Burying Lochner: Why Courts Should Reject Coming Attempts to Revive Economic Due Process
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Yale Law & Policy Review Inter Alia
Essay - Keith Whittington - 09 - Final - 2010.06.29 6/29/2010 4:09:42 PM YALE LAW & POLICY REVIEW INTER ALIA The State of the Union Is a Presidential Pep Rally Keith E. Whittington* Introduction Some people were not very happy with President Barack Obama’s criticism of the U.S. Supreme Court in his 2010 State of the Union Address. Famously, Justice Samuel Alito was among those who took exception to the substance of the President’s remarks.1 The disagreements over the substantive merits of the Citizens United case,2 campaign finance, and whether that particular Supreme Court decision would indeed “open the floodgates for special interests— including foreign corporations—to spend without limits in our elections” are, of course, interesting and important.3 But the mere fact that President Obama chose to criticize the Court, and did so in the State of the Union address, seemed remarkable to some. Chief Justice John Roberts questioned whether the “setting, the circumstances and the decorum” of the State of the Union address made it an appropriate venue for criticizing the work of the Court.4 He was not alone.5 Criticisms of the form of President Obama’s remarks have tended to focus on the idea that presidential condemnations of the Court were “demean[ing]” or “insult[ing]” to the institution or the Justices or particularly inappropriate to * William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics, Princeton University. I thank Doug Edlin, Bruce Peabody, and John Woolley for their help on this Essay. 1. Justice Alito, who was sitting in the audience in the chamber of the House of Representatives, was caught by television cameras mouthing “not true” in reaction to President Obama’s characterization of the Citizens United decision. -
Originalism and Constitutional Construction
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2013 Originalism and Constitutional Construction Lawrence B. Solum Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1301 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2307178 82 Fordham L. Rev. 453-537 (2013) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Legal Theory Commons ORIGINALISM AND CONSTITUTIONAL CONSTRUCTION Lawrence B. Solum* Constitutional interpretation is the activity that discovers the communicative content or linguistic meaning of the constitutional text. Constitutional construction is the activity that determines the legal effect given the text, including doctrines of constitutional law and decisions of constitutional cases or issues by judges and other officials. The interpretation-construction distinction, frequently invoked by contemporary constitutional theorists and rooted in American legal theory in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, marks the difference between these two activities. This Article advances two central claims about constitutional construction. First, constitutional construction is ubiquitous in constitutional practice. The central warrant for this claim is conceptual: because construction is the determination of legal effect, construction always occurs when the constitutional text is applied to a particular legal case or official decision. Although some constitutional theorists may prefer to use different terminology to mark the distinction between interpretation and construction, every constitutional theorist should embrace the distinction itself, and hence should agree that construction in the stipulated sense is ubiquitous. -
Politics of Unregulation: Public Choice and Limits on Government Peter L
Cornell Law Review Volume 75 Article 2 Issue 2 January 1990 Politics of Unregulation: Public Choice and Limits on Government Peter L. Kahn Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Peter L. Kahn, Politics of Unregulation: Public Choice and Limits on Government , 75 Cornell L. Rev. 279 (1990) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol75/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POLITICS OF UNREGULATION: PUBLIC CHOICE AND LIMITS ON GOVERNMENT Peter L. Kahn t I Many economists and economically-minded lawyers in recent years have come to view much governmental regulation of business as the unfortunate result of a perverse quirk in our political system., In this view, representative democracy gives unwarranted weight to the interests of small and discrete pressure groups, whose interests may be directly opposed to the interests of the larger public.2 Through an analysis of the effect of the size of a lobbying group on its political effectiveness, 3 advocates of this view (hereinafter de- scribed as "public choice theory" or the economic theory of legisla- tion) have concluded that small groups of beneficiaries are more effective in lobbying for special interest legislation than those larger groups which pay the bills are in resisting it. -
Reviewing Randy Barnett, Restoring the Lost Constitution: the Presumption of Liberty (2004
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2007 Restoring the Right Constitution? (reviewing Randy Barnett, Restoring the Lost Constitution: The Presumption of Liberty (2004)) Eduardo Peñalver Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Eduardo Peñalver, "Restoring the Right Constitution? (reviewing Randy Barnett, Restoring the Lost Constitution: The Presumption of Liberty (2004))," 116 Yale Law Journal 732 (2007). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EDUARDO M. PENALVER Restoring the Right Constitution? Restoringthe Lost Constitution: The Presumption of Liberty BY RANDY E. BARNETT NEW JERSEY: PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2004. PP. 384. $49.95 A U T H 0 R. Associate Professor, Cornell Law School. Thanks to Greg Alexander, Rick Garnett, Abner Greene, Sonia Katyal, Trevor Morrison, and Steve Shiffrin for helpful comments and suggestions. 732 Imaged with the Permission of Yale Law Journal REVIEW CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 734 I. NATURAL LAW OR NATURAL RIGHTS? TWO TRADITIONS 737 II. BARNETT'S NONORIGINALIST ORIGINALISM 749 A. Barnett's Argument 749 B. Writtenness and Constraint 752 C. Constraint and Lock-In 756 1. Constraint 757 2. Lock-In 758 D. The Nature of Natural Rights 761 III. REVIVING A PROGRESSIVE NATURALISM? 763 CONCLUSION 766 733 Imaged with the Permission of Yale Law Journal THE YALE LAW JOURNAL 116:73 2 2007 INTRODUCTION The past few decades have witnessed a dramatic renewal of interest in the natural law tradition within philosophical circles after years of relative neglect.' This natural law renaissance, however, has yet to bear much fruit within American constitutional discourse, especially among commentators on the left. -
Windsor: Lochnerizing on Marriage?
Case Western Reserve Law Review Volume 64 Issue 3 Article 10 2014 Windsor: Lochnerizing on Marriage? Sherif Girgis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Sherif Girgis, Windsor: Lochnerizing on Marriage?, 64 Case W. Rsrv. L. Rev. 971 (2014) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol64/iss3/10 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Law Review by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Case Western Reserve Law Review·Volume 64·Issue 3·2014 Windsor: Lochnerizing on Marriage? Sherif Girgis† Abstract This Article defends three insights from Justice Alito’s Windsor dissent. First, federalism alone could not justify judicially gutting DOMA. As I show, the best contrary argument just equivocates. Second, the usual equal protection analysis is inapt for such a case. I will show that DOMA was unlike the policies struck down in canonical sex-discrimination cases, interracial marriage bans, and other policies that involve suspect classifications. Its basic criterion was a couple’s sexual composition. And this feature—unlike an individual’s sex or a couple’s racial composition—is linked to a social goal, where neither link nor goal is just invented or invidious. Third, and relatedly, to strike down DOMA on equal protection grounds, the Court had to assume the truth of a “consent-based” view of the nature of marriage and the social value of recognizing it, or the falsity of a “conjugal” view of the same value and policy judgments. -
Legal Naturalism Is a Disjunctivism Roderick T. Long Legal Positivists
Legal Naturalism Is a Disjunctivism Roderick T. Long Auburn University aaeblog.com | [email protected] Abstract: Legal naturalism is the doctrine that a rule’s status as law depends on its moral content; or, in its strongest form, that “an unjust law is not a law.” By drawing an analogy between legal naturalism and perceptual disjunctivism, I argue that this doctrine is more defensible than is generally thought, and in particular that it entails no conflict with ordinary usage. Legal positivists hold that a rule’s status as law never depends on its moral content. In Austin’s famous formulation: “The existence of law is one thing; its merit or demerit is another. Whether a law be is one enquiry; whether it ought to be, or whether it agree with a given or assumed test, is another and different inquiry.”1 There seems to be no generally accepted term for the opposed view, that a rule’s status as law does (sometimes or always) depend on its moral content. Legal moralism would be the natural choice, but that name is already taken to mean the view that the law should impose social standards of morality on private conduct. Legal normativisim, another natural choice, is, somewhat perversely, already in use to denote a species of legal positivism.2 The position in question is sometimes referred to as “the natural law view,” but this is not really accurate; although the view has been held by many natural law theorists, it has not been held by all of them, and is not strictly implied by the natural law position. -
James Wilson and the Moral Foundations of Popular Sovereignty
Buffalo Law Review Volume 64 Number 2 Article 2 4-1-2016 James Wilson and the Moral Foundations of Popular Sovereignty Ian Bartrum William S. Boyd School of Law, UNLV Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Courts Commons Recommended Citation Ian Bartrum, James Wilson and the Moral Foundations of Popular Sovereignty, 64 Buff. L. Rev. 225 (2016). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview/vol64/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Buffalo Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BUFFALO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 64 APRIL 2016 NUMBER 2 James Wilson and the Moral Foundations of Popular Sovereignty IAN BARTRUM† INTRODUCTION The dread and redoubtable sovereign, when traced to his ultimate and genuine source, has been found, as he ought to have been found, in the free and independent man. This truth, so simple and natural, and yet so neglected or despised, may be appreciated as the first and fundamental principle in the science of government. —James Wilson1 Even most constitutional originalists now concede that important pieces of our founding text are too vague to settle many legal controversies without modern judicial construction.2 To most observers, this must seem a concession † Associate Professor of Law, William S. Boyd School of Law, UNLV. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 108 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 108 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 149 WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 1, 2003 No. 117 House of Representatives The House was not in session today. Its next meeting will be held on Wednesday, September 3, 2003, at 2 p.m. Senate FRIDAY, AUGUST 1, 2003 (Legislative day of Monday, July 21, 2003) The Senate met at 9:30 a.m., on the SCHEDULE at about this time—in fact, exactly expiration of the recess, and was called Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, this morn- this time—the odds of completing this to order by the President pro tempore ing the Senate will be in a period for bill, in most people’s minds, was very (Mr. STEVENS). morning business in order that Sen- narrow. Yet both sides of the aisle ators may speak and have an oppor- working together developed an ap- PRAYER tunity to introduce legislation. There proach with which I think everybody is The Chaplain, Dr. Barry C. Black, of- will be no rollcall votes during today’s pleased. It is the important next step fered the following prayer: session. When the Senate completes its in developing a bill that I am confident Let us pray. business today, we will adjourn for the the President will be able to sign short- Eternal Lord God, who is the ‘‘Rock August break. of Ages,’’ You are our shield, and we Today, in addition to Member state- ly after we deliver it to him as a final find refuge in You. -
Statement of Senator Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.), Chairman, Senate Judiciary Committee, on Cloture on the Nomination of Caitlin Halligan to the D.C
Statement Of Senator Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.), Chairman, Senate Judiciary Committee, On Cloture On The Nomination Of Caitlin Halligan to the D.C. Circuit December 5, 2011 Tomorrow the Senate should be holding an up-or-down vote on the long-delayed nomination of Caitlin Halligan to fill one of three vacancies on the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. Instead, for the seventh time since President Obama took office 34 months ago, we are required to overcome a Republican filibuster for the Senate to consider one of President Obama’s superbly qualified judicial nominees. Ms. Halligan, President Obama’s first nominee to the important D.C. Circuit, is the former Solicitor General for the State of New York. With an impressive record in private practice and public service, she is widely respected for the quality of her work as an advocate. Indeed, Ms. Halligan’s nomination was greeted with bipartisan support and has since garnered endorsements from law enforcement officials and organizations, women’s organizations, law school deans and professors, judges and preeminent lawyers from across the political spectrum. The Judiciary Committee favorably reported Ms. Halligan’s nomination nearly nine months ago. By any traditional standard, she is the kind of superbly qualified nominee who should easily have been confirmed by the Senate months ago with the support of both Republicans and Democrats. I am disappointed that yet again instead of seeing bipartisan cooperation we are required to seek cloture. New Standards for President Obama’s Judicial Nominations From the beginning of the Obama administration, we have seen Senate Republicans shift significantly away from the standards they used to apply to the judicial nominations of a Republican President. -
Vote Scorecard
FAMILY RESEARCH COUNCIL ACTIOn VOTE SCORECARD 109TH CONGRESS 1ST SESSION U.S. House of Representatives Dear Voter and Friend of the Family: Family Research Council presents our Vote Scorecard for the First Session of the 109th Congress. This Scorecard contains a compilation of significant votes representing a cross section of issues affecting the family. These recorded votes occurred in the U.S. House of Representatives during the First Session of the 109th Congress. This scorecard shows how your elected officials voted on some of the critical issues involving the family. It is important to remember, however, that the votes you see here are only a few of the hundreds of recorded votes Members of Congress took in 2005. We have singled out for inclusion the most clear-cut, pro-family votes that came before Congress. The election of 2004 was touted by the media as the election that the “values voter” won. President George W. Bush was returned to the White House and pro-family candidates helped increase the Republican majority in both chambers of Congress. The House recognized the renewed importance of Congress’ role in protecting the family by passing legislation that included increased fines for indecency, protections of parental rights in cases of minors crossing state lines for an abortion, elimination of the death tax, promotion of ethical stem cell research and an attempt to halt the court-ordered starvation of Theresa Marie Schiavo. The hard fought victory of the 2004 election did not similarly translate into pro-family victories in the Senate. Bogged down by a debate over President Bush’s judicial nominees and fearful of a smaller but more vocal minority in the Senate, the Senate majority failed to act on the many initiatives taken by the House. -
The Federalist Society and Movement Conservatism: How a Fractious Coalition on the Right Is Changing Constitutional Law and the Way We Talk and Think About It
THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY AND MOVEMENT CONSERVATISM: HOW A FRACTIOUS COALITION ON THE RIGHT IS CHANGING CONSTITUTIONAL LAW AND THE WAY WE TALK AND THINK ABOUT IT Jonathan Riehl A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the department of Communication Studies. Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Advisor: J. Robert Cox Reader: V. William Balthrop Reader: Carole Blair Reader: Sally Greene Reader: Lawrence Grossberg Reader: John Harrison ABSTRACT JONATHAN RIEHL: The Federalist Society and Movement Conservatism: How a Fractious Coalition on the Right Is Changing Constitutional Law And the Way We Talk and Think About It (Under the direction of J. Robert Cox) This study is the first in-depth examination of the Federalist Society, the nation’s preeminent organization of conservative and libertarian lawyers. Founded by a few enterprising young college friends in the early days of the Reagan administration, its participants now number 40,000 lawyers, policymakers, judges, and law students. The Society functions as a forum for debate, intellectual exchange, and engagement between the factions on the right as well as their liberal opponents—hence my use of rhetorical theory. I explore how Federalists have promoted conservative legal theories of interpretation, such as originalism and textualism, and also how have also fueled the broader project of the American right to unmake the liberal consensus on a wide range of legal and social issues from Affirmative Action and race to foreign policy. By serving as a forum for the generation and incubation of conservative legal thought, the Federalist Society has provided an invaluable intellectual proving ground; and with chapters now active at all accredited law schools in the country, the Society is widening its reach and providing a home for aspiring conservative lawyers, whether they seek to go into private practice, public service, or the judiciary. -
Advise & Consent
The Los Angeles County Bar Association Appellate Courts Section Presents Advise & Consent: A Primer to the Federal Judicial Appointment Process Wednesday, October 28, 2020 Program - 12:00 - 1:30 PM Zoom Webinar CLE Credit: 1.5 Hours Credit (including Appellate Courts Specialization) Provider #36 The Los Angeles County Bar Association is a State Bar of California approved MCLE provider. The Los Angles County Bar Association certifies that this activity has been approved for MCLE credit by the State Bar of California. PANELIST BIOS Judge Kenneth Lee (Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals) Kenneth Kiyul Lee is a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. The U.S. Senate confirmed him on May 15, 2019, making him the nation’s first Article III judge born in the Republic of Korea. Prior to his appointment, Judge Lee was a partner at the law firm of Jenner & Block in Los Angeles, where he handled a wide variety of complex litigation matters and had a robust pro bono practice. Judge Lee previously served as an Associate Counsel to President George W. Bush and as Special Counsel to Senator Arlen Specter, then-chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee. He started his legal career as an associate at Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz in New York. Judge Lee is a 2000 magna cum laude graduate of Harvard Law School and a 1997 summa cum laude graduate of Cornell University. He clerked for Judge Emilio M. Garza of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit from 2000 to 2001. Judge Leslie Southwick (Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals) Leslie Southwick was appointed to the U.S.