Adolescents' Hopes for Personal, Local, and Global Future

Home , Hopes and Fears

Youth & Society 43(1) 64–89 Adolescents’ Hopes © 2011 SAGE Publications Reprints and permission: for Personal, Local, and sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0044118X09351281 Global Future: Insights http://yas.sagepub.com from Ukraine

Olena Nikolayenko1

Abstract This study explores adolescents’ hopes for personal, local, and global future in postcommunist Ukraine. The research is based on a survey of 200 sixth- graders in the cities of Donetsk and Lviv in fall 2005. The analysis identifies six domains related to personal aspirations of adolescents: education, career, self-actualization, personal relationships, material possessions, and physical well-being. The findings also indicate that local concerns of respondents focus on the quality of public services and the environment. The study further finds that students fear most the deterioration of crossborder interpersonal relations. In addition, the analysis suggests that Ukrainian adolescents are more concerned about domestic politics than their peers in mature democracies. Moreover, the findings reveal gender and regional variations in the content of adolescents’ hopes.

Keywords social change, aspirations, Ukraine

The interplay between future orientation and social context has long captured the attention of social scientists. Voluminous empirical research has docu- mented the impact of social circumstances on aspirations of adolescents and

1Fordham University, NY

Corresponding Author: Olena Nikolayenko, Department of Political Science, Fordham University, 441 East Fordham Road, Bronx, NY 10458 Email: [email protected] Nikolayenko 65 emerging adults in Western societies (Arnett, 2000; Braungart & Braungart, 1996; Hicks & Holden, 1995; Nurmi, 1991). In addition, the collapse of communism has stimulated academic interest in the effects of dramatic social change on the psychological well-being and life goals of individuals (Noack, Kracke, Wild, & Hofer, 2001; Pinquart, Silbereisen, & Juang, 2004a, 2004b; Shlapentokh & Shiraev, 2002; Shteyn, Schumm, Vodopianova, Hobfoll, & Lilly, 2003). A major finding emerging from this line of research is that the introduction of market reforms accompanied by a surge in unemployment and a scale down in welfare benefits pushed economic issues to the top of the public agenda. According to a cross-national survey of adults, 52% of Lithuanians, 66% of Bulgarians, 70% of Russians, and 87% of Ukrainians ranked impoverishment of the population as a top public concern in the late 1990s (Shlapentokh, 2001, p. 64). More broadly, these societies became crip- pled with the so-called “postcommunist syndrome,” showing signs of low self-confidence and pessimism among citizens (Macek, Bejcek, & Vanickova, 2007, p. 446). Against this backdrop, adolescents in the postcommunist region try to formulate their life goals and plan their future. This study uses the case of Ukraine to explore adolescents’ hopes for personal, local, and global future during a period of social turmoil. A survey of sixth graders was administered in September-November 2005. This period was marked by political bickering and acrimonious exchanges between the incumbent president and his opponents in the aftermath of the so-called Orange Revolution. In fall 2004, thousands of Ukrainians protested against fraudulent election results and demanded political change (Aslund & McFaul, 2006; Kuzio, 2009; Way, 2005). The mobilization campaign culminated in the annulment of fraudulent election results and the unprecedented rerun of the second round of the presidential election. But the newly elected President Viktor Yushchenko failed to meet popular expectations articulated during the Orange Revolution (Khinkulova, 2005; Mulvey, 2005). Moreover, the pace of the economic growth slowed down from 12.1% in 2004 to 2.6% in 2005 and stalled prospects for economic prosperity (EBRD, 2007, p. 205). When prompted to pinpoint popular concerns, 78% of Ukrainians in March 2005 mentioned an increase in prices, followed by the fear of unemployment (69%) and wage arrears (56%) (Panina, 2005, p. 87).1 In this political and socioeconomic environment, only 11% of voting-age citizens claimed having a fair amount of confidence in securing their future (Panina, 2005, p. 84). Though Ukrainians have valid reasons to be concerned about their future, positive aspirations of the young generation might inject a modicum of optimism in the ailing society. A close look at adolescents’ hopes in the postcommunist state will shed light on the content of aspirations in a volatile social context. 66 Youth & Society 43(1)

The importance of life goals in shaping psychosocial development of adolescents is well established in the literature (Heckhausen & Tomasik, 2002; Hicks & Holden, 1995; Nurmi, 1991). Ample evidence shows that positive career orientation diminishes the likelihood of engagement in delinquent activities (e.g., Skorikov & Vondracek, 2007). Another strand of research finds a strong link between academic aspirations and school achievement (Alexander, Entwisle, & Bedinger, 1994; Kao & Tienda, 1995; Sewell & Hauser, 1975). Moreover, research indicates that the salience of family-related goals during emerging adulthood helps predict the timing of marriage and child-bearing at a later life stage (Salmelo-Aro, Aunola, & Nurmi, 2007). This article aims to contribute to extant literature in two ways. First, this study seeks to enrich our understanding of future orientation in diverse social settings. Though work and family are universal concerns of adolescents, social circumstances leave an imprint on the content of citizens’ aspirations (Pooley & Cooney, 1987; Seginer & Schlesinger, 1998; Vondracek, Silbereisen, Reitzle, & Wiesner, 1999). In scrutinizing hopes of young Ukrainians, this study seeks to illuminate the peculiarities of future orientation under conditions of political and economic uncertainty. Second, this empirical inquiry extends research on future orientation by highlighting adolescents’ perceptions of looming global problems. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the rise of international terrorism, world politics has undergone tremendous change. Yet there is sparse research on how young citizens in the former Soviet Union imagine the future of the mankind in general and the country’s foreign relations in particular. The 1986 U.S.–U.S.S.R. Teenager Survey containing unique Soviet-era data offers a useful vantage point for gauging how adolescents’ concerns have changed since the collapse of communism. A team of American researchers in collaboration with their Soviet colleagues surveyed 11- to 18-year-old adolescents in the state of Maryland and the Russian regions (oblasts) of Rostov and Tambov in October 1986 (Chivian, 1989). When presented with a predetermined list of 19 personal and global problems, both American and Soviet adolescents identified the threat of nuclear war and the death of parents as their primary concerns. Beyond that, the priorities of respondents diverged. American adolescents put at the top of their agenda such personal issues as academic performance, personal health, and death. In contrast, Soviet adolescents placed more emphasis on global issues: world hunger, environmental pollution, and nuclear power plant accident. It is reasonable to assume that the fear of nuclear war has faded away in Ukraine since the end of the Cold War. Instead, the onset of free market reforms and the growth of consumer culture might have elevated the importance of actualizing one’s personal goals. Nikolayenko 67

The rest of the article proceeds in the following manner. The next section highlights consequences of social change for adolescents in postcommunist Ukraine. Then the article specifies the research design and presents findings. The article concludes by pointing out implications of this research for educators and policymakers.

Social Change in Postcommunist Ukraine Ukraine is a former Soviet republic that borders the European Union to the west and Russia to the east. Upon gaining independence in 1991, Ukraine has undergone four types of transition: (1) from a one-party rule to democracy, (2) from a planned economy to a market economy, (3) from a Moscow- controlled Soviet republic to an independent state, and (4) from the politics of Russification—imposition of the Russian language and culture—to the revival of national identity (D’Anieri, Kravchuk, & Kuzio, 1999; Kuzio, 2001; Offe, 1991). Each of these transitions had wideranging implications for adolescent development in the post-Soviet period. The downfall of a one-party rule has reinvigorated political competition in Ukraine. Various political parties have sprouted up to vie for electoral support. The 1994 presidential election marked the first peaceful transfer of power from Leonid Kravchuk (1991-1994) to Leonid Kuchma (1994-2004). The heads of the state, however, failed to build viable democratic institutions. Though elections were regularly held, the ruling elite systematically resorted to the manipulation of electoral rules and the violation of democratic pro cedures to deny the opposition a victory. The magnitude of human rights violations escalated when the outgoing president attempted to place into power a handpicked successor, Viktor Yanukovych, through the fraudulent elections in 2004. In response, thousands of Ukrainians mobilized and pressed for political change (Aslund & McFaul, 2006; Kuzio, 2009; Way, 2005). The majority of protesters in Maidan, Kyiv’s main square, came from western and central parts of Ukraine, whereas voters in eastern and southern parts of the country remained staunch supporters of Yanukovych. The Orange Revolution culminated in the election of Yushchenko as the country’s third president but failed to bring about political stability. In September 2005, the incumbent president dismissed the Prime Minister Julia Tymoshenko amidst allegations of corruption (e.g., Mite, 2005). Given the intensity of political struggle, politics has been a popular topic of discussion in Ukrainian households,2 exposing adolescents from the early age to the complexities of electoral politics. The loss of the Communist Party’s domineering position has triggered dras- tic educational reforms (for a review, see Stepanenko, 1999). The government 68 Youth & Society 43(1) mandated changes in the curricula, abolishing formal instruction in Marxist- Leninist ideology. Moreover, the state ceased to support the functioning of youth organizations that used to serve as tools for indoctrination during the Soviet era. In the early 1990s, the Young Pioneer Organization, targeted at 10- to 14-year-old adolescents, and the Komsomol, the Communist Youth League for those aged 15 to 28, virtually disappeared from the political land- scape. Instead, young people became free to disengage from politics. Nonetheless, the Orange Revolution vividly demonstrated how effectively Ukrainian youth could mobilize to demand political change. Another set of changes that shaped adolescent experiences in the post- Soviet period stemmed from the transition to market economy. The steep economic decline of the early 1990s had devastating effects on the liveli- hood of ordinary people (Aslund, 2009; Banaian, 1999). From 1991 to 1998, Ukraine’s real GDP decreased by 60%. Another consequence of the transition to market economy was the widening wealth gap. Opaque privatization schemes have produced a handful of oligarchs, whereas the majority of households sank into acute poverty (Havrylyshyn & Odling-Smee, 2000; Kaufman, 1997). Although Ukraine registered positive economic growth in 2000 and experienced a streak of economic growth since then, a large proportion of the local population struggled to eke out a living. According to the World Bank estimates, 19% of Ukraine’s population lived below the poverty line in 2003 (World Bank, 2005). The recent global economic crisis aggravated the economic situation in the country. The volume of industrial production dropped by one third in January 2009, compared to the previous year, and caused another spike in unemployment (Stern, 2009). Reared in this open economy environment, young people need to overcome socioeconomic barriers to upward mobility and compete for financially and personally rewarding jobs. In addition, the prevalence of corruption affects adolescents’ attitudes tow ard the government. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index 2005, Ukraine ranks 113th out of 159 countries listed from the cleanest (Iceland) to the most corrupt (Chad). One factor that contributes to the ubiquity of corruption in the public sector is the functioning of the corruption-ridden law enforcement agencies (Harasymiw, 2002, pp. 179-181; Shelley, 2006; Williams & Picarelli, 2001). Moreover, numerous accounts reveal that corruption flourishes in the army, and conscripts are subject to malnutrition and harassment by senior officers (Parchomenko, 2000). The dismal performance of state institutions undermines trust in government and dampens a sense of national pride among young citizens. Finally, Ukrainian adolescents bear witness to processes of nation building. Since 1991, the government introduced a wide array of measures to reverse Nikolayenko 69 the Soviet legacy of Russification and facilitate the revival of national culture (Bilaniuk, 2005; Hrycak, 2006). To bring back the Ukrainian language in the public domain, the Ministry of Education and Science promoted a gradual shift to Ukrainian as the language of instruction at public schools (Janmaat, 1999). As a result, the percentage of students enrolled in Ukrainian-language secondary schools increased from 58% in 1995 to 78% in 2005 (Pavlenko, 2008, p. 79). Moreover, contemporary adolescents gain more systematic knowledge of atrocities committed by the communist regime than older generations did. Students learn national history from new textbooks, nar- rating the struggle of Ukrainians for national independence (Marples, 2007; Wanner, 1998). In sum, a broad spectrum of political, socioeconomic, and cultural changes unfolded in postcommunist Ukraine. The Orange Revolution symbolizing the power of mass mobilization was a milestone in the country’s modern history, but Ukraine still needs to overcome a litany of policy challenges to transform itself into a liberal democracy and a robust market economy. That is why adolescents born in the late 1990s grow up in the environment laden with enormous uncertainty.

Method Participants

This study is grounded in the belief that early adolescents develop cognitive skills that enable them to engage in abstract thinking and articulate their visions of the future (Keating, 2004; Petersen, Silbereisen, & Sorenson, 1996). A distinct feature of contemporary Ukrainian adolescents is that they were born in the post-Soviet period and lacked any firsthand experience with the communist regime. A total of 200 sixth graders participated in this study. Approximately two thirds of respondents were 11 years old, with additional 25% aged 10 and 9% aged 12. The sample is subdivided based on gender, type of school, and region of residence; 121 girls and 77 boys filled out a pen-and-pencil questionnaire (two questionnaires had missing data on the gender question); 66% of respondents attended ordinary public schools; and one third of sixth graders were enrolled in gymnasiums, schools with a strong emphasis on humanities. Furthermore, the sample was split in half along regional lines: half of respondents lived in Donetsk, and another half came from Lviv. The choice of Donetsk and Lviv as sites for survey data collection was informed by voluminous literature on the salience of the east–west regional 70 Youth & Society 43(1) cleavage in Ukrainian society (Barrington & Herron, 2004; Kubicek, 2000; Malanchuk, 2005). The two cities, located approximately 745 miles apart from each other, differ in numerous ways. Geographically, Donetsk region borders on Russia, whereas Lviv is located 45 miles away from Poland. Demographically, Donetsk region is the most populous in the country. The population of Donetsk is 1,033,000 people, and the population of Lviv is 758,500 people. More importantly, the ethnic composition and linguistic preferences of local inhabitants are quite different. According to the 2001 census, ethnic Ukrainians comprise 88% of Lviv’s population and 46.7% of Donetsk population.3 Moreover, 95% of all Lviv region inhabitants and only 24% of those from Donetsk region consider Ukrainian as their mother tongue. The majority of the population in Donetsk region, including the majority of ethnic Ukrainians, prefers to speak Russian. Reflecting these sociolinguistic tendencies, only 29% of students in Donetsk region, compared to 99% of students in Lviv region, were enrolled in secondary schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction during the 2005-2006 academic year (Pavlenko, 2008, p. 79). On top of cultural differences, there are different drivers of economic growth in the selected localities. Donetsk is a heavily industrialized region, in which almost 80% of the economy is tied to the metal industry. In contrast, food-processing industry makes up the largest share of the Lviv regional economy.4 Given a combination of these cultural and socioeconomic differences, it is not surprising that inhabitants of Donetsk and Lviv espouse different political visions of the country’s development. In particular, Donetsk residents tend to endorse close ties with Russia, whereas Lviv residents support the country’s integration into the European Union. In December 2004, 94% of the electorate in Donetsk region voted for Yanukovych, and 94% of voting- age citizens in Lviv region cast their ballot for Yushchenko.5 Likewise, adolescents growing up in different parts of the country are likely to have different priorities for the development of local communities. In each city, I randomly selected two schools representative of two dif ferent types of schools: public schools and gymnasiums. More than 90% of school-age Ukrainian students attend public schools. But the number of gymnasiums, placing more emphasis on humanities and providing more solid training for university admission, has grown from 312 in 2001 to 537 in 2007.6 Students enrolled in gymnasiums tend to come from families with above-average income levels, in part, due to the fact that well-reputed schools charge high tuition fees or expect from parents significant monetary contri- butions to the school fund. Officially, education at public schools is free of charge, though parents are asked to contribute to the renovation of school Nikolayenko 71 buildings and the organization of school events (Polese, 2006). Finally, it must be pointed out that most Ukrainian schools and gymnasiums accommodate students from first grade to twelfth grade, with the average size of the student body less than 1,000 students. In each of the selected schools, approximately 60 students were enrolled in sixth grade.

Procedure and Measures This empirical inquiry was a part of the cross-national study of middle-school students in 11 countries (Dean, 2008; Holden, Joldoshalieva, & Shamatov, 2008; Huh, 2008; Naval & Reparaz, 2009). The research design builds on the U.K. study of children’s hopes and fears conducted in 1994 and 2004 (Holden, 2006; Hicks & Holden, 1995). In Ukraine, the survey research was carried out in September-November 2005, almost a year after the Orange Revolution. The questionnaire was translated in both Russian and Ukrainian, two widely spoken languages in the country. To accommodate language preferences of adolescents, Ukrainian-language questionnaires were distributed in Lviv, and Russian-language questionnaires were used in Donetsk. Participants filled out a pen-and-pencil questionnaire in the classroom during regular 45 minute social studies lessons. The study recorded the following sociodemographic charac- teristics of respondents: age, gender, school type, and region of residence. To gauge adolescents’ aspirations, the event-listing technique was used. First, respondents were asked to list three hopes for their own personal future. Then survey participants were prompted to list three hopes for the future of the local community and three hopes for the future of the mankind. By group- ing responses into categories via the inductive method, the study identified several domains related to adolescents’ hopes for their personal, local, and global future.

Results Hopes for Personal Future

The analysis identifies six domains related to personal aspirations of Ukrai- nian adolescents: (1) education, (2) career, (3) self-actualization, (4) personal relationships, (5) material possessions, and (6) physical well-being. As shown in Table 1, the pursuit of financially and personally rewarding careers is of utmost importance to Ukrainian adolescents. Yet a closer look at occupational choices of respondents reveals the persistence of gender-related stereotypes in the country. Boys tend to choose such male-dominated occupations 72 Youth & Society 43(1)

Table 1. Adolescents’ Hopes for Personal Future

Gender School City

Hopes Boys Girls Public Gymnasium Donetsk Lviv Total

Job aspirations 26.2 20.9 25.2 19.0 19.5 26.9 23.0 Relationships 16.4 24.7 16.5 30.8 21.8 21.0 21.5 Material 27.1 17.2 20.9 21.0 25.6 15.9 20.9 possessions Self-actualization 18.2 15.1 16.5 16.4 14.7 18.5 16.5 Education 7.0 16.0 15.4 6.7 15.0 9.6 12.4 Health 5.1 6.1 5.4 6.2 3.4 8.1 5.7 Total 100 (214) 100 (344) 100 (369) 100 (195) 100 (293) 100 (271) 100 (564)

Note: Each respondent could report a maximum of three hopes for personal future. Column entries are percentages. A total count of hopes is reported in parentheses. as business management, architecture, or car racing, whereas girls are attracted toward occupations traditionally dominated by women: elementary school education, fashion design, or journalism. Though the occupational choices of girls are likely to lead to lower-paid jobs, the surveyed girls tend to attach greater importance to academic performance than boys. For example, a girl from Donetsk aspires to receive only excellent marks in math. Another girl from Lviv expresses the intent to learn foreign languages so that she can travel around the globe. Apparently, girls are gradually brought to the belief that university education opens up opportunities for women’s empowerment. Consistent with earlier findings from other countries (Lamm, Schmidt, & Trommsdorff, 1976; Solantaus, 1987), the results demonstrate that Ukrai- nian girls are more concerned about personal relationships than boys. Most girls aspire to have positive courtship and marriage experiences. In addition, girls tend to attach greater importance to the cultivation of family ties by maintaining good relations with their parents and instilling good manners into their would-be children. Several respondents also express concerns about the health of their close relatives and fear the death of their parents. Overall, however, Ukrainian respondents consider health as a low personal priority.

Get acquainted with a kind and handsome boy. (Donetsk, girl) Marry Olesia [a female name] and have two children, a boy and a girl. (Lviv, boy) Raise smart kids. (Lviv, girl) Have a kind dad. (Lviv, boy) My parents will always be healthy. (Donetsk, girl) Nikolayenko 73

The presence of gender-specific stereotypes further manifests itself in the content of adolescents’ ambitions for self-realization. The respondents identify a wide range of ways in which they seek to achieve acceptance among peers. Boys tend to mention physical strength and a sense of humor as desirable traits, whereas girls place a greater value on physical beauty. In general, most adolescents defy the Soviet idea of collectivism by professing the belief that “it is great to be number one.” Meanwhile, the ownership of material objects accounts for 27% of boys’ and 17% of girls’ personal aspirations. At the tender age of 10, hardly any respondent brings up toys as a sought-after item. Instead, early adolescents aspire to own tokens of high social status in the postcommunist society, for example, cell phones, computers, and cars. A list of assets that a girl from Donetsk dreams to provide for her close relatives illuminates the extent to which early adolescents absorb the content of family discussions about the material world: “a summer cottage in Anapa [resort area in Russia] for my mother, a jip for my dad, and a big house for my sister.” It is also noteworthy that adolescents are able to differentiate between brands of consumer prod- ucts. Boys, for example, aspire to own not merely a means of transportation, but a Peugeot, a Ferrari, or a Bugatti, cars with a hefty price tag. These attitudes reflect, in part, how the growth of market economy elevated the social significance of material objects. By the same token, a cursory look at the content of personal aspirations reveals the impact of Anglo-American popular culture on adolescents in the post-Soviet region. One girl, for example, dreams to attend a live concert with Britney Spears. Another sixth grader cherishes the idea of meeting Harry Potter, a main character in J. K. Rowling’s fantasy novels. Moreover, several respondents aspire to visit tourist destinations popularized through TV pro- grams and Hollywood movies: France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Turning to the cross-school differences, the results indicate that students enrolled in ordinary public schools tend to display greater concern about the realization of their career plans than students enrolled in the gymnasiums. These differences may be attributable to variations in the student composition of schools. It is plausible to assume that students at gymnasiums have more confidence in the advancement of their career goals because these adolescents tend to come from well-off families and have more resources at their disposal. Similarly, Arnett (2000, p. 275) found that American emerging adults from lower social class backgrounds tend “to place more value on the attainment of financial security” than their peers from wealthier families. Thinking beyond their career prospects, students enrolled in gymnasiums 74 Youth & Society 43(1) tend to place more emphasis on long-lasting personal relationships than those in public schools. Additional research is necessary to account for variations in the salience of personal relationships among adolescents. Furthermore, the study finds some discernible cross-city differences. Lviv adolescents tend to exhibit more concerns about job opportunities in the region, whereas Donetsk peers are more preoccupied with the attainment of material possessions. These cross-city differences may be attributed to variations in the size of the local economy and the concentration of wealth. According to the official statistics, average income is higher in Donetsk than in Lviv. In January-March 2009, for example, the average monthly wages was $252 in Donetsk and $191 in Lviv.7 At the same time, Donetsk region has a larger concentration of wealthy individuals who flaunt their affluence and spark the envy of the impoverished population. Under these circumstances, adolescents tend to place high value on the financial well-being and material possessions.

Hopes for the Future of the Local Community Table 2 displays the distribution of students’ hopes for the future of the local community by gender, the school type, and city. The results demonstrate that adolescents in Donetsk and Lviv aspire to see improvements in the quality of public services and the environment. In addition, respondents are concerned about poverty, political tensions, and interpersonal relations in the local communities. More broadly, Ukrainian adolescents long for an improved public image of the hometown. At the same time, the results indicate that adolescents are least concerned about health and religious issues. It is clear from the analysis that Ukrainian adolescents regard improvements in the quality of public services as a top priority. Most respondents single out local facilities directly related to their leisure time: playgrounds, parks, soccer fields, museums, and movie theaters. To a large extent, the spread of American culture shapes adolescents’ ideas about desirable enter- tainment services. A respondent from Lviv, for example, hopes that Disneyland will open its doors in his city. Another boy wants to consume an unrestricted quantity of popcorn, a novel and expensive addition to the movie theater experience in the postcommunist period.

Kids will enjoy going to the kindergarten. (Donetsk, girl) Frequent performances of famous musicians in our city. (Lviv, girl) Free screenings of all the movies. (Lviv, girl) More playgrounds for kids. (Lviv, girl) Table 2. Adolescents’ Hopes for the Future of the Local Community

Gender School City

Hopes Boys Girls Public Gymnasium Donetsk Lviv Total

Public services 22.7 19.7 18.9 24.2 18.7 22.6 20.7 Environment 14.1 22.3 21.9 13.5 22.3 15.7 18.9 Best city 18.2 13.9 14.4 18.0 15.9 15.3 15.6 Politics 10.1 11.3 10.8 11.2 13.1 8.8 10.9 Interpersonal relationships 8.1 11.3 10.8 9.6 13.1 7.7 10.4 Poverty 10.6 7.8 8.7 9.6 7.2 10.7 9.0 Transportation 11.6 3.2 5.7 7.9 2.4 10.3 6.4 Crime 4.0 5.2 6.0 2.2 3.6 5.7 4.7 Health 0.5 4.5 2.7 3.4 3.6 2.3 2.9 Religion 0.0 0.6 0.3 0.6 0 0.8 0.4 Total 100 (198) 100 (309) 100 (334) 100 (178) 100 (251) 100 (261) 100 (512)

Note: Each respondent could report a maximum of three hopes for local future. Column entries are percentages. A total count of hopes is reported in parentheses. 75 76 Youth & Society 43(1)

A lot of interesting museums and a big roller coaster. (Lviv, boy) A big zoo. (Donetsk, boy)

Furthermore, the content of adolescents’ aspirations unveils student aware ness of the crumbling public infrastructure in the local communities. More specifically, the poor state of public transportation services is a source of frustration to the respondents. Ukrainian adolescents bring up a perennial problem of bad roads. A boy from Donetsk, for example, bemoans lack of lanes designated for bicyclists, as it is notoriously dangerous to ride a bicycle through a stream of dashing cars. Moreover, a few respondents from Lviv dream of having a subway system in the city. Some adolescents think beyond their personal interests and worry about the needs of the disadvantaged. In particular, several middle-school students express compassion for abandoned children and the homeless. Though 11-year-olds demonstrate awareness of dreadful living conditions in local orphanages, they recognize that these institutions can play a positive role in the lives of orphans by keeping them off the street. A girl from Donetsk, for example, hopes that there will be more orphanages for abandoned children and more facilities for the handicapped in the local community. Another social issue that captures the attention of Ukrainian sixth graders is the environment. Respondents bring up a wide range of environmental problems, ranging from air pollution and industrial waste to the closure of public parks and spontaneous garbage pile-ups in the street. Not surprisingly, the survey results indicate that adolescents in Donetsk perceive environmental pollution as a greater problem than those in Lviv. Once nick- named as the city of one million roses, Donetsk suffers from heavy pollution due to the lax safety standards and weak enforcement of environmental regu- lations in the heavily industrialized region (Pasechnik, 2009; Rudko, 2008). Yet only 3% of adolescents’ aspirations for the local community focus on health issues.

Nobody will throw garbage on the sidewalk. (Donetsk, girl) A garbage bin will be located at every street corner. (Donetsk, boy) People will plant a lot of flowers and trees. (Donetsk, girl) No parks will be closed. (Lviv, girl) People won’t cut down trees. (Lviv, girl)

Among Ukrainian adolescents, poverty is a salient personal issue. Middle- school students realize that a wide range of consumer goods are out of reach for their households. To boost the purchasing power of their parents, Nikolayenko 77 adolescents dream to see a significant drop in prices. A respondent from Donetsk, for example, imagines the world in which everything costs one cent or less. Another adolescent wishes “everybody lived like a queen.” In addition, respondents worry about the degree of unemployment and home lessness in their communities. In the aftermath of the global financial crisis, young people are likely to develop even more anxiety about job oppor tunities in the country.

I wish people wouldn’t suffer from the shortage of money. (Donetsk, boy) Everybody gets a raise in the wages and pensions. (Lviv, boy) Cheap food, including meat. (Lviv, girl) Petrol prices will drop. (Donetsk, boy)

In the face of this bleak socioeconomic situation, adolescents cling to the idea of positive change and long for a better public image of the local community. More than 10% of respondents aspire to see their hometowns designated as “the best” in the country. Since Lviv has been a part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Austro-Hungarian empire prior to its involuntary incorporation into the Soviet Union (for a historic overview, see Magosci, 1996), Ukrainian adolescents hope that Lviv would “look like a European city” again. Lviv students dream of witnessing the transformation of the picturesque region into a popular tourist destination, known well beyond Ukraine’s borders. Donetsk, in contrast, is an industrial powerhouse that falls short of adolescents’ expectations about economic growth and wealth dispersion. Sixth graders wish Donetsk would turn into the most prosperous city in the country.

Everybody will dream of coming to Lviv. (Lviv, boy) Lviv will become the capital city of Ukraine. (Lviv, boy) Donetsk will be the fastest growing city. (Donetsk, boy)

A prominent feature of Ukrainian society is a high degree of politicization. As shown in Table 2, one tenth of adolescents’ aspirations for the local community are explicitly tied to the political situation in the country. Similarly, 11- to 12-year-old students in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan harbored concerns about political instability and violent conflicts in the aftermath of the so-called Tulip Revolution (Holden et al., 2008, p. 10), whereas concerns about political instability were absent in England. Young Ukrainians seem to realize that elections do not necessarily put in power a benevolent leader. That is why adolescents tend to place a high value on having “a good president” or 78 Youth & Society 43(1)

“an honest mayor.” There is a clear regional divide when respondents become more specific in expressing their political preferences. Several adolescents from Donetsk claim that they do not want to see Yushchenko as the country’s president. Lviv respondents, in contrast, hope that Yanukovych won’t rule the country. Approximately the same proportion of boys and girls brings up the issue of politics, challenging a popular misconception about girls’ disinterest in politics.

There won’t be any wars and revolutions. (Donetsk, girl) No Yushchenko and Tymoshenko. (Donetsk, girl) The President will treat Donetsk better. (Donetsk, girl) The city mayor is an honest man. (Lviv, girl) Better management of state funds. (Lviv, girl) The state provides the necessary help for people. (Lviv, girl)

The study also finds that only 1% of adolescents’ aspirations for the future of the local community are explicitly connected to religious devotion. One girl from Lviv looks forward to the next Papal visit to the city, and another girl wants all people to convert to Christianity. Other respondents might have omitted references to faith because they are content with the current role of religion in their lives and do not foresee any change in this regard. Alternatively, the survey results can be interpreted to suggest that religio sity is a low priority in adolescents’ thinking about the local community. In contrast, recent evidence from war-torn Iraq documents that Iraqi children frequently use Islam as a coping strategy and a lens through which they interpret their traumatic experiences (Al-Mashat, Amundson, Buchanan, & Westwood, 2006). When it comes to gender differences, the analysis of aspirations for the local community suggests that girls subscribe to more postmaterialist values. First, girls tend to be more concerned about the environment than boys. This is consistent with earlier findings, documenting a higher level of support for environmental issues among women (Schahn & Holzer, 1990; Stern, Dietz, & Kalof, 1993). Second, only girls advocate the idea of opening animal shel- ters in the local communities. It has yet to be seen whether the development of postmaterialist values among young girls will translate into higher levels of civic activism during adulthood.

Hopes for the Future of the Global Community Table 3 presents a summary of major domains related to adolescents’ hopes for the future of the global community. This study finds that cross-border Table 3. Adolescents’ Hopes for the Future of the Global Community

Gender School City

Hopes Boys Girls Public Gymnasium Donetsk Lviv Total

Interpersonal relationships 31.0 40.9 41.4 30.5 56.0 20.1 37.4 Environment 14.9 15.1 15.8 13.2 12.4 17.1 14.8 War 11.9 14.0 13.0 13.2 6.4 19.2 13.1 Crime 11.3 7.5 6.7 12.6 6.0 11.5 8.8 Technology 14.9 3.2 4.9 13.2 4.1 11.5 8.0 Poverty 6.5 6.5 8.4 3.0 4.6 8.1 6.4 Health 1.8 7.5 3.2 9.0 5.0 5.6 5.3 Politics 6.5 4.3 5.3 4.8 5.5 4.7 5.1 Religion 1.2 1.1 1.4 0.6 0.0 2.1 1.1 Total 100 (168) 100 (279) 100 (285) 100 (167) 100 (218) 100 (234) 100 (452)

Note: Each respondent could report a maximum of three hopes for global future. Column entries are percentages. A total count of hopes is reported in parentheses. 79 80 Youth & Society 43(1) interpersonal relations, environment, and war rank as top global concerns among Ukrainian adolescents. Like Soviet adolescents in 1986, Ukrainian respondents in 2005 voice concerns about the outbreak of war, but contemporary adolescents omit references to nuclear weapons:

Countries will help each other. (Lviv, boy) There won’t be any misunderstanding between countries. (Lviv, girl) States won’t quarrel with each other. (Lviv, girl) There won’t be World War Three. (Lviv, girl)

Yet, shifting responsibility for international peace from states to indivi duals, Ukrainian respondents fear most the lack of friendly interpersonal relations. Adolescents wish “everybody would treat each other well.” In part, respondents might have inferred the dearth of friendliness across the globe based on their own observations of broken relations in the local com munities. Inevitably, the transition to the “wild capitalism” entailed the rise of individualism and the decline of altruism. In 2005, two thirds of Ukrainian adults reported nostalgia for true, lifelong friendships prevalent in the old times (Panina, 2005, p. 43). Notably, adolescents in Donetsk tend to express greater concern about the dynamics of interpersonal relations than those in Lviv. The defeat of Yanukovych in the 2004 presidential election may, in part, account for a higher degree of psychological discomfort in Donetsk region:

People will be kinder. (Lviv, boy) People will not address each other using some mean nicknames. (Donetsk, girl) People will be honest and care at least a little bit about others. (Donetsk, girl) People will celebrate holidays together. (Donetsk, girl) Whenever people travel abroad, somebody will welcome them there. (Donetsk, boy)

Another global issue that Ukrainian adolescents might have extrapolated from the local context is the severity of global poverty. Respondents express hopes that poverty will be eradicated worldwide:

Everybody will have a job. (Lviv, girl) Everybody will have hryvnias [Ukraine’s national currency]. (Donetsk, girl) Nikolayenko 81

Everybody will earn enough money to survive. (Lviv, girl) All the countries will be wealthy. (Lviv, girl) Everybody will wear new clothes. (Donetsk, girl)

Table 3 also shows that 15% of adolescents’ hopes for global future are related to the quality of the environment. Drawing on school material in geography, students report anxiety about the outbreak of various natural disasters, including earthquakes, hurricanes, or floods. Nonetheless, the cur ricula seem to make a weak connection between environmental conditions and human health. Adolescents report a low level of concern about health issues worldwide. These results suggest that most students at this grade level are unable to project long-term implications of deplorable environ mental conditions.

Environmentally friendly petrol for all the cars. (Lviv, boy) There won’t be any natural disasters. (Dontesk, girl) Fewer factories that pollute the environment. (Donetsk, boy) Diseases that cause human deaths will disappear. (Lviv, girl)

Next, the results indicate that gender differences in adolescents’ hopes for global future are rather small, with two notable exceptions. First, boys anti cipate more innovations in modern technology. One boy hopes that people will fly to other planets and discover life on Mars. Another boy anticipates that scientists will design cars running on sun batteries and invent new computer games. Second, girls are more concerned about the quality of human relations and health around the world. Regarding the east–west regional cleavage, the results uncover differences in the level of religiosity among the young generation. Several Lviv respondents hope for the global spread of Christianity. In contrast, not a single respondent from Donetsk sees religiosity as a pivotal attribute of the global community.

Everybody in the world believes in Jesus Christ. (Lviv, girl) Jesus Christ will descend upon the earth during my lifetime. (Lviv, girl) People will pray to God. (Lviv, boy) People will convert to Christianity and follow the will of God. (Lviv, girl) Everybody will go to church. (Lviv, girl) 82 Youth & Society 43(1)

Finally, the findings indicate that the nonresponse rate is the highest when respondents are prompted to list their hopes for global future. It is hardly surprising that early adolescents have a clearer vision of their personal future than the future of the global community. Obviously, thinking about foreign affairs requires a higher degree of abstraction and a higher level of poli tical knowledge that imagining family life and successful career in a local community. But schools can play a vital role in fostering students’ interest in world politics and advancing their knowledge of global issues.

Conclusion Using a survey of Ukrainian sixth graders from Donetsk and Lviv, this study examined the content of adolescents’ hopes for personal, local, and global future. The empirical analysis identifies six domains related to personal aspirations of adolescents: (1) education, (2) career, (3) self-actualization, (4) personal relationships, (5) material possessions, and (6) physical well- being. Consistent with previous empirical research, this study reaffirms the importance of work and family as top personal aspirations. In addition, the study finds that ownership of high-priced consumer goods has become a top priority for post-Soviet adolescents. Regarding the future of the local community, respondents aspire to experience improvements in the quality of public services and environment. Furthermore, the analysis finds that Ukrai- nian adolescents regard the dynamics of cross-border interpersonal relations and the escalation of environmental problems as top global concerns. In addition, the study documents the impact of gender on the content of adolescents’ aspirations in contemporary Ukraine. Not surprisingly, the results show that girls tend to place a greater value on courtship and marriage, whereas boys are more concerned about the attainment of material objects. Furthermore, gender affects occupational choices of adolescents, with girls attracted toward traditionally women-dominated occupations. In charting the future of the local community, girls accord greater attention to environmental issues, whereas boys anticipate more innovations in modern technology. Yet both boys and girls exhibit awareness of the volatile political situation in the country. The salience of politics in adolescents’ lives may be attributable, in part, to the temporal proximity of the Orange Revolution and the media visi- bility of political squabbling in the parliament and the presidential office. More broadly, the analysis captures some signs of value change in the postcommunist society. As expected, the collapse of communism led to the depreciation of collectivist ideas and the meteoric growth of consumer culture. Nikolayenko 83

Reflecting this shift in social values, Ukrainian adolescents in 2005 are much more concerned about material objects than Soviet adolescents in 1986. Another sign of the changing social context is lack of anxiety about the outbreak of nuclear war. In the post–Cold War period, concerns about the dynamics of cross-border human interactions supersede fears about conven- tional warfare. These findings have implications for educational policies in postcommunist Ukraine. First, schools need to design strategies that challenge gender discrimination in the labor force and provide a more supportive environment for diverse career choices. Drawing on a myriad of pedagogical tools from other countries, Ukrainian teachers can foster a wider set of students’ occupational aspirations by broadening the scope of students’ academic interests and strengthening their self-efficacy. Second, the educational system needs to combat the overbearing influence of consumerism on adolescents’ personal aspirations. Though the attainment of material objects has taken a hold on adolescents, they ought to recognize the fundamental importance of ethics in society. It is incumbent on schools to cultivate core social values among the young generation. Third, schools need to advance student understanding of global issues by incorporating a strong global component into the curriculum. In particular, Ukrainian teachers need to encourage students’ thinking about multifaceted connections between international events and local communities. The recent global economic crisis is a stark example of how the density of transnational ties can affect millions of individuals around the globe. Educators can use classroom discussions of this multilayered phenomenon as a tool for stimulating students’ thinking about challenges and opportunities arising from globalization.

Acknowledgment An earlier version of this article was presented at the Eighth Annual Thematic Network Conference “Children’s Identity and Citizenship in Europe,” Montpellier, France, May 24-26, 2007. The author thanks Cathie Holden for organizing a cross- national study of children’s hopes and fears and providing insightful comments during various stages of the project. She also thanks the project’s principal investigators from other countries, conference participants, Kathryn Herr, and the journal’s anonymous reviewers for their helpful feedback. The author is grateful to William Damon for hosting her at Stanford Center on Adolescence during the write-up stage of this research and the Jacobs Foundation for financial support.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author declared no conflicts of interest with respect to the authorship and/or pub- lication of this article. 84 Youth & Society 43(1)

Funding This research was supported by the Jacobs Foundation (Dissertation and Young Investigators Grant 2007-684-1).

Notes 1. The Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, jointly with the Center for Social and Marketing Research “Socis,” conducted the survey in March 2005. A national representative sample of the adult population was drawn. N = 1,800. The results of this survey are cited throughout the article, if not other- wise stated. For more information, see Panina (2005). 2. In February 2005, the International Foundation for Election Systems conducted a national representative survey in Ukraine. According to the survey results, 72% of all voting-age Ukrainians and 59% of 18- to 25-year-old respondents took interest in politics. See Buerkle, Kammerud, and Sharma (2005, p. 23). 3. On Ukraine’s 2001 census, see http://www.ukrcensus.gov.ua (accessed February 2, 2009) 4. On patterns of economic development in each region, visit the Web sites of Donetsk State Committee of Statistics, http://donetskstat.gov.ua/region/ and Lviv State Committee of Statistics, http://www.stat.lviv.ua/ (accessed September 5, 2009). 5. On election results, visit the Web site of Central Election Commission, www.cvk .gov.ua/wp301pt001f01=502rej=1 (accessed December 12, 2008). 6. On Ukrainian gymnasiums, see Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine (2008). 7. The statistics on the monthly wages are retrieved from the quarterly reports of Donetsk State Committee of Statistics and Lviv State Committee of Statistics. In March 2009, the foreign currency exchange rate was 7.7 hryvnia, Ukraine’s national currency, for US$1.

References Alexander, K. L., Entwisle, D. R., & Bedinger, S. D. (1994). When expectations work: Race and socioeconomic differences in school performance. Social Psy- chology Quarterly, 57, 283-299. Al-Mashat, K., Amundson, N. E., Buchanan, M., & Westwood, M. (2006). Iraqi children’s war experiences: The psychological impact of operation Iraqi Freedom. International Journal for the Advancement of Counseling, 28, 195-211. Arnett, J. J. (2000). High hopes in a grim world: Emerging adults’ views of their futures and ‘Generation X.’ Youth & Society, 31, 267-286. Aslund, A. (2009). How Ukraine became a market economy and democracy. Washington, DC: Peterson Institute for International Economics. Aslund, A., & McFaul, M. (Eds.). (2006). Revolution in Orange: The origins of Ukraine’s democratic breakthrough. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Nikolayenko 85

Banaian, K. (1999). The Ukrainian economy since independence. Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar. Barrington, L. W., & Herron, E. S. (2004). One Ukraine or many? Regionalism in Ukraine and its political consequences. Nationalities Papers, 32, 53-86. Bilaniuk, L. (2005). Contested tongues: Language politics and cultural correction in Ukraine. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Braungart, R. G., & Braungart, M. M. (1996). Perceptions of self, the United States, and Europe: A study of upstate New York university students. Youth & Society, 27, 259-290. Buerkle, K., Kammerud, L., & Sharma, R. (2005). Public opinion in Ukraine after the Orange Revolution. Washington, DC: IFES. Chivian, E. (1989). The International Youth Survey. Bulletin of the American Acad- emy of Arts and Sciences, 42, 18-32. D’Anieri, P., Kravchuk, R. S., & Kuzio, T. (1999). Politics and society in Ukraine. Boulder, CO: Westview. Dean, B. (2008). Pakistani children want a better future. Citizenship Teaching and Learning, 4(2), 43-57. European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. (2007). Transition Report 2007. London, UK: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Harasymiw, B. (2002). Post-communist Ukraine. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies. Havrylyshyn, O., & Odling-Smee, J. (2000). Political economy of stalled reforms. Finance and Development, 37(3), 7-9. Heckhausen, J., & Tomasik, M. J. (2002). Get an apprenticeship before school is out: How German adolescents adjust vocational aspirations when getting close to a developmental deadline. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 60, 199-219. Hicks, D., & Holden, C. (1995). Visions of the future: Why we need to teach for tomorrow. Stoke-on-Trent, UK: Trentham. Holden, C. (2006). Concerned citizens: Children and the future. Education, Citizen- ship and Social Justice, 1, 231-247. Holden, C., Joldoshalieva, R., & Shamatov, D. (2008). “I would like to say that things must just get better”: Young citizens from England, Kyrgyzstan and South Africa speak out. Citizenship Teaching and Learning, 4(2), 6-17. Hrycak, A. (2006). Institutional legacies and language revival in Ukraine. In D. Arel & B. Ruble (Eds.), Rebounding identities: The politics of identity in Russia and Ukraine (pp. 62-88). Washington, DC: Johns Hopkins University Press. Huh, H. G. (2008). “I hope Korea will be reunified again”: Listening to Korean children. Citizenship Teaching and Learning, 4(2), 18-30. Janmaat, J. G. (1999). Language politics in education and the response of the Russians in Ukraine. Nationalities Papers, 27, 475-501. 86 Youth & Society 43(1)

Kao, G., & Tienda, M. (1995). Optimism and achievement: The educational performance of immigrant youth. Social Science Quarterly, 76, 1-18. Kaufman, K. (1997). Why is Ukraine’s economy not growing? Transition, 8(2), 5-8. Keating, D. (2004). Cognitive and brain development. In L. Steinberg & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology (2nd ed., pp. 159-187). New York: John Wiley. Khinkulova, K. (2005). Free to mourn the Orange dream. BBC News Online, October 18. Retrieved December 12, 2008, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/ 4354542.stm. Kubicek, P. (2000). Regional polarization in Ukraine: Public opinion, voting, and legislative behavior. Europe-Asia Studies, 52, 273-294. Kuzio, T. (2001). Transition in post-communist societies: Triple or quadruple? Poli- tics, 21, 169-178. Kuzio, T. (Ed.). (2009). Democratic revolution in Ukraine: From Kuchmagate to Orange Revolution. London: Routledge. Lamm, H., Schmidt, R. W., & Trommsdorff, G. (1976). Sex and social class as deter- minants of future orientation in adolescents. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 34, 317-326. Macek, P., Bejcek, J., & Vanickova, J. (2007). Contemporary Czech emerging adults: Generation growing up in the period of social changes. Journal of Adolescent Research, 22, 444-475. Magosci, P. R. (1996). A history of Ukraine. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: University of Toronto Press. Malanchuk, O. (2005). Social identification versus regionalism in contemporary Ukraine. Nationalities Papers, 33, 345-358. Marples, D. (2007). Heroes and villains: Creating national history in contemporary Ukraine. Budapest, Hungary: Central European University Press. Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine. (2008, April 24). Rishennia kolegii Min- isterstva osvity ta nauku Ukrainy (Ruling of the Collegium of the Ministry of Educa- tion and Science of Ukraine). Retrieved September 30, 2009, from http://www.ippo .edu.te.ua/index.php/2008-09-08-07-21-48/2008-09-15-11-14-12 Mite, V. (2005, September 10). Former prime minister Tymoshenko to go it alone. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Mulvey, S. (2005). Ukraine torn by broken promises. BBC News Online, October 31. Retrieved December 12, 2008, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4386254.stm. Naval, C., & Reparaz, C. (2009). Spanish children’s concerns. Citizenship Teaching and Learning, 4(2), 31-42. Noack, P., Kracke, B., Wild, E., & Hofer, M. (2001). Subjective experience of social change in East and West Germany. American Behavioral Scientist, 44, 1798-1817. Nikolayenko 87

Nurmi, J. E. (1991). How do adolescents see their future? A review of the development of future orientation and planning. Developmental Review, 11, 1-59. Offe, C. (1991). Capitalism by democratic design? Democratic theory facing the triple transition in East Central Europe. Social Research, 58, 865-892. Panina, N. (2005). Ukrains’ke suspil’stvo 1994-2005: Sotsiologichnyj monitoring [Ukrainian society 1994-2005: Sociological monitoring]. Kyiv, Ukraine: Sophia Publishing House. Parchomenko, W. (2000). The state of Ukraine’s armed forces and military reform. Journal of Slavic Military Studies, 13(3), 63-86. Pasechnik, K. (2009, April 17). Ukraine’s environmental crisis. Business Week. Pavlenko, A. (2008). Multilingualism in post-Soviet countries. Bristol, UK: Multilin- gual Matters. Petersen, A., Silbereisen, R. K., & Sorenson, S. (1996). Adolescent development: A global perspective. In K. Hurrelmann & S. F. Hamilton (Eds.), Social problems and social contexts in adolescence: Perspectives across boundaries (pp. 3-38). Hawthorne, NY: Aldine. Pinquart, M., Silbereisen, R. K., & Juang, L. P. (2004a). Moderating effects of adolescents’ self-efficacy beliefs on psychological responses to social change. Journal of Adolescent Research, 19, 340-359. Pinquart, M., Silbereisen, R. K., & Juang, L. P. (2004b). Changes in psychological dis- tress among East German adolescents facing German unification: The role of com- mitment to the old system and of self-efficacy beliefs. Youth & Society, 36, 77-101. Polese, A. (2006, August 7). Paying for a free education. Transitions Online. Retrieved December 12, 2008, from http://www.tol.cz. Pooley, M. E., & Cooney, G. H. (1987). Orientations to the future: A comparison of adolescents in Australia and Singapore. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 16, 129-151. Rudko, G. I. (2008). Environment pollution risk assessment in Ukraine. In I. Barnes & M. M. Kharytonov (Eds.), Simulation and assessment of chemical processes in a multiphase environment (pp. 305-312). New York: Springer. Salmelo-Aro, K., Aunola, K., & Nurmi, J. E. (2007). Personal goals during emerging adulthood: A 10-Year Follow-Up. Journal of Adolescent Research, 22, 690-715. Schahn, J., & Holzer, E. (1990). Studies of individual environmental concern: The role of knowledge, gender, and background variables. Environment and Behavior, 22, 767-786. Seginer, R., & Schlesinger, R. (1998). Adolescent future orientation in time and place: The case of the Israeli kibbutz. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 22, 151-167. Sewell, W. H., & Hauser, R. M. (1975). Education, occupation, and earnings. New York: Academic Press. 88 Youth & Society 43(1)

Shelley, L. (1998). Organized crime and corruption in Ukraine: Impediments to the development of free market economy. Demokratizatsiya, 648-663. Shlapentokh, V. (2001). Fear in the post-communist world. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 13, 61-71. Shlapentokh, V., & Shiraev, E. (Eds.). (2002). Fears in post-communist societies: A comparative perspective. New York: Palgrave. Shteyn, M., Schumm, J. A., Vodopianova, N., Hobfoll, S. E., & Lilly, R. (2003). The impact of the Russian transition on psychosocial resources and psychological dis- tress. Journal of Community Psychology, 31, 113-127. Skorikov, V., & Vondracek, F. W. (2007). Positive career orientation as an inhibitor of adolescent problem behavior. Journal of Adolescence, 30, 131-146. Solantaus, T. (1987). Hopes and worries of young people in three European countries. Health Promotion International, 2, 19-27. Stepanenko, V. (1999). Construction of identity and school policy in Ukraine. Com- mack, NY: Nova Science Publishers. Stern, D. (2009, April 7). Economic crisis sweeps eastern Ukraine. New York Times. Retrieved September 5, 2009, from http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/08/world/ europe/08ukraine.html Stern, P., Dietz, T., & Kalof, L. (1993). Value orientations, gender, and environmental concern. Environment and Behavior, 25, 322-348. Transparency International. (2005). Corruption perceptions index. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org (accessed November 10, 2008). Vondracek, F. W., Silbereisen, R. K., Reitzle, M., & Wiesner, M. (1999). Vocational preferences of early adolescents: Their development in social context. Journal of Adolescent Research, 14, 267-288. Wanner, C. (1998). Burden of dreams: History and identity in post-Soviet Ukraine. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. Way, L.A. (2005). Ukraine’s Orange Revolution: Kuchma’s failed authoritarianism. Journal of Democracy, 16, 131-145. Williams, P., & Picarelli, J. (2001). Organized crime in Ukraine: Challenges and response. Trends in Organized Crime, 6 (3-4), 100-142. World Bank. (2005). Ukraine: Poverty and inequality in a growing economy. Washington, DC: The World Bank.

Bios Olena Nikolayenko is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at Fordham University. She received her PhD in political science from the University of Toronto in 2007 and held a postdoctoral fellowship from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Her current research focuses on the linkage between youth and politics in postcommunist societies. In her dissertation, she Nikolayenko 89 examined political attitudes of Russian and Ukrainian adolescents who had grown up without any firsthand experience with communism. As a visiting scholar at Stanford University’s Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law in 2007-2009, she analyzed the development of youth movements in the post-Soviet region. Her articles have appeared in Canadian Journal of Political Science, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Comparative Politics, Europe-Asia Studies, and PS: Politi- cal Science and Politics.