commons Recommended Citation Bonikowske, Adam Michael, "Anabaptist Masculinity in Reformation Europe" (2013). Theses and Dissertations. 80. https://dc.uwm.edu/etd/80 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by UWM Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UWM Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ANABAPTIST MASCULINITY IN REFORMATION EUROPE by Adam Bonikowske A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History at The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee May 2013 ABSTRACT ANABAPTIST MASCULINITY IN REFORMATION EUROPE by Adam Bonikowske The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 2013 Under the Supervision of Professor Merry Wiesner-Hanks This thesis studies the connections between the Anabaptist movement during the Protestant Reformation and the alternative masculinities that developed during sixteenth- century Europe. It argues that Anabaptist men challenged traditional gender norms of European society, and through their unique understanding of the Reformation’s message of salvation, these men constructed new ideas about masculinity that were at odds with Protestant and Catholic culture. Anabaptist men placed piety and ethics at the center of reform, and argued for the moral improvement of Christians. In separation from Catholics and mainstream Protestants, Anabaptists created a new culture that exhibited behavior often viewed as dangerous.
    [Show full text]
  • Book Reviews
    Book Reviews Liberating the Politics of Jesus: Renewing Peace Theology through the Wisdom of Women. Edited by Elizabeth Soto Albrecht and Darryl W. Stephens. London: T & T Clark. 2020. $ 30.95. Liberating the Politics of Jesus: Renewing Peace Theology through the Wisdom of Women centers the voices of women and brings together perspectives from educators, administrators, and practitioners alike. This collection of vibrant, sensitive, and thoughtful reflections advances Anabaptist-Mennonite peace theology in several important and liberatory ways. As co-editor Darryl Stephens observes in the introduction, “The exclusion of women’s experiences and voices from Anabaptist peace theology has impoverished this tradition, resulting in a distorted understanding of the politics of Jesus and collusion with abuse” (3). The volume offers a helpful corrective to this historical inattention and significantly advances a constructive and holistic peace theology that promises to reshape future scholarly and ecclesial directions in important ways. The book’s title does not shy away from explicitly naming “women” as the marginalized demographic to which it will attend. However, this attention is neither overly narrow nor exclusive. Indeed, several of the essays (especially in the first three parts of the book) engage with intersectional identities related to race, sexuality, and nationality, among others. In this way, the collection attends broadly to the many ways in which peace theology is articulated and actualized. This collection of essays is divided into four parts: “Retrieval, Remembering, and Re-envisioning,” “Living the Politics of Jesus in Context,” “Salvation, Redemption, and Witness,” and “Responding to and Learning from John Howard Yoder’s Sexual Violence.” The order of these sections is important.
    [Show full text]