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Home , Beltring, Easthampstead Park, Isaac Wake, William Trumbull

THE ELDER : A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

SONIA P.ANDERSON

THE papers of William Trumbull the elder (d. 1635) are celebrated among readers of this journal as the most expensive section of the most expensive archive purchased up to that time by the .^ Their historical value is equally well known. A glance at the catalogue prepared by Peter Beal against the eventuality of their sale in separate lots reveals their extraordinary richness and diversity.^ Unlike the papers of Sir William Trumbull, they have remained intact and for nearly forty years have been open for public inspection in Reading or London. About half of them have been calendared in the reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission.^ And yet the man behind the papers has remained curiously elusive. Trumbull's date and place of birth remain unknown. He was probably born in the late 1570s (before the register starts) at Stirton in the parish of Skipton-in-Craven in the West Riding of Yorkshire. Hill country in the heart of the Pennines, it was a far cry from the flat lands where he was to spend the rest of his life. His father John Turnebull was a husbandman there like his father before him; four generations were to stay in the same farm. His mother Elizabeth Brogden also came from a family long settled in the district. Turnbull and Trumbull both occur as Yorkshire names from at least the fourteenth century.* But the family claimed descent from the Roxburghshire Turnbulls, a turbulent border clan, and acknowledged as a cousin a Roman Catholic priest, John Troumball or Turnebull, who called himself a Scotsman.^ William Trumbull was to play the Scottish card occasionally at court during Somerset's ascendancy, and after his death his elder son obtained a grant of arms identical to those of the Scottish Turnbulls, Argent j bulls' heads erased sable^ horned and langued azure (with a bull's head crest) on grounds of descent from 'the ancient family of the Trumbulls in Scotland'.^ But Trumbull himself had sported quite a different coat, Afess between j lions rampant (with a lion rampant crest)/ to which it seems unlikely that he was entitled.^ We can only speculate on why he and some other members of his family changed their name from Turnbull (or Turnebull) to Trumbull. It was not a natural progression, according to Reaney: 'OE Trumbeald developed naturally to Trumball^ also spelled Trumbull. It is much more likely that this should be corrupted to Turnbull than that Turnbull should become an unintelligible Trumbull^ Trumble. '^ Wills have survived of Trumbull's grandfather Thomas Turnbull of Stirton (d. 1563), his grandmother Elizabeth Turnbull (d. 1581) and his father John Turnebull (d. 1603)/" No mention is made of Trumbull's mother in his father's will;" by the custom and use of York she would have received a third of his estate if still alive, with the children entitled to a further third.^^ Of the third part at the testator's disposal, the eldest son, Thomas, received 40s., and the youngest, Roger, the reversion of the testator's lease and all his husbandry gear. The residue was to be divided between Roger and the middle son, William. Both were named as executors, although only Roger proved the will. John Turnebull signed with his mark, but was not necessarily illiterate since he was already sick when he made his will and died a few weeks later.^^ All three of his sons could write, and the similarity of their hand^^ suggests that they may have had the same teacher, perhaps at Skipton Grammar School, founded in 1548. They remained intermittently in touch. Thomas came over to Brussels in 1611 for the christening of William's second son John, and named his own daughter Debora after William's wife. Roger continued to correspond from Stirton, where he had stayed on to help his father with the farm. He married locally and several of his eight children did the same, continuing to farm at Stirton and nearby. He died shortly before William in 1635, and his widow in 1654.^^ There were of course occasional complaints of neglect from *yoMr ever lovinge though poore brother...',^^ but on the whole Trumbull's relatives gave him far less trouble than those of most self-made men in the seventeenth century. He was also fortunate in his marriage. The only letter that survives from him to his wife Debora was written after about thirty years of marriage. It opens 'My dearest', playfully assuages her fears about whether he got wet on his journey ('having mett with some rayne when I was within some 5 or 6 miles of this towne, yett itt did not wett me very much, howsoever the ioys to meete our freinds in good health would have qualified the moysture'), continues with the hope that he can finish his business soon 'that I may have some leave to enioye thee quietly', and ends 'Thy most affectionate & Faithfull husband & friend'.^'' Her background was slightly superior to his own. Her father, Walter Downe of Beltring in the parish of , , was a yeoman with parcels of land in East Peckham and , on the Medway between and Maidstone. In 1591, when he made his will shortly before his death, his wife was dead and his elder son William already provided for. He left £5 to his other son John, and eight acres of land equally between his three daughters Joan, Anne and Debora. They also shared his moveable property with his daughter-in-law.^^ When Trumbull married Debora Downe (the date is unknown) he adopted Kent as his county and began to add to Debora's inheritance with further purchases in the same district. At his death he owned four houses and adjacent land in the parishes of East Peckham, Yalding, , Tudeley and Brenchley.^^ In 1623 he appears to have paid off £200 worth of debts incurred by Debora's brother William Downe, at his own suggestion.^^ Downe was the tenant of Otterbourne Manor near Winchester, a substantial farm belonging to Magdalen College, Oxford. He raised cattle and corn and also acted as rent collector for the college. For generations the Trumbulls visited their relatives in Hampshire, where the Downes still held Otterbourne 116 Fig. I. William Trumbull the elder; detail from an engraving by George Vertue of the 1617 portrait by Otto van Veen. By courtesy of the Trustees of the

Manor Farm in 1720.^^ It can be no coincidence that the earliest known instance of William Trumbull's signature occurs on a letter of attorney which he witnessed on 4 September 1594 concerning rent collection at Otterbourne.^^ The principal signatory was William Dutson, who was to be his master for the next five years. The document is endorsed in Sir William Trumbull's hand, 'Mr. William Trumbull was an Apprentice to Mr. Dutson, or Dodson at Hampton on Thames who was an Attorney 4 Sept. 1594.' If the Downes were already tenants at Otterbourne, Trumbull may have met his wife through his work; if the marriage came first, Trumbull may have procured the tenancy for his brother-in-law. Dutson (or Dudson or Dodson) was employed at Hampton Court and occupied a lodge in the park. Trumbull may have lived either with him or with the Keeper of Hampton Court, who from 1593 was Charles Howard, Lord Howard of Effingham (created Earl of Nottingham in 1597). Our only information about this connection comes from an episode in 1615, when Trumbull interceded with the English government on behalf of Nottingham's great-grandson Hugh O'Donnell, titular Earl of Tyrconnell, an eight-year-old exile at the court of the Archdukes in Brussels. One of Trumbull's most trusted Irish informants, Fergus Donnell, carried a letter to to put the old Lord 117 High Admiral in the picture. Nottingham received the information gratefully, reported Donnell; spoke very highly of Trumbull, and ' was pleased to discourse with me of your cariadg and great towardlines in your youthful dais when you were brought up in his Lordships house, where you begane to learne Spanishe of a copple of gentlemen Spaniards that weare taken by his Lordship at seae. '^^ They must have been taken either on the Cadiz expedition of 1596, or during Nottingham's last seagoing command in August 1599. By then Trumbull had become established as a useful young man about court, receiving occasional payments as a courier and enjoying a degree of competition for his services. One undated testimonial survives in the form of a letter from Thomas Trevor (also in Nottingham's service)^* to William Dudson, explaining that he has a vacancy for a clerk for which he has already turned down many applicants:' And as I am sought unto by others soe I am bold to make my self a playne sutor unto you for to bestowe your Master Trumbull on me for he is one soe well made & framed by you voide of all ill conditiones that I fancie hym more then any I knowe'.^^ Trumbull's lute book, now in Cambridge University Library,^^ which is thought to date from circa iS9S/^ provides further evidence of his contacts in the Elizabethan civil service around this time. The first name in the book is that of John Reynolds of Melcombe Regis, and the other names belong to the same circle. We know that another of Trumbull's oldest friends was Owen Reynolds, of the same family, who was the Privy Council's archivist - Keeper of the Council Chest - until his death in 1610, when he was succeeded by his assistant Thomas Locke, another long-standing friend.^^ By the summer of 1599 Trumbull was increasingly being called on when the Privy Council staff were overworked. On 2 August he received an urgent summons from the court at Nonsuch (endorsed 'To my lovinge frend William Trumbull at Mr dudsons Lodge in the parcke at Hampton Courte give thease with speed') from John Edmondes, whose brother Thomas had been sworn in as an extraordinary clerk of the Council on 29 June (and was soon to be an ordinary clerk). ^^ Continual alarms, wrote Edmondes, had yielded 'such a dealle of writinge busines unto all the Clearcks of the Counsell whoe are commanded to attend, that they and all their men have more then their hands full, whearuppon my brother... hath requested me very earnestly to send for you that yf you may possibly be spared' he should come and help out. 'I doubte least it may seame unacceptable, or be perchance inconvenyent unto Mr Dudson so suddenly to spare you...'.^^ Shortly afterwards it must have been decided that Trumbull should be transferred permanently to Edmondes's service, for the next surviving letter, a month later, is from Thomas Edmondes himself to his new man, and opens much more curtly: 'William. I have gotten leave of Mr Secretarie to goe into the Countrie for fyve or six daies. .'. It gives him his instructions, ends 'Yowr Master & frend Thomas Edmondes' and is addressed 'To my servant William Trumbull, at Mr Hoptons, or Mr Dudsons lodging at Hampton-Court'.^^ Edmondes, although appointed secretary for the French tongue at home m 1596, had only returned on 8 June I599 from the latest of several spells as Elizabeth's 118 representative at the court of Henri IV.^^ The date of Trumbull's entry into his service has however been put at 1597,^^ probably on the evidence of his despatch to James I of 19 August 1613: 'Heretofore I served under Sir Thomas Edmondes, in the Counsell Chamber, during the reigne of the late Queene (of famous memory) the space of 6 yeares, without fee, or other reward; and since your Majesties happy comming to the Crowne of England, have spent 8 yeares, and a halfe in these Countryes.'^^ But this could mean either that the six years were served wholly under Elizabeth, that is from 1597 to 1603, or that the initial six years ran from 1599 to 1605 and the next eight and a half from April 1605 (when Edmondes and Trumbull arrived in Brussels) to August 1613 (the date of the despatch).^^ Edmondes's acquisition of a Spanish-speaking clerk proved timely when in December 1599 he was sent on the first of two journeys to the Archdukes Albert and Isabella, rulers of the Spanish Netherlands, followed by others to France, all designed to bring about peace talks. On these expeditions he was accompanied by William Trumbull, who must have gained valuable experience. On 6 August 1603 he was appointed a post or courier in reversion after John Wells.^® When peace was at last established and diplomatic relations with Spain and its dependencies restored, it was natural that the newly reopened Brussels embassy should be offered to Edmondes and that Trumbull should accompany him as the senior of his two paid secretaries, the other being Jean (or John) Beaulieu. But this was by no means the whole team. Sir Thomas (as he had become in 1603) and Lady Edmondes had gathered round them a brilliant young household, whose letters to each other make fascinating reading. While Edmondes himself as a patron left a good deal to be desired, especially after the death of his sympathetic first wife, his 'family' were to address one another as 'brothers' and 'sisters' for the rest of their lives (a practice highly confusing to the uninitiated reader). This was extended to their spouses, so that Debora Trumbull became another 'sister', and also to the next generation; long after Trumbull's retirement from the diplomatic service, elderly gentlemen who had shared his youth were still addressing his sons as ' nephews'.^^ His new family came to hold a much greater place than the old in his affections, and also in his correspondence, for there were many separations from the outset. Some members, like John More (with his wife Martha) and Sam Calvert, looked after Edmondes's business in England; Trumbull himself went home to his wife and children each spring, while Beaulieu ran the secretariat in Brussels; and in summer Trumbull would hold the fort in Brussels while Edmondes and his household took the waters at Spa. When in 1609 the news arrived that Edmondes was to return to the Paris embassy but that his successor at Brussels had not yet been named, Trumbull was again left in charge, temporarily as it was thought, while the rest of the household returned to England in September for a few months' leave between postings. Two members of the team, Jean Beaulieu and John Sanford, travelled down to Kent to put Mrs Trumbull in the picture, and their accounts of'Deboraes debonnair entertainment' are typical of the genre. ^^ 119 Bearing strong signs of the influence of John Sanford, absentee chaplain of Magdalen College and Latin poet, the letters usually contain a mixture of factual information, literary allusion, lavatorial humour and in-jokes. The occasional round robins were signed by the two women who were members in their own right (as attendants of Lady Edmondes), Elizabeth Devick and Phippe Wolley. Elizabeth Devick later married Jean Beaulieu, but retained her maiden name when writing to Trumbull.^^ Her cousin William Devick was also on the team; his widow Frances later married Abraham Williams, another rising diplomat thus brought into the family circle. A new 'brother', John Woodford, was taken on as second secretary in Paris in 1610, Jean Beaulieu moving up to first secretary as it became clear that Trumbull could not yet be spared from Brussels, where Debora and the children now joined him. He discovered that he had burned his boats when Edmondes made it clear that if he rejoined the Paris household it would have to be once more in a voluntary capacity: 'as much as to say that he could... make use of you but not to be beholding or to owe any further requital for it'.*** For the present, however, Trumbull was left undisturbed, for he was doing a good job for only 20s. a day, a fraction of what an ambassador would cost. But the press of business was still considerable and he needed a secretary of his own. In 1611 he took on Phippe WoUey's promising young son John Wolley, for whom Sanford had hoped to get a demyship at Magdalen but who proved ineligible because he had been born in Cambridgeshire. Sanford, on his return from a stint in Spain with Sir John Digby and James Mabbe (two more Magdalen men), was relieved to find that Trumbull's own elder son did qualify,^^ and in due course both his sons were to go to Magdalen.^^ The younger, John, was born in Brussels in August 1611, the same month as Edmondes's daughter Louisa, for whom the King and Queen Regent of France stood godparents. With Jean Beaulieu's encouragement, Trumbull decided to ask Edmondes to be godfather to his own child; but the request, put to the ambassador in person by Beaulieu, was met with a stony silence which Trumbull never forgave.*^ ^ John Wolley was meanwhile becoming an integral part of Trumbull's family. Although he quickly mastered his secretarial duties and showed himself well capable of holding down the Brussels post during Trumbull's absences, he never seems to have aspired to be more than 'yowr worships most humble dutifull and faithfuil servant, ever to be commanded till death'.^^ When Edmondes returned to Paris on a special mission in 1629-30, Wolley went along as an extra secretary, but under strict instructions to accept no favours from that quarter,^^ Otherwise he spent the rest of his life in the service of the Trumbulls, marrying and settling down near his old master, whose friends always included respectful greetings to Mr Wolley in their letters. Another old retainer also remained with Trumbull until the latter's death: Jarman Marsham, usually referred to by his Christian name (often spelled German or Germain) and employed principally as a messenger. He first appears in 1609, and witnesses Trumbull's will in 1635. In spite of frequent rumours of his recall, Trumbull was to stay on as accredited agent in Brussels until the outbreak of war with Spain in 1625. There is no need to resurvey here the ground already covered in the introductions to the H.M.C. calendar volumes.

120 There are also recent analyses of Trumbull's diplomatic role in the reviews of the last volume published.*^ The emphasis is always on the extraordinary range of subjects on which Trumbull received information. 'Brussels was an ideal listening post'^^ and Trumbull relayed messages to London from all over Europe. Nor was the traffic one-way; allied princes and their ministers, and other diplomats serving abroad were as grateful for his full and accurate reports as were the officials at home.^^ 'At the Catholic court of the Archdukes he was a remarkable focus of Lutheran and Calvinist communication and confidences. '^^ The Archdukes can have had little idea of the extent of his network, for he kept a low profile and protected his sources. He had relatively few well-placed informants among their subjects (although the advocate Jean Thymon was one), many more among the English, Irish and Scots residents and visitors. Catholic as well as Protestant. Among his closest friends was Lionel Wake, a Catholic cousin of Sir Isaac Wake who had settled at and become a sort of general factotum for the English community. Sir Thomas Leedes, a prominent recusant in exile at Louvain, regarded Trumbull as 'my especiall frend'^** even though there were doubts at home about his loyalty. But there was never any suggestion that Trumbull had gone native; his Puritan and anti-Spanish sympathies were well enough known for men like Archbishop Abbot (encouraged no doubt by his new domestic chaplain John Sanford) to write extremely frankly to him in the certainty that their views would coincide. Indeed, one contact Trumbull evidently thought it wise to play down was a symbol of the anti-Spanish party - Sir Walter Ralegh. Nothing survives in the papers to suggest any connection between the two men, other than routine assistance given by Trumbull to Ralegh's son Walter and his tutor Ben Jonson when they travelled through the Low Countries in 1613. But the only known presentation copy of any of Ralegh's works is a first edition of his History of the World (1614) inscribed by Ralegh 'Ex dono Authoris, for Mr W Trumbull'.^^ In 1615 Trumbull asked Abbot why the History had been withdrawn from circulation, receiving a full explanation; and after Ralegh's execution in 1618 (of which he received detailed accounts from Jean Beaulieu and John Wolley) he copied into the volume in his own hand a version of Ralegh's last verses, 'Even such is time'."" Like most great wars, the Thirty Years' War cast a long shadow ahead, and Trumbull's friends had long feared 'a deluge of blood'.^^ But after 1618 there was surprisingly little change in the identity of his correspondents or the routine of his office. The exception was 1621, when he was sent into Germany with a safe conduct to negotiate a ceasefire between the armies operating in the Palatinate, as a first step towards a more general settlement. As it suited both sides at the time, he was well received and a ceasefire was duly signed at Mainz in April which lasted until July.^^ 3 July saw the death of Archduke Albert, but although two Ambassadors Extraordinary converged on Brussels in October to pay their respects to the widowed Archduchess Isabella, now sole ruler of the Spanish Netherlands, it was decided to leave Trumbull in place, cancelling earlier plans for his recall. Even after the outbreak of the war, Trumbull spent much of his time at Brussels

121 executing commissions for influential patrons or for his own friends. He does not appear to have charged for his services, leaving that to Lionel Wake, but there was often a hidden quid pro quo. His 'brother' Edward Norgate, for example, wrote to say that he had succeeded in extracting some of Trumbull's arrears, and incidentally how very welcome a few Desseings... or drawings of Rewbens, or G\x\\\aume van Nieulandt would have bene, or would be yet, not that I would impose a matter of chardg upon yow for my pleasure, but if some of theire firstan d sleight drawings either of landskip or any such kind as might happily be procured for a Word, they being things never sold but given to frends that are Leefhebbers, you know to whome they should be most welcome...^^ Trumbull had himself painted in 1617 by Archduke Albert's court painter and master of the mint Otto van Veen (see fig. i).^^ But he was not a great collector of pictures on his own account; those hanging in the gallery and elsewhere at on his death were valued altogether at only £30. He did have a good display of pistols, muskets, halberds, pikes and swords in the entrance hall, worth £15, and the two state rooms (the Red Chamber and the King's Chamber) were richly furnished with tapestry hangings worth £30, and with sumptuous bed furniture worth £%o. He loved gardens (and had been instrumental in procuring flowers and fruit for the elder Tradescant to plant at Hatfield); he continued to take an interest in music. But his first love was always literature, and the books in his study at Easthampstead were valued at £150.^^ Men of business were his 'brothers', but it was an impoverished Catholic poet and translator, Thomas Lodge, who was his 'father'. Books were the staple of his private correspondence, and it was a cause celebre involving a book that rankled with him as a professional failure and for many years soured his relations with the government to which he was accredited. Isaaci Casauboni Corona Regia was a scurrilous libel on James I printed anonymously in 1615, in fact in Louvain at the press of Christopher Flavius. Trumbull was instructed to procure the punishment of both the printer and the author, whom he and James believed to be the Louvain Professor of Rhetoric Erycius Puteanus (van de Putte). The Brussels government eventually agreed to proceed against the printer (who had absconded in the meantime), but refused to condemn Puteanus without firmer evidence. Only a few months into the affair, Trumbull already foresaw that 'this business of Corona Regia may well be compared... to the combatte of Hercules, with the serpent Hydra\^^ and over the next eight years it was to become a personal obsession.^^ For James it symbolized the systematic nurturing of his enemies in the Low Countries since before the Gunpowder Plot, and in 1617 he sent out an ambassador extraordinary. Sir , to obtain satisfaction or at least to protest in no uncertain terms. Trumbull recorded with relish the audience which took place on 28 May: Afterwards my Lord [Bennet], following the prescript rule of his instructions, tolde the Archduke that his Majestie did not only complayne of the injury donne him by the printing of lybells and invectives againste his person and gouvernment in these parts, but also that the Archdukes countryes were the seed plotts wherein were contayned all the treasons and conspiracyes which 122 had been practised against his Majesties person and realmes, even from his Majesties comming to the Crowne of England. And that these countryes were the retreate wherunto all the trayters and fugitives of England, Scotland and Ireland did flowe... To that the Archduke answered nothing but only that he was called away to goe to

Trumbull nearly followed Bennet back to England, but as usual it was decided to leave him in place. But his pride in his network of informants, particularly in the printing trade, had been badly dented by his failure to obtain proof of Puteanus's guilt, and he redoubled his efforts. In 1621 his first reaction on hearing of his probable recall was regret that it should come before he had cracked the Corona Regia case. The breakthrough came in 1624. Hearing that the printer, Flavius, had been sighted in Cologne where his wife lived (Trumbull had already suggested that 'his Majesties alleyes in Germany' should be approached to procure her arrest and interrogation under at least the threat of torture),^^ he sent John Wolley there on a similar mission. With some help from Trumbull's German friends, Flavius was lured back to his own house and there held in custody until he could be taken before the town authorities next day. He then made a full confession, legally witnessed under the town seal, incriminating all the guilty parties including Puteanus, who was not necessarily the author but had corrected the proofs and added the verses. What convinced John Wolley that the printer was telling the truth was a will found in his house,' sighned with his owne bloude', which corroborated the confession in almost every particular. Flavius had drawn it up in 1621 in case he was assassinated by his own side to ensure his silence.^^ Trumbull thereupon sent Wolley back to England with the legal proofs and a triumphant letter to the King describing ' the restles endevors donne by me, & through my meanes, for the discouvery, and punishment of those Soullesse Villaines, that have sought, by the instigation of the divell, to blaste your Ma^V^ties untainted reputation'. He would now be happy to retire, or at least to take some home leave, having had none since 1618; and might he have his arrears of expenses? Counting in the £76^ 5s. iod. expended on the Corona Regia discovery, these now amounted to nearly /J2,ooo.^^ Trumbull's arrears were a long-standing grievance. He could not run an intelligence network on 20s. a day plus his ordinary expenses, which in any case fell into arrears after Salisbury's death in 1612; yet it was 1615 before he was even promised an allowance for extraordinary expenses such as postal charges and secret service payments. ^^ When he told John More that he would threaten to resign unless he received his arrears, 'Lett me give you this trew advertisement', his friend replied, 'that if you do so, you will be taken at your word'.^^ All he had to fall back on at home was the courier's place to which he had now succeeded. The reversion was granted to trustees (John More and John Castle) on behalf of his son William in January 1612, not without a struggle.^^ But as Salisbury had told him, the King had commended his diligence and caution over the William Seymour affair in 1611,^' and Archbishop Abbot also quoted James as having called him 'a very good, diligent and discreete servant'.^^ From 1612 it was rumoured that he was in line for one of the four ordinary clerkships of the Privy Council, which the King 123 announced his intention of reserving for his servants abroad. The office carried an annual salary of £50, with further opportunities for profit and advancement. The next vacancy was in Sir Thomas Edmondes's clerkship, which he was planning to resign, or rather sell. Having promised the place to Trumbull for £300, he then received higher offers and characteristically raised his price to ;£4oo. But Trumbull enlisted the support of the new secretary of state. Sir Ralph Winwood,^^ and eventually Edmondes agreed to recommend Trumbull for £350. The patent was passed on 24 February 1614 and he was sworn in while on leave in the autumn of 1615."^^ This provided the security that Trumbull needed. Never noted for his ambition, he could now relax. In 1621, for exampie, he wrote privately to John Woodford, in the context of a misunderstanding with Woodford's current master James Hay, Viscount Doncaster:

I thancke God my ambition is prescrybed w/thin the lymitte of my present fortune. Higher I desyer not to clymbe; well foreseeing that the greatest men, have often tymes the greatest falles, and well knowing, and freely confessing myne owne insufficientcy, and want of meritt. It shalbe enough for me, at my retourne home, either to exercise the Clarkshipp of the Counsell; in ease I may doe it, w/thout reproch of beeing incapable for that office; or by his Majesties favour haveing but meanes to eate, and eloath me, and my familly, w/th a little to bring up my children in my rancke, to ly ve retyred, and in some cottage to spend the reste of my dayes, in prayers for OUT Prince, and Country.'^

This is an unusually early example of 'cottage' in the sense of 'humble abode' usually calculated to inspire a healthy scepticism; but Trumbull's friends do frequently remark on his lack of ambition. The reality, however, was to be rather different. Recalled at last as hostilities with Spain escalated, he arrived at Dover with his family on 22 October 1625 and took up lodgings in Lord Wotton's house at Kingston-on-Thames on 2 November, as he wrote to tell his son, then at Otterbourne.^^ By January 1626 he was living at Thames Ditton.'^ At a by-election on 16 February he was elected M.P. for Downton in Wiltshire. Downton was a borough in the gift of William Herbert, 3rd Earl of Pembroke, who was the Bishop of Winchester's tenant there. ^^ Pembroke had greatly appreciated Trumbull's hospitality in Brussels in 1614-16 to his old mother, the celebrated Countess of Pembroke; he also shared Trumbull's political and religious views. As Chancellor of the he had just had Sir Thomas Edmondes elected for one of the university seats against the wishes of Convocation; complaints were so persistent that a by-election was held, after which Edmondes was unseated - perhaps not entirely to Trumbull's regret. "^^ Trumbull himself is known to have spoken only once in parliament, and was named only to two committees in which he had a particular interest: one to make it easier for Puritan ministers to hold livings, the other to consider a petition from a merchant plundered by the Dunkirkers for compensation out of the prizes in Dover harbour. But he was well respected, and after he had left the Commons a bill to naturalize his two children born abroad was given exceptionally favourable treatment, receiving

124 three readings in one day, passing the Commons without a committee stage, and being carried up by Sir Edward Coke.^^ Trumbull's parliamentary career lasted only four months, as he did not stand again. He returned to his duties as a clerk of the Privy Council, in which intensive bursts of activity alternated with periods of leisure. For the four clerks worked in rotation, with each clerk serving in the council chamber for about six weeks at a time, three times a year; they were expected to serve during the last week of their predecessor's duty month and in the first week of their successor's in order to ensure continuity of business.^^ For his duty months Trumbull rented cheap lodgings over a barber's shop in Westminster, stocked with little more than the bare necessities, which for him included forty books. ^^ For his months off duty he soon found his 'cottage': a tied cottage, for he received on the edge of Windsor Forest in fee farm from the King for only 40s. a year on condition that he maintained 200 deer for the royal sport. He was appointed Keeper of Easthampstead Walk in 1626 and was actually living in the house by October of that year, but it took nearly three years for all the legal formalities to be completed.^^ He became a J.P. in 1629. During this time he was also making other investments in land, buying the reversions of the leases of the crown estates of Morton Grange in East Harlsey in the North Riding of Yorkshire (a troublesome purchase which he came to regret) and of Wraysbury (or Wyrarisbury) in Buckinghamshire.^° He was also looking at other options. It is surprising that he was never knighted, which would have been normal for someone of his seniority both as a diplomat and as a clerk of the Council. ^^ Perhaps he preferred a more tangible reward. There are two suggestive letters from Chamberlain in February 1618, a fortnight apart: 'Master Trumbull is come home but I have not seene him. I heard an uncertain report that he should be knighted'; and 'Master Trumbull is going over again, having obtained double allowance for his entertainment hereafter'.^^ He avoided speculative commercial ventures as a rule. In 1612 the Prince of Orange gave him a three months' option on an ironworks, but he never seems to have taken it up.^^ In 1614 he accepted John More's offer of a share in the salt tax monopoly.^^ In 1615 he was keen to invest in the East India Company, and was a member of the Company by 1617, although not formally admitted until 1618.^^ In the he took on an apprentice of good family, Robert Sheriff, who however fell ill and

He continued to look for minor offices for himself and his family. Just before returning home he applied unsuccessfully for reversions of one of the Six Clerks' places for himself, and of a clerkship of the Signet for his elder son. He never gave up hope of the latter, which finally went through a month after his death, although it was only a fourth reversion and was not to be taken up until the Restoration. But gradually more posts materialized. He was appointed to several royal commissions: in 1629 to examine complaints about Irish causes, in 1632 to investigate smuggling, and in 1634 to enquire into the soap monopoly. In 1632 he was made Muster-Master-General of England for

125 He also kept abreast of the latest publications. On 12 March 1633 he wrote to his son William from Easthampstead as follows:

The day before I cam from London, I was at Mr Bournes shopp \the Stationer/ at the Easte gate of the old Exchange: who then promised to provyde for me, and sende downe to my lodgeinge the new Survay of that Citty; And at that tyme he spake of Gerrards Herball for which he demanded 2 Ii. 4s. a price too greate, as I suppose. I pray you make a stepp thether; and gett Mr Bourne forthwith [to] provide me those 2: books: very well bounde, at as low prices as they may be had, and sende them hether from Mr Wakemans house, by one of our Carriers, w/th as much expedition as convenyently yow may. Now I keepe the house for the moste parte, I shall be at leisure to peruse that Herball; y/hich I have long desired to see. Take care, that the said books be so packed up, as they may neither be hurt, nor wett upon the way.**^

Nicholas Bourne had already been selling books at the Royal Exchange in Cornhill for over thirty years, and was later to become Master of the Stationers' Company. He was himself marketing the revised and expanded edition of Stow's Survey of London, and had evidently taken some unbound copies of the revised edition of Gerard's Herbal. Trumbull's copy must have been in good condition, having only just been published; but by the time it was next sold, at Sotheby's on 19 February 1991, lot 718, it had been handled so much that it had had to be rebound in the nineteenth century with missing index pages supplied in manuscript. At the end, however, were pressed flowers on an inserted sheet of paper with contemporary manuscript captions. Were they in the hand of William Trumbull ?«' As this example shows, Trumbull's letters to 'my beloved Sonne William Trumbull' (as he endorsed them for the post) are very revealing of his personality. Both sides of the correspondence have survived, at least intermittently, from 1616 until Trumbull's death, and would make an interesting publication in their own right. Young William was presumably born between March and September 1603, for his father writes to him on 26 September 1628: 'and now you are 25 yeares old...'.^^ This is corroborated by his matriculation at nineteen on 28 February 1622/3 and his death on 24 March 1677/8 in the seventy-fifth year of his age.^^ The heralds were told on 30 March 1665 that his age was sixty (recte sixty-one),^^ which has caused confusion, compounded by 1665 being misprinted as 1655 in The Genealogist.^^ At the age of nine he was sent away to school in Sedan, a Protestant centre of learning where the ruling Duke of Bouillon (one of Trumbull's most useful informants) kept a watchful eye on the boy. At nineteen he went to Magdalen as planned (James Mabbe was his tutor), and thence to the Middle Temple. After this he seems to have had difficulty in deciding between the church and the law. 'I wholly leave it to your owne election', his father wrote in a letter which bears signs of much handling, 'it beeing indifferent to me, whether yow folowe the studies of Divinity or the lawes'. William should not follow a worldly career simply in the hope of pleasing his parents: 'For the Allmyghty knowes my hart, and that if I were the greatest subiect that ever hath ben in England, I should rather esteeme at the greatest honor that can befalle my poor familly, to have my eldest 126 Sonne, according to his owne Law, consecrated to his Divine Service; well understanding, that no title may be so honorable, as that of one of his Ambassadors.'^^ Instead, however, it was decided that William should return to Sedan in 1629 as bear- leader to a nineteen-year-old Oxford undergraduate, his neighbour William Paget, 5th Lord Paget (later Keeper of New Lodge Walk in Windsor Forest). It was a responsible job which should be taken seriously:' I charge yoM as you will answere it before the barre of the Celestial Judge, to take all the care you can, faithfully to seeke the advancement of my hord Pagets ends in his travells, and advise him in all occasions syncerely to the best of yowr understanding. '^^ The pair crossed to Holland and through Trumbull's connections were then able to visit Antwerp and Brussels, albeit briefly: 'I doe wonder yow were permitted at all to passe through Brabant, the 2 Armyes beeing in the field.'^^ They made the fashionable detour to view the siege of Bois-le-Duc ('s Hertogenbosch), sending Trumbull an excellent description of it.^^ Paris followed, then Genoa and Geneva. From time to time Trumbull drew his son's attention to the limitations of the family purse:

This yeare, I must borrowe, and lay out 6: or 700: Ii for I have bought Gales farme wA/ch cost 400 Ii and I have contracted with Sir Richard Cecyll, for the reversion of Morton Grange; a hard taske for me (as yow may easely conceive) seeing I cannott gett one penny of my arrereages out of his Ma>mes Exchequer. But be not you discouraged for all that: I will rather fast, & goe poorely cladd, then you shalbe driven to any necessity...®^

When they returned after two years, it was because Debora had put her foot down: 'From yowr mother I must lett yow knowe, that she cannot be induced by any meanes, to have yow extend yowr travells into Spaine...'.^^ After all this expensive education, William settled down at Easthampstead on his return and helped his father to run the estate. Their letters turn to crops and stock, suitable brides for William (Anne was still too young, and the second child, Elizabeth, had died in her twenties after years of illness) and a good education for John. An engaging child at Brussels, where he was known as 'Captain Hans', he did not take to his studies in England. 'Your brother John is free at home w^th me,' Trumbull wrote to William with some severity when his younger son was fourteen,' where he looseth his tyme as he did at Canterbury from whence I have w/thdrawne him'.^'^^ Like most of the diplomatic service, Trumbull had applied in 1623 for the vacant provostship of Eton ;^^^ now he hesitated about sending John there, not finally doing so until the boy was nearly eighteen, and then wishing he had done it sooner. ^''^ John too went on to Magdalen, and was still there when his father died. Trumbull's health had been poor for many years. As early as 1611 his friend Thomas Floud had warned him not to overwork: to deale freely with you, your restles care and overtravellinge your weake body doth much grieve your friends. I knowe your inclination and education to savour nothinge but deligence and watchfulnes: but let reason and your freindes persuasion prevaile so much with you, that you

127 wronge not your health, out of an honest industrious minde, for we all knowe howe free it is from ambition.^''^

By 1635 he had come safely through several dangerous illnesses, so John WoUey was not particularly worried when he wrote from London on 18 July with a bulletin for the younger William at Easthampstead. His master's appetite had improved, and as his strength seemed to be increasing and he was sleeping soundly,' so he is far more cheerie, and merrily disposed'. He had gone to Westminster the day before to interview a knight with a promising daughter, 'who after a little conference, at the first offered 2000 li'. There was a postscript: ' Since I wrote my letter upon farther discourse w/th my Master I finde you are by promise to see the partie, at your comming, and upon likeing to procede otherwise to desiste. shee is 19 years of Age, well bread, and speakes french daintily. '^^^ But when William came up he found his father worse. There are no further letters, presumably because the family was together in the cramped lodgings in the Strand. On 20 August 1635 TrumbuU made his will. It was fair to all, but placed unusual confidence in his wife. Instead of saying where he wished to be buried, as his father for example had done, he left the burial arrangements entirely to her discretion. She was to have the Easthampstead estate for life (not during life or widowhood, as would have been more usual). She was also to have 'my Jewells plate bedding lynnen brass pewter and all other my housholde stuffe whatsoever'; these had to be passed on to their three children upon her remarriage or death, but could be divided among them as she saw fit. (In fact she renounced the goods and chattels immediately in favour of her son William.) She also received the residue of the personal estate and was named sole executor. William was to have all the Yorkshire, Buckinghamshire and Kent property immediately, and the Berkshire estate on his mother's death. He was also to inherit 'AH and singuler my library of bookes writings and papers together w/th the Trunkes and presses in which they lye'. He was to pay John an annuity of £50 a year, secured on the real property, as long as he remained at Oxford or 'untill it shall please God to settle the said John in some other honest yoc^tion\ The annuity was to be doubled on their mother's death. Anxious that nothing should go wrong ('your loveinge and carefull father' was how he often subscribed himself in his letters to his children),^^^ Trumbull specified the place and date of payment: at or in the Inner Temple Church, at Michaelmas and Lady Day. William was also to pay Anne /; 1,000 on marriage or within six months thereafter, and a furthe.- £500 within one month of their mother's death. The will was witnessed by William Hathorne and Jarman Marsham, and proved by Debora on 23 November.^**^ Inventories were drawn up by John Wolley (with two assistants) in London on 9 September and at Easthampstead on 17 September. ^**^ Trumbull left the world as quietly as he had come, his place and date of death again uncertain. Probably it was over the barber's shop in the Strand, in the first week of September 1635. And where was he buried? Not with his ancestors in Skipton, nor with his descendants in Easthampstead, for the burial registers of both parishes are silent^'^^ 128 Debora had exercised her discretion to save on the expenses of a grand funeral, putting the money instead towards a dowry for Anne, who was married within two years from the parish church of St Martin-in-the-Fields.^°^ And the answer lies in the register of St Martin's, lightly concealed beneath an erroneous Christian name. On 9 September 1635, the day John Wolley made his inventory of four rooms in the Strand with forty books and 'one rich Inlaid sword', there was buried at St Martin-in-the-Fields 'Johannes Trumble, armiger in cancella'.^^** No monument or wall tablet was erected in the church;^^^ but in the written record of his industrious and patriotic life, 'honest Will Trumbair^^^ left a memorial that has enriched the national heritage. Lector, si monumentum requiris...

1 For an account of their provenance, see' Family 9 Op. cit., p. 329. and estate papers of the Hill family, Marquesses 10 J. H. Lea, * Contributions to a Trumbull Gen- of Downshire', Royal Commission on Historical ealogy', New England Historical and Genea- Manuscripts Annual Review igSg-iggo (1990), logical Register, xlix (1895), p. 331. pp. 23-8. n On 23 June 1631 Trumbull wrote to his wife, 2 The Trumbull Papers (Sotheby's, 1989), lots 'My Mother & my Uncle Robert tender their 1-40 (part of the proposed subdivision of lot loves to thee' (Trumbull MS. Add. 58). Uncle 216 on 14 December 1989). Robert was probably his mother's brother 3 The Commission tackled first the less daunting Robert Brogden, but it seems almost incon- prospect of Sir William Trumbull's papers ceivable that Trumbull's own mother should (H.M.C. 75, Downshire MSS.^ vol. i, published have survived to this date and only be in two parts, London, 1924). The five volumes mentioned this once in his papers. dealing with the elder Trumbull's papers from 12 I am indebted to Mr C. C. Webb, Archivist of 1605 to 1618 are vols. ii-v (1936-88) and vol. vi the Borthwick Institute, for this information (in the press). and for examining the registered copy of the 4 P. H. Reaney, A Dictionary of British Surnames will on my behalf (York, Borthwick Institute, (London, 1958), p. 329. York Wills, Prob. Reg. 29, f. io6v). 5 He was incarcerated in the 1620s in the 13 His will was made on 26 Jan. i6o2[/3] (and Gatehouse prison and released through Trum- proved on 20 July) and he was buried on 21 bull's intervention. His appeal for help and two March. W. J. Stavert (ed.). The Parish Register 'thank-you' letters have survived: Reading, of Skipton-in~Craven 1592-1680 (Skipton, Berkshire Record Office, D/ED/Ci, 13 May 1894), p. 36. 1628, 8 June 1629, 8 July 1629. I am grateful to 14 Cf. Trumbull MS. D/ED Misc., Thomas Dr Peter Durrant, Berkshire County Archivist, Trumbull to William Trumbull, 28 Mar. 1611; for facilitating my access to these and other Berkshire Record Office, D/ED/C2, Roger manuscripts in his care and for answering my Trumbull to William Trumbull, 13 Aug. 1630, questions. with endorsement by William. 6 W. H. Rylands (ed.). Visitations of Berkshire., 15 Stavert (ed.), op. cit, pp. 155, 275 and passim. Harl. Soc, lvi (1907), p. 295. 16 Letter of 28 Mar. 1611 cited in n. 14. 7 Although the tinctures cannot be ascertained 17 Trumbull MS. Add. 58. from Trumbull's seal, there are clear impres- 18 London, Public Record Office, PROB 11/77, sions of it, e.g. in BL Trumbull MS. (hereafter f. 27. cited as Trumbull MS.) Add. 52. 19 Ibid., PROB 11/169, f 120; H.M.C, Down- 8 However, he called himself 'armiger', and his shire MSS., vol. ii, p. 410. Trumbull was also first patron, the Earl of Nottingham, was on described as of Mailing in 1623 (Joseph Foster, several commissions to prevent persons of low Alumni Oxonienses (rpt. Nendeln, 1968), p. birth from assuming arms. )

129 20 Trumbull MS. D/ED Misc., William Downe p. 28. It was possibly another WiUiam Trum- to TrumbuU, ii Apr. 1623. bull who was appointed joint keeper of York 21 C. M. Woolgar, 'A Catalogue of the Estate gaol the following year (ibid., p. 137); at any Archives of St Mary Magdalen College, Oxford' rate there appears to be nothing about it in the (unpublished list, 1981), pp. 379, 1108, 1112. Trumbull papers. 22 Trumbull MS. D/ED Misc. Witnesses could 37 E.g. Trumbull MS. Misc. XIX, 3 (William be any age over 13, so this does not place Boswell to William Trumbull the younger, 26 Trumbull's date of birth any earlier than Jan. i63o[/i]); ibid.. Misc. XIX, 4 Qean previously supposed. I am indebted for this Beaulieu to William TrumbuU the younger, information to Professor T. G. Barnes of the 4/14 Feb. 1630/1). University of California, Berkeley. 38 Beaulieu's letter is calendared in H.M.C, 23 H.M.C, Downshire MSS.y vol. v, no. 410 Downshire MSS.., vol. ii, p. 139, but Sanford's (Donnell to Trumbull, 18 Apr. 1615). was overlooked and is now in TrumbuU MS. 24 H.M.C. 9, Cecil MSS., vol. xvii (London, D/ED Misc. It is in the hand of 'Godfather 1938), P- 347- Sanford' and signed also by Elizabeth Devicke, 25 Trumbull MS. D/ED Misc. Thomas Lloyde (who also caUed himself Floyd 26 CU.L., Add. MS. 8844. or Floud), J. Beaulieu and Debora TrumbuU 27 See Sotheby's catalogue description, 22 Nov. herself, with TrumbuU's endorsement: '19 of 1989, lot 116. October 1609. from the Householde at the 28 Trumbull MS. D/ED Misc., Owen Reynolds Blackfriers'. to Trumbull, 26 Oct. 1606; H.M.C, Downshire 39 Trumbull MS. Alph. VI, 154 (2 Nov. 1620). MSS., vol. ii, pp. 279—80; The Genealogists^ 40 H.M.C, Domnshire MSS., vol. ii, p. 327 Magazine, vi (1932-4), p. 334; F. T. Colby and (WiUiam Devick to Trumbull, 20 July 1610). J. P. Rylands, Addenda to the Visitation of 41 Ibid., vol. iv, p. 502; vol. v, nos. i, 92. Dorsetshire^ 162J (London, 1888), p. 43. 42 Although Edmondes himself did not attend 29 Acts of the Privy Council 1598-1599 (1905), university, and sent his son to Christ Church, p. 740. his entourage clearly had a strong Magdalen 30 Trumbull MS. D/ED Misc. connection, similar to the Merton connection in 31 Ibid. the households of Sir Dudley Carleton and Sir 32 Geoffrey G. Butler, The Edmondes Papers {Rox- Isaac Wake noted by John Stoye in English burghe Club, London, 1913), p. 431. Travellers Abroad^ 1604—6y: Their Influence in 33 W. N. Sainsbury (ed.). Original Unpublished English Society and Politics (revised edn.. New Papers Illustrative of the Life of Sir Peter Paul Haven and London, 1989), pp. 96-7. Rubens (London, 1859), p. 10 n. 30. 43 H.M.C, Downshire MSS., vol. iii, pp. 124-5, 34 P.R.O., SP 77/10, f. 320V. 130-1, 133. 35 A draft of this important despatch is in 44 Trumbull MS. Alph. XLVIII, 75 (Wolley to Trumbull's minute book (Trumbull MS. Min. TrumbuU, 22 July 1621). II, 66) but its existence was not recorded in the 45 This is undoubtedly the meaning of Trumbull's HMC calendar. This was because TrumbuU or warning to his son WiUiam, who was con- his secretary retrospectively headed the draft 15 templating a trip from Sedan to Paris: * If you Dec. 1614 (by no means the only error of this undertake that Journey, John Wolley can kind), and it was only in the course of editing acquaint you w/th myne intentions, wAich are, the 1614-16 volume that it became clear that that yo« shall not engage me for any courtesie, the document belonged to 1613. The wording where I have no desier to be obliged' (TrumbuU is slightly different.' Hertofore I served the late MS. Add. 52, 27 Aug. 1629). Queene (of famous memory) under Sir Thomas 46 H.M.C, Downshtre MSS., vol. v. (1988), Edmondes in the Counsell Chamber, the space calendaring TrumbuU's papers from Sept. 1614 of 6 yeares w/thout fee, or other recompense; to Aug. 1616, reviewed by Maija Jansson, and since yowr Mzjesties happie coming to the Journal of the Society of Archivists, x (1989), Crowne of England have spent 8 yeares, and a pp. 178-9; Elizabeth Read Foster, Albion, xxii half, in these Countreyes'. (1990), pp. 121-2; L.J. Reeve, International 36 Calendar of State Papers Domestic i6oj-i6iOy History Review, xii (1990), pp. 572-5; Conrad

130 RusseU, History^ Ixxvi (1991), pp. 129-30; p. 485). Winwood (a former fellow of Mag- Simon Adams, English Historical Review^ cvii dalen) was a friend to Trumbull both as (1992), pp. 716-17. ambassador at The Hague and as Secretary of 47 Conrad Russell, op. cit., p. 129. State, and his death in 1617 was a personal 48 E.g. H.M.C, Downshire MSS., vol. iv, p. 344. blow. 49 L. J. Reeve, op. cit., p. 572. 70 H.M.C, Downshire MSS., vol. iv, pp. 106,125, 50 H.M.C, Downshire MSS., vol. v, no. 162. 192-3, 208, 239, 240, 254, 278, 282, 310, 319, 51 The volume was sold at Sotheby's, 19 July 457 i vol. vi (in the press), no. 92 note; 1990, lot 33, and is now in the possession of Cal.S.P.Dom. 1611—1618, pp. 160, 224; Simon Finch Rare Books Ltd, 10 New Bond Norman Egbert McClure (ed.). The Letters of Street. John Chamberlain (Philadelphia, 1939), vol. i, 52 H.M.C, Downshire MSS., vol. iv, pp. 54, 59, p. 500. 81; vol. V, no. 464; vol. vi (in the press), nos. 71 TrumbuU MS. Min. IV, 140 (i July 1621). 1223, 1227, 1229. This letter, although bound up in the nine- 53 Ibid., no. 1003 (Archibald Rankin to Trumbull, teenth century with drafts, is in fact an original, 29 July 1618). and may have been returned later to Sir WiUiam 54 Geoffrey Parker, The Thirty Years' War TrumbuU. An endorsement in his hand wrongly (London, 1984), p. 64; P.R.O., SP 77/16, ff. identifies Viscount Doncaster as Sir Dudley 32or—397V passim. Carleton (later Viscount Dorchester). 55 H.M.C, Downshire MSS.^ vol. vi (in the press), 72 Cal.S.P.Dom. 1625, p. 130; TrumbuU MS. no. 1298 (3 Dec. 1618). Add. 46. 56 The location of the original is not known. 73 H. A. Sturgess (comp.). Register of Admissions Another engraving has survived, by S. to the Honourable Society of the Middle Temple Gribelin; an example is in the British Museum, (London, 1949), p. 117. Department of Prints and Drawings, 'Col- 74 Violet A. Rowe, 'The InUuence of the Earls of lectanea Biographica', vol. xcix. Pembroke on Parliamentary Elections, 1625- 57 Berks. R. O., D/ED/F3 (inventory of Trum- 41', English Historical Review, 1 (1935), p. buU's estate at Easthampstead, 17 Sept. 1635). 244. 58 P.R.O., SP 77/12, f 38r (TrumbuU to Sir 75 Michael Brennan, Literary Patronage in the Ralph Winwood, 21/31 Mar. 1615/16). English Renaissance: The Pembroke Family 59 See H.M.C, Downshire MSS., vol. v, pp. (London and New York, 1988), p. 163. xiii—XV, for the story to August 1616. 76 This information is taken from the draft article 60 Ibid., vol. vi (in the press), no. 427. on Trumbull prepared for the History of 61 Ibid., no. 91. Parliament by Mrs Sabrina Baron (then Sabrina 62 TrumbuU MS. Alph. XLVIII, 118 (Wolley to Alcorn). I am most grateful for permission to TrumbuU, 12/22 Apr. 1624). quote it. 63 TrumbuU MS. Min. V, 73 (7/17 May 1624). 77 J. Vernon Jensen, 'The Staff of the Jacobean This is the draft; the fair copy sent (P.R.O., SP Privy Council', Huntington Library Quarterly, 77/17, ff. i86r-i87r) is torn and incomplete. xl (1976-7X P- 19- The depositions and a summary, however, are 78 So battered by use that they were valued at only present at fF. i6ir-i85r. a shilling apiece. Berks. R. O., D/ED/F3 64 See H.M.C, Downshire MSS., vol. v, pp. (inventory of TrumbuU's estate in London, 9 xvi-xvii. Sept. 1635). 65 Ibid., no. 82. 79 Cal.S.P.Dom. 1628-1629, P- 42- TrumbuU first 66 Ibid., vol. iii, pp. 169, 234, 238; Cal.S.P.Dom. writes from Easthampstead on 29 Oct. 1626 1611—1618, p. 116. (TrumbuU MS. Add. 46). 67 Winwood's Memorials, ed. Edmund Sawyer 80 V.C.H. Berkshire, vol. iii (London, 1923), pp. (London, 1725), vol. iii, p. 282. 78-9; V.C.H. Yorkshire North Riding, vol. ii 68 TrumbuU MS. Alph. I, 11 (29 Oct. 1613). (London, 1923), p. 28; G. W. J. Gyll, History 69 'My thoughts are not high, my Demands are of the Parish of Wraysbury (London, 1862), pp. reasonable' (TrumbuU to Winwood, 15 Oct. 19, 70; Berks. R. O., D/ED/C 22-23, 1615, printed in Winwood's Memorials, vol. iii. D/ED/E4, D/ED/E4B/2, D/ED/Fi, D/ED/L19A-C, D/ED/T 161, 212; Trum- 104 TrumbuU MS. Alph. XLVIII, 100. This was bull MSS. Add. 46, 52. not of course Georg Rudolph Weckherlin's 81 Jensen, op. cit., p. 29. daughter, whose marriage to the younger 82 Letters of John Chamberlatn, vol. ii, pp. 137, TrumbuU was still over three years away 142. (TrumbuU MS. Misc. LXI, Weckherlin's 83 H.M.C, Downshire MSS., vol. iii, p. 369. diary, 9 Oct. 1638). It is a common error to 84 Ibid., vol. V, no. 123; vol. vi (in tbe press), no. suppose that TrumbuU and Weckherlin were 411. related by marriage in Trumbull's lifetime. 85 Ibid., vol. V, no. 764; vol. vi (in the press), nos. 105 E.g. to William in TrumbuU MS. Add. 52, 5 309, 445; Cal. S. P. Colonial, East Indies, Sept. 1633. i6iy-i62i, p. 229. 106 P.R.O., PROB 11/169, f. 120. 86 He bequeathed his bay nag and £3 to Trum- 107 Berks. R. O., D/ED/F3. The contents of the bull's eighteen-year-old daughter Anne London lodgings were valued at ;£i34 is. 4d., (P.R.O., PROB 11/167, f. 10). of which clothes and cash accounted for j£ioo. 87 Cal.S.P.Dom. 1623-1625, p. 425; 1631-1633, j£i50 was also owing to the deceased in debts. pp. 253, 421; 1635-1636, p. 323; Acts of the At Easthampstead the total was 3^1,428, of Privy Council 1629-1630, p. 42; TrumbuU MS. which the principal items were c. ^260 worth of Misc. XIX, 83 (Lord Paget to William Trum- farm stock and produce, and ^^225 worth of buU the younger, Oct. 1635). silver plate. 88 TrumbuU MS. Add. 52. 108 Stavert, op. cit.; Berks. R. O., D/P 49 i/i. 89 The volume was bought by E. Erlini, and its 109 New England Hist, and Gen. Register, xlix location is now unknown. (1895), p. 332. Debora managed to extract £50 90 TrumbuU MS. Add. 52. worth of TrumbuU's arrears from the Treasury 91 Foster, op. cit., p. 1513; monumental in- on II Dec, at the same time as Weckherlin scription at Easthampstead. collected £2S of his {Cal.S.P.Dom. 1635, 92 Harl. Soc, lvi (1907), pp. 295-6. p. 553). Perhaps another marriage was bom at 93 Genealogist, vi (1882), p. 100. this meeting. 94 TrumbuU MS. Add. 52, 26 Sept. 1628. no J. V. Kitto (ed.). The Register of St. Martin- 95 Ibid., 15/25 Sept. 1629. tn-the-Fields, London, 1619-1636, Harl. Soc. 96 Ibid., 27 Aug. 1629. Registers, lxvi (1936), p. 300. 97 Ibid.; Stoye, op. cit., pp. 189, 349 n. 35. 111 When the present church was erected in the 98 TrumbuU MS. Add. 52, 27 Aug. 1629. 1720s, the seventeenth-century monuments 99 Ibid., 9/19 March 1630/1. were transferred to the crypt, and are listed in 100 TrumbuU MS. Add. 46, 13 June 1626. the Survey of London, XX {Parish of St. 101 P.R.O., SP 77/16, ff. 5or-5ov (TrumbuU to Martin-in-the-Fields, Part III) (London, 1940), James I, 25 Apr. 1623). pp. 26, 31-54; see also Harl. MS. 6835. 102 TrumbuU MS. Add. 52, 27 Aug. 1629. 112 R. F. Williams, The Court and Times of James 103 TrumbuU MS. Alph. XXV, 22 ([28 Nov./] 8 the First (London, 1848), vol. i, p. 114 (Carleton Dec. r6ii). to Edmondes, 2 June 1610).

132