INTERNAL MIGRATION IN SHAHJAHANPUR DISTRICT A SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS
ABSTRACT
THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Boctor of $I)ilo£(opt)p IN GEOGRAPHY
BY JABIR HASAN KHAN
UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF Prof. Salahuddin Qureshi
DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 2004 ABSTRACT
Migration is an important human action and a sharp demographic device among three major factors bringing changes in growth and distribution of population; the other two are natality and mortality. Migration from one community or region to another not only affects the size of population but it also exerts a pervasive influence on the composition of population both at the place of origin and destination, if this in-migration or out-migration is selective of the people with particular socio-economic and demographic characteristics. Thus, the movement of people from one place to another is an important phenomenon bringing changes in the distributional pattern of population growth and composition by modifying existing spatial patterns of human organization and by creating new ones. This redistribution of population may create a number of socio-economic, cultural and political problems for both the sending and receiving areas, if migration brings disequilibrium in the existing man-resource relationship and population composition. It may also solve these problems by regulating and minimizing disequilibrium between population and resource distribution as well as maintaining a demographic, socio-economic, cultural and political balance among diverse communities in a country. In cognizance of the fact that migration is involved in different socio-economic and political problems of a country or nation and that the knowledge of various facets of the redistribution of population is imperative for all sorts of planning and development programmes, in the present doctoral work entitled 'Internal Migration in Shahjahanpur District-A Socio-Economic and Structural Analysis' an attempt has been made to reveal and analyse the impact of internal migration total as well as differential on the socio-economic and demographic structure of the population in the area. For this, the differentials of distance, period, community of origin and destination, age, sex, occupation, religion, educational level and marital status have been considered and their implications have been taken into account. The main objective of this analysis is to highlight the problems caused and the problems solved by migrations during the last one-and-a-half decade. Social, cultural, economic problems have been considered under this analysis. To accomplish above goals an emphasis has been given to the analysis of socio-economic composition of the migrant and non-migrant population of the district. Apart from this, the study also throws light on the socio-economic determinants of migration which play the crucial role in the selectivity of migration in various types of migration-streams. The main objectives of the present study are as follows:
(i) To analyse the socio-economic and demographic attributes of the people who dominate the migration flows, and the principal motivations behind their migrations.
(ii) To assess the effects of migration on the social, economic and demographic structures of populations in the areas of origin and destination.
(iii) To understand the significance of distance and period of migrations as determinants of magnitude and nature of change caused in the socio-economic characteristics of both the migrant population and the populations of the place of origin and destination.
(iv) To analyse the impact of migration on production and technological innovations in agriculture.
(v) To assess the validity or otherwise of the general apprehension that the migration to towns especially from rural areas may lead to labour surplus, increased unemployment, and the general decline in the socio-economic standard of urban population. (vi) To suggest the ways and means to formulate policies regarding migration.
The multi-sided objectives of the study as spelt above cannot be accomplished from census data due to their inherent characteristics. Therefore, the present research work is based on the primary data generated m two comprehensive surveys in the Shahjahanpur district carried out during 19')8. The rural survey consisted of 2220 households in 106 villages and the urban survey, which followed immediately, comprised 873 households in 11 towns. The study period selected for this study is seventeen years (from 1981-1997), while for the data collection one year period has been taken as migration defining period, and the blocks (Vikas Khand) boundaries have been considered as migration defining boundaries. On the basis of migration defining period and migration defining boundary, the respondents were categorized into in-migrants, out-migrants, return-migrants, and non-migrants. Having identified the type of respondents, the separate individual slips were used to ease the task of survey.
The present work is divided into eight chapters. First chapter deals with the aims and objectives of the study, the tools of investigations and the methodology. The problems faced during fieldwork both in rural and urban surveys for collecting data about the socio-economic attributes of population have been also pointed out under this chapter. The chapter also embodies a brief account of the physical and human geography of the district Shahjahanpur, that has a specific role in human migration and helps in understanding the causes of out-and in-migration. The second chapter presents the conceptual framework of internal migration, its types and various socio-economic causes and consequences.
The third chapter gives an estimate of volume, magnitude and types of migration streams based on distance, religion, sex-composition and educational level of migrant population in various tahsils of the district. The chapter also deals with the step-migration categorized on the basis of sex-composition, educational status and socio-economic determinants of migration.
The fourth chapter provides a comparative analysis of the various socio-economic attributes like age and sex composidon, marital status, literacy level, religion and occupational structure of different types of migrants and their comparison with non-migrant population.
The fifth chapter contains discussion on the socio-economic determinants of in-migration, out-migration and return-migration in Shahjahanpur district. The analysis of causes of migration has been based on duration, religion, distance and type of settlement status of the place of origin and destination of migrant population.
The sixth chapter presents an assessment of problems faced by migrants in having access to housing, electricity, water and other amenities in the towns and cities of the district, and the extent to which they succeed in achieving levels of living compared to those of the natives.
In the seventh chapter an attempt has been made to examine the impact of migration on technological innovations in agriculture and crop productivity. To assess these impacts an analytical comparison has been made between different types of migrants and non-migrants in respect of the use of modem agriculture instruments, per acre productivity of wheat and rice, sources of investment of money in agricultural activities and size of landholdings.
The eighth chapter, being the last, contains a brief summary of the study and the conclusions drawn therefrom alongwith a brief note on some modes of regulating and containing the flow of rural-urban migration.
Based on the overall assessment of the study the following important inferences may be drawn pertaining to the flows and characteristics of the migrants, determinants of migration and impact of migration on agriculture development in rural areas and availability of housing and other amenities in urban areas: (A) Characteristics of Migrants and Spatial Patterns of Migration (i) There is dominance of females among migrants and of males among non-migrants. However, return-migrant population is more masculine than the population of in-migrants and out- migrants. (ii) The proportion of rural to rural migration-stream is comparatively greater than other migration-streams and it is the least in urban 10 rural migration-stream. In all the migration-streams, the females predominate over males except in rural to urban migration-stream in which the ratio of males exceeds that of females. (iii) The percent of non-migrant population exceeds that of migrant population in 0-14 age-group. But the position is reversed in the age-group 15-29, in which the percentage of migrants is higher than that of non-migrants. (iv) The ratio of married migrants is nearly double of that of the non-migrants. However, among the non-migrants the distribution of married males and females is almost even but among the migrants the ratio of married female migrants is much higher than that of males. The highest percentage of widowed, divorced and separated persons is in the return-migrant population and the least in the out-migrant population while the non-migrant population stands in betw een. (v) In all types of community based migration-streams, females are married earlier than males, and in rural to rural migration-stream the marriages both in male and female population have been held earlier than the migrants in other types of migration-streams. (vi) The rural-urban break-up of the data shows that illiteracy rates in urban population are the lowest among out-migrants and the highest among in-migrants. In rural population the highest proportion of illiteracy is among in-migrants and lowest among the return-migrants. (vii) In the district as a whole the literacy is highest among the return-migrants and lowest among the non-migrants and in-migrants. Though the range is not very large yet it is a quite substantial being about 10 per cent points. The variation among the tahsils is relatively more marred and the distribution trend is also little different. Nevertheless, generally the non-migrants have a lower literacy than that among the migrants and the return-migrants. (viii) The majority of migrant and non-migrant main workers are in primary activities, However, the ratio of primary workers in non-migrant working population is much higher than that in the migrant working population. (ix) A comparison between the distribution of types of occupation of in-migrant main workers at their places of origin and destination based on the settlement status of the place of origin and destination reveals that the share of primary workers have a higher percentage at the place of origin than that at the place of destination, whereas an opposite trend is witnessed in secondary and tertiary activities. Primary activities account for 69.46 per cent of migrant workers at the place of origin and only 44.23 per cent at destination. The percentages of secondary and tertiary workers are 11.97 and 18.56 at origin and 23.84 and 31.92 at destination respectively. As a matter of fact the movement into primary occupation is generally lesser than that into secondary and tertiary activities, so that any occupational mutation that takes place goes in favour of secondary and tertiary occupations. A remarkable change in the occupational structure has been identified in rural to urban migration-stream. The percentage of workers engaged in primary activities at their rural origin reduced from 77.58 to a mere 20.75 at the urban destination. In secondary activities, the corresponding figures have been recorded as 1.72 per cent and 23.58 per cent respectively. The ratio of workers engaged in tertiary activities which has been 20.69 per cent at origin rose to 55.60 per cent at urban destination.
(x) In urban areas of the district, the ratio of in-migrant workers in construction works, transport, storage and communication is higher than those of non-migrant, out-migrant and return-migrant workers. (xi) The intensity of step-migration due to economic causes is greater than those due to social causes and the number of moves is largest in rural to rural migrations and smallest in urban to rural migration. (xii) Economic motivated migration has been over much longer distances than that caused by social factors. The illiterate migrants have come from longer distances than the literate ones. The distances covered by migrants having low level of literacy are also longer than the migrants of high level of literacy.
(B) Determinants of Migration (a) In-migration (i) The majority of in-migrants (83.48 per cent) arrived in the area due to social factors. In fact male migration has been more economic motivated than female migration that has been mainly caused by social factors. The economic motivated migration accounted for 44.44 per cent of the male migrants and, in contrast, only 1.80 per cent of female migrants. Marriage is dominant cause of female migration and it accounts for as much as 75.00 per cent of total volume of female migration. (ii) The rural to urban migration is more economic motivated (23.38 per cent) than that from urban to urban (19.85 per cent), rural to rural (13.13 per cent) and urban to rural (3.13 per cent) migration. (iii) The most important economic causes of rural-urban migration are search for work, better jobs /wages/income and services as they constitute 22.30 per cent of this category of migrants. The combined share of these factors is 95.38 per cent of the economic motivated rural to urban migration. (iv) The Sikh in-migration is more economic motivated than is the Muslim or Hindu migration. Among Sikhs 48.24 per cent migrants moved for economic motivations, while among Hindus and Muslims the percentages are found to be 9.80 and 20.51 respectively. The dominant cause of Sikh migration to the district is to acquire cheap agricultural lands. It alone constitutes 43.53 per cent of the Sikh migration in the district. Hindu migration is more marriage motivated (63.20%) in comparison to that of Muslims (27.12%) and Sikhs (9.41%). (v) The in-migration induced by communal feeling is greater among Muslims than Hindus, while among Sikhs it is zero. (vi) An analysis of the data on temporal changes in the strengths of the reasons of in-migration shows that with the passage of time migration has become more social than economic in nature. In the period 1981-87, the proportion of economic motivated migration was 20.81 per cent, but it gradually declined to become 14.75 per cent in 1988-92, and 11.85 per cent during 1993-97, while the percentages of migration induced by social stimulants have been 79.19, 85.25 and 88.15 in the respective periods. (vii) A considerable temporal changes have also taken place in the relative proportions of the social factors of in-migration. During 1981-87, the migration due to casteism and communalism, and fighting and tension had been only 5.09 per cent of the social migration but it rose to 15.05 per cent during 1988-92, and 17.59 per cent during 1993-97. (viii) The migration to Shahjahanpur district from other states of India is distinctly more for economic reasons than are the inter-district and intra-district migrations. However, the position of migration under social factors is just the reverse. (ix) The ratio of in-migration provoked by casteism, communalism, fighting and tension is higher in the intra-district migration than in either inter-district migration from within the state or without the state. In fact, no person has migrated to the district due to these compulsions from out side of the state, (b) Out-migration (i) More than half (52.75 per cent) of the male out-migration has been for economic motivations, and nearly total out-migration of females has been caused by social factors of migration as only 0.95 per cent of female migrants moved out under economic motivations. (ii) Rural to urban migration is more economic motivated than are the rural to rural, urban to urban and urban to rural migrations. The economic motivations have been responsible for 39.38 per cent of rural to urban migration, 13.95 per cent of urban to urban, 6.59 per cent of rural to rural and only 4.76 per cent of urban to rural migrations. The marriages have been the cause of nearly four-fifths (79.64 per cent) of the rural to rural migration, more than three-fourth (76.19 per cent) of urban to rural, 41.86 per cent of urban to urban and 11.88 per cent of rural to urban migrations. (iii) The Hindu out-migration is more economic motivated than Muslim migration, while no economic motivated out-migration has been recorded among the Sikhs. (iv) An important reason of out-migration is the combination of negative forces of fighting, tension, casteism and communalism. The volume of migration due to this set of causes is high among Muslims than Hindus. Of the total Muslim social migration, 17.00 per cent has been induced by fighting and tension, and 5.00 per cent fear psychosis due to communalism. But in case of Hindus, fighting and tension accounted for 1.94 per cent of social migration while casteism and communalism has been responsible for a mere 0.48 per cent. (v) With the passage of time tremendous changes have occurred in the relative proportions of some of the socio-economic factors of out-migration. Among economic factors, the non-availability of jobs and insufficient work continued to increase steadily its significance as a determinant of out-migration. During 1981-87, it accounted for 15.39 per cent but the percentage rose to 20.00 during 1988-92 and ultimately to 36.96 per cent in the period 1993-97. (vi) The migration for education has tremendously increased with the passage of time. No movement for getting education has been recorded for the period 1981-87, but in 1988-92 it reported a share of 1.12 per cent of social migration which suddenly shot up to become 12.32 per cent during 1993-97 10
(vii) Casteism, communalism and groupism pushed out 3.22 per cent migrants in 1981-87 period and accounted for 3.85 per cent during 1988-92. But the respective figure rose to 8.03 per cent during 1993-97. (viii) The out-migration from district under economic motivations has been more to the states beyond Uttar Pradesh than either within the district or that to other districts of Uttar Pradesh. The proportion of economic motivated migration within the district boundaries has been found 10.40 per cent, and without the district but within the state 13.22 per cent whereas to the other states of India as high as 54.84 per cent, (c) Return migration (i) One-fourth of male (25.86 per cent) and female (25.00 per cent) migrants returned to their places of origin for economic reasons and the remaining 75.00 per cent returned due to social causes. Under the economic factors, 46.67 per cent males and 80.00 per cent females returned to take possession of the property of their relatives or to look after landed property. (ii)The completion of education has not only been a dominant cause of social return migration of males but has also been a very significant contributor to the total male return migration. Of the social return migration of males, 41.86 per cent has been due to completion of education, it accounted for 31.03 per cent of total male return migration. Moreover, 5.17 per cent male migrants reported their failure to adjust to the socio-cultural environment of the place of destination as the cause of their return migration, while fighting and tension compelled 3.45 per cent ofthem to return. (iii) As regards the social factors of female return migration, 45.00 per cent accompanied their families or husbands. Fighting and tension accounted for 11.67 per cent of their social migration, while 8.33 per cent returned due to death of their husbands or parents, and 6.67 per cent due to their marriages at their places of origin. Divorce and separation from husband accounted for 15.00 per cent of their social return migration. Some 5.00 per cent decided to return because of 11 absorption and adjustment problems at the places of destinations. The remaining 8.33 per cent returned due to long sickness or accident of their husbands and corruption etc.
(C) Impact of Migration on Availability of Housing and other Amenities in Urban Areas (i) A great majority of the non-migrant households (84.15 per cent) have their own houses while among the migrants only 53.50 per cent own a dwelling. The percentage of in-migrant families staying in rented, rent free or slum type of acconmiodation is about three times greater than that for the non-migrant households. (ii) The percentage of in-migrant families having kuchcha house is about three and half times larger as compared to non-migrants. The rural-urban break-up of the data based on the previous place of residence indicates that the percentage of pucca houses among migrants from urban areas is almost double the percentage among those from rural areas. (iii) Relatively larger percentage of households having durable goods have been recorded among non-migrants in comparison to in-migrants. The possession of durable goods has also been found to be higher among urban to urban migrants than rural to urban migrants. (iv) Return-migrants are not only comparatively better off in respect of access to housing, various facilities available in the dwelling and durable goods used in the family than that of the in-migrants but they have also better position as compared to the non-migrant population. (v) The data on prevailing problems faced by the urban population based on migration status, show that the main problems of rural to urban migrants are housing and water, while electricity, income, employment, prices of commodities have been recorded the main problems faced by non-migrants, urban to urban migrants and those whose duration of residence was more than five vears 12 preceding the survey. The return-migrant households have no problem of housing, employment and prices of commodities. Their main problems are electricity and water.
(D) Impact of Migration on Agriculture Development in Rural Areas (i) The level of technological innovations in agriculture is much higher among the migrant farmers than among the non-migrant farmers. The Sikh farmers use the modem instruments in agricultural operations at a large scale in comparison to Hindu and Muslim farmers. (ii) The farmers who migrated from states beyond Uttar Pradesh to the district (inter-state migration) are better off in respect of technological innovations in agriculture than the farmers migrated from other districts of Uttar Pradesh to Shahjahanpur district (inter-state migration) and those who migrated within the district after crossing the block boundaries (intra-district migration). INTERNAL MIGRATION IN SHAHJAHANPUR DISTRICT A SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS
THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF IBoctor of ptitlogopdp IN GEOGRAPHY
BY JABIR HASAN KHAN
UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF Prof. Salahuddin Qureshi
DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 2004 2 7 SEh 2014
T8496 DR. SALAHUDDIN QURESHI DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY AUGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY Professor & Chairman ALIGARH-202 002, INDIA
September 11,2004
CERTIFICATE
It is to certify that the Ph. D. Thesis on 'Internal Migration in Shahjahanpur District - A Socio - Economic and Structural Analysis' has been completed by Mr. Jabir Hasan Khan under my supervision. I further certify that the work is an original contribution of the scholar.
(Prof. Smahuddin Qureshi) Supervisor
Phone - Office: ^1-571-2700683, Res. -^91-571-2702570, Fax: -^51-571-2700528, E-mail: [email protected] ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I deem it a great privilege to have work under the able guidance and supervision of Professor Salahuddin Qureshi, Chairman of the Department of Geography, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh who has taken great pains in going through the manuscript and supervising the entire work. He gave me valuable suggestions and encouragement and took personal interest at every stage of this work. I owe a considerable debt to Late Professor S. M. RafiuUah, Department of Geography, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh for his valuable comments and suggestions regarding the content of this research work. I pray to Almighty for the eternal peace of his soul. I wish to express my sincere thanks to Professor K.Z. Amani (Retired), Department of Geography, v^igarh Muslim University, Aligarh who has been a constant source of inspiration and encouragement. The financial assistance provided by the University Grants Coirmiission, New Delhi in the form of Jimior and Senior Research Fellowship is also sincerely acknowledged. I am also grateful to Professor Ali Mohammad, A.M.U, Aligarh who encouraged me to complete this work. I express my gratitude to Dr. Farasat Ali Siddiqui, Reader in the Department of Geography, A.M.U., Aligarh for his invaluable suggestions. My special thanks are due to Messrs Mohd. Umar Khan, Amanatullali Khan, Nafees Khan, Tasdeeq Khan, RiyaituUah Khan, Anees Khan, Arvind Kumar Mishra and Mohd. Ashiq Khan for accompanying and helping me in the tedious work of collection of data by direct questionnaire to the respondents both in rural and urban surveys in Shahjahanpur district. My friends Drs. Fakhruddin, Shafiqullah, Tariq Iqtadar Khan, M.Z.A. Rafiqui, Zaheer Khan and Messrs Muimey Khan, Noorul Islam and Navaiduddin Siddiqui help me in various ways and deserve my thanks. I am indebted to my parents and brothers Messrs Sabir Khan, Mohd. Noor Khan and Mumtaz Khan for their inspiration and cooperation. CONTENTS Page No. Acknowledgements iii List of tables v List of figures x Introduction xi
CHAPTERS
I Research Design 1 II The Theoretical Framework 26 III Spatial Patterns of Migration Flows 53 IV Socio-Economic Characteristics of Migrant and Non-Migrant Populations 100
V Determinants of Migration 151 VI Impact of Migration on the Availability of Housing and other Amenities in urban Areas 190
VII Migration, Production and Technological Innovations in Agriculture 211
VIII Summary and Conclusions 228
Glossary 256 Appendices 257 Bibliography 21A LIST OF TABLES
Table Title of the Table No. 1.1 Percentage distribution of literacy in Shahjahanpur district, 1991
1.2 Distribution of various religions and the sex ratio (females per thousand males) 1991
1.3 Stratified distribution of villages households and population (total and sample), Shahjahanpur district
1.4 Distribution of enumeration blocks, sample blocks and households in the towns of the Shahjahanpur district
2.1 Decrement of migrants percentage with the increment in the level of migration defining boundary
3.1 Tahsilwise distribution of in-, out-, and return-migrant population in Shahjahanpur district
3.2 Percent distribution of population by migration status in Shahjahanpur district
3.3 Tahsilwise sex-distribution of population by migration status
3.4 Percent distribution of in-migrant population by community of origin and destination
3.5 Percent distribution of in-migrant population by migration defining boundaries crossed at migration
3.6 Percent distribution of out-migrant population by type of community of origin and destination of the migrants
3.7 Percent distribution of out-migrant population by migration defining boundary category
3.8 Tahsilwise percent distribution of in-migrant population bs socio-economic determinants of migration based on religion
3.9 Tahsilwise percent distribution of out-migrant population by socio-economic determinants based on religion \1
3.10 Percent distribution of educational-status of migrant and non-migrant population 81
3.11 Tahsilwise percent distribution of worker and non-worker population by migration-status 84
3.12 Percent distribution of number of movements by settlement-status of places of origin and destination of in-migrant population based on socio-economic causes of migration 87
3.13 Percent distribution of number of movements in in-migrant population by socio-economic causes of migration categorized on the basis of migration defming boundaries 89
3.14 Percent distribution of number of movements in return-migrant population by socio-economic causes of migration 90
3.15 Percent distribution of in-migrants by distance moved and causes of migration 92
3.16 Percent distribution of in-migrants by distance moved categorized on their literacy-level and causes of migration 93
3.17 Percent distribution of return-migrant population by distance category 95
3.18 Distribution of in-migrants who migrated from states of India beyond Uttar Pradesh to the district 96
3.19 Distribution of out-migrants from the district to the states of India beyond Uttar Pradesh 98
4.1 Distribution of relationship with the head of household 101
4.2 Classification of non-workers 103
4.3 Age-sex percent distribution of population by migration status 106
4.4 Age-sex composition of in-migrant and out-migrant population based on distance categories 112
4.5 Age-sex structure of in-migrant population by religion category 113
4.6 Percent distribution of age and sex-wise marital status of migrant and non-migrant population 116 Vll
"ATI I Marital-status of in-,ancl out-migrant population based on distance category 119
4.8 Percent distribution of marital-status of in-migrant population categorized on religion 121
4.9 Sex-wise age at marriage based on migration and settlement status of population 122
4.10 Percent distribution of age at marriage among in-migrants based on the settlement-status at origin and destination 125
4.11 Percent distribution of age at marriage in non-migrant and migrant population by religion category 126
4.12 Percent distribution of literacy by sex-composition and rural-urban category of migrant and non-migrant population 129
4.13 Percent distribution of literacy-status of migrant and non-migrant population by religion 131
4.14 Percent distribution of literacy in in-migrant population by distance category 134
4.15 Percent distribution of literacy-level of in-migrants by their community of origin and destination 135
4.16 Percent distribution of occupational structure of migrant and non-migrant population 137
4.17 Percentage distribution of occupations in non-migrant and migrant population of main-workers 140
4.18 Percent distribution of type of occupation in in-migrant main-workers at places of origin and destination based on settlement-status 143
4.19 Percent distribution of occupational-structure of in-migrant main-workers by distance category 146
4.20 Percent distribution of occupational-structure of marginal- workers by migration-status 148
5.1 Percental distribution of in-migrants by socio-economic causes, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 153 VIU
5.2 Percental distribution of in-migrants by causes and type of settlement of origin and destination, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 158
5.3 Percental distribution of socio-economic reasons of in-migration by the religion of migrants, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 162
5.4 Distribution of in-migration based on period since migration, by causes, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 164
5.5 Distribution of in-migration by causes and types of administrative boundaries crossed at the time of migration, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 166
5.6 Distribution of in-migration (excluding under fourteens', marriage and familial migrations) by causes, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 169
5.7 Percental distribution of socio-economic determinants of out-migration by sex, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 171
5.8 Distribution of out-migration by causes and type of community of origin and destination of the migrants, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 173
5.9 Percent distribution of out-migration of religious communities by causes, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 178
5.10 Percent distribution of out-migration by causes based on years since migration, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 180
5.11 Percent distribution of out-migration by causes and migration defining boundaries, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 182
5.12 Distribution of out-migration (excluding under-fourteens', marriage and familial migrations) by causes, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 185
5.13 Percent distribution of male and female return migration by causes, Shahjahanpur, 1981-1997 187
6.1 Percentage distribution of accommodation by dwelling status among the migrants and non-migrants 191
6.2 Percentage distribution of types of dwelling by construction among the migrants and non-migrants 194
6.3 Percentage distribution of size of dwelling (average number of rooms) by migration status 196 IX
6.4 Percentage distribution of households that own a dwelling by migration status and value of dwelling 198
6.5 Percentage distribution of households by migration status and the type of facilities available in the dwelling 199
6.6 Percentage distribution of households which possess durable goods by migration status 205
6.7 Percentage distribution of type of problems faced in urban areas by migration status 207
7.1 Percentage distribution of farming households by size of landholdings and migration status 212
7.2 Percentage distribution of farming households by sources of money invested in agriculture and migration status 214
7.3 Percentage distribution of sources of money invested in agriculture by religion and migration status of farming households 215
7.4 Percentage distribution of farming households by use of modem agriculture instruments and migration status 218
7.5 Percentage distribution of use of modem agriculture instruments by religion and migration status of farming households 219
7.6 Percent distribution of farming households by wheat production and migration status 221
7.7 Percent distribution of wheat production by religion and migration status of farming households 222
7.8 Percent distribution of farming households by paddy production and migration status 224
7.9 Percent distribution of paddy producing households by religion and migration status 226 LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. No. Title of the Figure Page No. 1.1 Shahjahanpur district administrative divisions 7 2.1 Size and shape of the area and migration 28 3.1 Shahjahanpur district: population by migration status 57 3.2 Shahjahanpur district: sex-distribution of population by migration status 61 3.3 Shahjahanpur district: in-migrant population by type of community 64 of origin and destination 3.4 Shahjahanpur district: in-migrant population by distance categor> 68 3.5 Shahjahanpur district: out-migrant population by community of origin and destination 71 3.6 Shahjahanpur district: out-migrant population by distance category 75 3.7 Shahjahanpur district: educational status of migrant and non migrant population 82 3.8 Shahjahanpur district: worker and non-worker population by migration status 85 4.1 Classification of non-workers by migration status 104 4.2 Age & sex pyramids by migration status of population 108 4.3 Age & sex pyramids by migration category of in-migrants 114 6.1 Distribution of ownership of accommodation by migration status 192 6.2 Distribution of type of constructions of dwelling unit by migration status 195 6.3 Distribution of the source of drinking water by migration status 200 6.4 Distribution of distance from the source of drinking water by migration status 201 6.5 Distribution of type of latrine used by migration status 203 INTRODUCTION
Migration is one of the three major factors which affect growth and distribution of population; the other two are natality and mortality. To be sure, in respect of growth the latter two are relatively more basic and wholly universal but with regard to areal distribution it is migration which assumes a greater significance and universal role. As a matter of fact, the effectiveness of migration in numerical growth is confmed only to open populations and becomes absolutely inconsequential in closed populations. This, therefore, negates the universality of its role in population growth. In its universal role in determining continuously the pattern of areal redistribution, the migration, with all its differentials, does also bring about significant demographic changes pertaining to various structural compositions, to economic activities and status and to social customs and behaviours of the populations of both the places of origin and destination. The legitimate analysis of such demographic consequences forms the main thrust of the present work. Its limited role notwithstanding, the migration cannot be ruled out as totally ineffective in population growth. Migration from one community to another has the effect of decreasing population in the community of origin and increasmg the population in the community of destination, and thus it may bring changes in the regional distribution of population growth. Migration may also affect the natural growth rate of population in the areas where young married couples migrate at the peak of their child-bearing years. In this case crude birth rates may drop in the areas of origin of migrants and may rise in the areas of destination due to redistribution of a significantly large sector of the reproductively active population. Where a migration stream consists of the retired persons crude death rates in the area of origin may fall while mortality at the place of destination may rise. xu
In fact, internal migration may not increase or decrease the number of the population of a country as a whole, but it profoundly affects the geographical distribution of population of a region or country. The movement of population from one area to another decreases the number of population in the dispatching area and increases the number of population in the recipient area, though the total number of population of a country remain un-changed. This redistribution of population not only affects the existing patterns of population distribution but also influences tiie relationship between population and resources. It may be beneficial if it brings population/resource equilibrium in the country by minimizing the gap between resource potential and population density among different regions. Otherwise, it will either increase the pressure of population on the resources of recipient regions or would make resource utilization process in the dispatching region suffer from paucity of adequate manpower supply. The process of migration is mostly selective and the tendency for certain segments of population with particular demographic, economic or social traits or qualifications to be more migratory than the general population. The migration of a particular segment of a population ( i.e. age, sex, occupation, educational and marital status, caste and religion, etc.) decreases the number of people of that trait at place of origin and increases their number in the same ratio at destination. This selectivity of migration exerts a pervasive influence upon the socio-economic structure of population of both the dispatching and recipient areas and also profoundly changes the spatial distribution of population composition of a region or country. The socio-economic, demographic and political repercussions of redistribution in the structure of population may be either positive, negative or neutral based on the volume of migration, direction of migration flows and net-migration in an area or region. Migration, as a spatial re-allocation of human resources is of central interest to the spatially oriented discipline of geography. It is a fact that among the demographic components of change, it is certainly migration rather than mortality XllI
or fertility that has attracted most the analytical attention of the population geographers*. The internal migration may be regarded as a demographic device to remove or minimize economic disequilibrium among different regions. However this could be expected only when the migration is fully organized and rationally controlled otherwise, it may have ill effects also. Migration is also considered as an instrument of cultural diffusion as well as of social and communal integration . Each migration stream brings some good norms to the receiving community. The migrant group and the receiving community are adjusted to each other by a slow process of assimilation, which mostly takes a generation or more. In the process of assimilation and absorption, the civilization gets enriched due to many contributions from various kinds of folks, and a new type of culture springs up in the receiving community. Where internal migration takes place in great volume and among different regions and areas, the resulting cultural diffusion may abort narrow regionalism, casteism and communalism and promote communal integration and unity. However, migration sometimes creates many social and cultural problems in different communities and regions. Obviously, the migrants enter into a new social environment which may or may not be akin to the one may have left behind. So, in case the social and cultural set up at the new home is similar to that they have left behind, they would encounter no serious problem of adjustment or assimilation and would, most likely, not create much disturbance in the life of the group and the community they join. On the other hand, if they find themselves transplanted into a new social environment much different from the original one, the adjustment would not be as simple and easy. And it would be quite likely that they would generate or get involved in various conflicts and strains such as religious, linguistic, racial and political. These strains ultimately lead to increase in the incidence of different social crimes. XIV
In the cognizance of the fact that migration in its universal role is involved in redistribution of spatial patterns of population distribution, and with all its differentials, it also brings significant demographic changes in the population composition, economic activities and to social customs and behaviours of the populations of a region or country. Therefore, it is imperative to have the knowledge of various facets of redistribution of population for all sorts of planning and development programmes. The main thrust of the present work is to make an in-depth study of such socio-economic impacts of internal migration in Shahjahanpur district based on primary data generated through field surveys both in rural and urban areas of the district. The present work is divided into eight chapters. First chapter deals with the aims and objectives of the study, the tools of investigations and the methodology. The practical difficulties and problems faced during field work both in rural and urban surveys for collecting data about the socio-economic attributes of population have also been categorically pointed out under this chapter. Since it is not possible to analyse the various aspects of migration without measuring the volume and socio-economic differentials of migration, a brief critical account of different sources and methods to enumerate the volume of migration both fi"om the censuses and social sample surveys, is presented in the chapter. The chapter also embodies a brief account of the physical and human geography of the district Shahjahanpur, that has a specific role in human migration and helps in understanding the causes of out -and in-migration. The second chapter presents the conceptual fi-amework of internal migration, its types and various socio-economic causes and consequences.
Among the core chapters, the third gives an estimate of volume, magnitude and types of migration streams based on distance, religion, sex-composition and educational level of migrant population in various tahsils of the district. The chapter also deals with the step-migration categorized on the basis of sex-composition, educational status and socio-economic determinants of migration. x\
The fourth chapter provides a comparative analysis of the various socio-economic attributes Uke age and sex composition, marital status, literacy level, religion and occupational structure of different types of migrants and their comparison with non-migrant population. As it is evident that the socio-economic characteristics of migrants are influenced by the migration provoking causes, the fifth chapter contains discussion on the socio-economic determinants of out-migration, in-migration and return-migration in Shahjahanpur district. The analysis of causes of migration has been based on duration, religion, distance and type of settlement-status of place of origin and destination of migrant population. The sixth chapter presents an assessment of problems faced by migrants in having access to housing, electricity, water and other amenities in the towns and cities of the district, and the extent to which they succeed in achieving levels of living compared to those of the natives. In the seventh chapter an attempt has been made to examine the impact of migration on technological innovations in agriculture and crop productivity. To assess these impacts an analytical comparison has been made between different types of migrants and non-migrants in respect of the use of modem agriculture instruments, per-acre productivity of wheat and rice, sources and investment of money in agricultural activities and size of landholdings. The eighth chapter, being the last, contains a brief summary of the study and the conclusions drawn therefrom alongwith a brief note on some modes of regulating and containing the flow of rural-urban migration. This is followed by appendices containing some special and detailed tables and copies of the questionnaires used in the rural and urban areas. In the end a classified bibliography of books and journals has been provided in alphabetical order for further references. XVI
REFERENCES
1. Jones, H. R., A Population Geography, London, 1981, p. 200. 2. Bogue, D.J., Internal Migration, in O.D. Duncan and P.M. Hauser (eds.), The Study of Population: An Inventory and Appraisal, Chicago, 1959, p.487. CHAPTER I
RESEARCH DESIGN
The movement of people from one area to another is today an important and characteristic phenomenon of population particularly of that of the developing countries. Every country that has undergone modernization has simultaneously experienced a major redistribution of its population. Such movements exert a pervasive influence on the social, economic, political and demographic structure of both the sending and receiving areas. For these reasons several studies of internal migratory movements of population both in the developed and developing countries of the world have been undertaken by' the researchers of various disciplines such as sociology, demography, geography, history, political science and economics. In geography, however, the studies pertaining to migration have been made in terms of space and time. Geographers are mainly concerned with the study of transformation of areal patterns brought about by population movement. These patterns may be related to population distribution in general as well as to some specific attributes of population such as age, sex, and occupation structures, social and cultural attitudes and political behaviours. However, the attention which internal migration in India as well as in other developing countries, has received from scholars of different disciplines seems to be inadequate and incommensurate with its immense economic, social and political significance. Although a large number of studies exist in India on migration, however, many of them are either repetitive in nature or are simple descriptions without having adequate analysis of the causes and consequences and the structural characteristics of migrations. And the few who have tried to study the causes of migration, have simply pursued the age-old line of push-pull analysis without pre-assessing its suitability or otherwise to the area of study. The studies, that have been made on the basis of social sample surveys, have dealt with the general aspects of migration and are mostly based on very small size of sample. As human migration is a broad and complex phenomenon, nothing reasonably worthwhile can be propounded on the basis of one or two-village studies. Hence, as a modest attempt to lessen to some extent the deficiency of micro-level studies pertaining to socio-economic and structural aspects of internal migration in the context of the developing countries, the present study on 'Internal Migration in Shahjahanpur District-A Socio-Economic and Structural Analysis' has been made. The attempt is also due to the full cognizance of the fact that migration is involved in different socio-economic and political problems of a country or a nation and that the knowledge of various facets of the redistribution of population is imperative for all sorts of planning and development programmes. The study is almost exclusively based on primary data generated through field surveys both in the rural and urban areas of the district. The main thrust of the study is to analyse and explain the impact of migration, total as well as differential, on the socio-economic and demographic structure of the population of Shahjahanpur. For this the differentials of distance, period, community of origin, age, sex, caste and religion have been considered and their implications have been attempted to be projected. The main objective of this analysis is to highlight the problems caused and the problems solved by migrations during the last one-and-a-half decade. To be specific, political, social, cultural, economic and demographic problems have been considered under this analysis. However, as the socio-economic composition of the migrant population is found to be the main operator in the specified problems, special emphasis has been given to its analysis in the district. Apart from this, the determinants of migration at very micro-level have also been identified and examined. Within this framework, the empirical study seeks to focus attention on the explanatory analysis of the following important issues pertaining to in-migrants and or out-migrants: (i) The socio-economic and demographic attributes of the people who dominate the migration flows, and the principal motivations behiad their migrations. (ii) The effects of migration on the social, economic and demographic structures of populations in the areas of origin and destination. (iii) The significance of distance and period of migrations as determinants of magnitude and nature of change caused in the socio-economic characteristics of both the migrant population and the populations of the place of origin and destination. ( iv) The impact of migration on technological innovations in the process of resource generation, particularly in the agricultural sector. (v) The validity or otherwise of the general apprehension that the migration to towns especially from rural areas may lead to labour surplus, increased unemployment, and the general decline in the socio-economic standard of urban population. (vi) The role of migration in the overall development of rhe areas concerned. (vii) The desirability or otherwise of the measures to curb the acts of migration.
SELECTION OF THE STUDY AREA The Shahjahanpur district of Uttar Pradesh has been chosen for this study. At the time of partition of the country more than 7 million Muslims fled from India to Pakistan and more than 8 million Hindus and Sikhs migrated from Pakistan to India. These Hindu and Sikh immigrants settled down in different parts of India. Thousands of Sikhs also settled down on the northern sandy and sparsely populated parts of Shahjahanpur district. They began to do agriculture atiter levelling the surface irregularities. These immigrants used scientific methods of agriculture with the help of financial assistance provided by the government under five year plans through banks. Consequently, the land, once completely neglected by the native peasants, was changed into fertile land by the use of chemical fertilizers, tube-well irrigation and scientific agricultural instruments. Some of the relatives of Sikh immigrants living in the Indian Punjab also began to migrate to this district to seek cheap and fertile land. These Sikh in- migrants were also more advanced in agriculture in comparison to indigenous peasants because in those days agriculture was much less developed in Uttar Pradesh than in Punjab. Thus a chain of migratory movements started from Punjab and the district was settled in stages. First the sandy un-occupied land closer to the towns and villages were occupied and levelled but later on the far off northern swampy tarai areas of the district were reclaimed and'developed. The Sikh in-migrants and immigrants are producing rice on the sandy soils with the help of tube-well irrigation. This led to a substantial increase in the demand of labourers in the paddy fields and consequently thousands of labourers from eastern Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and adjoining rural areas of Pilibhit, Kheri and Hardoi districts migrated for doing work in rice producing areas of the district. Majority of these labourers settled down permanently around Sikh 'Jhalas'* because Sikhs used to pay higher wages. The economic and social structure of the district has been completely changed after the arrival of Sikh in-migrants. The native peasants of these areas were generally subsistence farmers and were afraid of using chemical fertilizers and scientific instruments because they believed that it would make the land barren and unproductive. But seeing that with the use of chemical fertilizers and other scientific instruments, the Sikhs have raised the productivity of the land, which was rejected by them as unsuitable for agriculture, to a level even higher than that of their fertile land, they also began to use fertilizers and other modem techniques of agriculture. In this way slowly
*'Jhala' is the local term for a Sikh isolated house constructed in the midst of the farm. Sikhs generally prefer not to live in villages. agriculture has been mechanized and developed in the whole district. The developing agriculture improved the socio-economic status of the villagers. Now the rich villagers are migrating from rural areas to urban centres. Many rural-urban migrants are changing their occupation from agricultural to non-agricultural ones. This fundamental mutation in occupational structure is one of the main results of rural-urban migration. The main employment attractions are factories, shops, offices, building and public services. Towns also offer seductive amenities such as schools, shops, public utilities, entertainments etc. One of the major attraction in Shahjahanpur city is, however, the 'Ordnance Clothing Factory' which has attracted thousands of people not only from rural areas and other urban centres of Shahjahanpur district but also from adjoining districts for permanent settlement in the city. Besides this the sugar and rice factories which have been established in all the towns of the district are also playing an important role in rural-urban migration in the district. There are also some religious and social factors which push the people to migrate. For instance, it may be noticed by general observations in the district that Muslims residing in Hindu dominated villages feel to themselves psychologically insecure while the Hindus living in Muslim dominated villages think themselves equally insecure. This pushes Hindus from Muslim majority villages and Muslims from Hindu dominated villages for out-migration. Moreover, sharp caste prejudice is also a strong force operating in Hindu dominated areas and acts as a potent repellent pushing Harijans and other less privileged persons out in great numbers. Moreover, strong groupism in almost all the villages leads to frequent group fightings. Consequently the people of weaker parties are forced to give up the village and migrate to other areas for peace and safet\' of their life and wealth. The members of the weaker section would usually sell their cultivated lands to the Sikh in-migrants on attractively cheaper rates. This has also encouraged the Sikh in-migration from Punjab to the district. Thus the Shahjahanpur district in which internal migration is still strongly practiced and where, according to 1991 census, nearly one-fourth of the total population was enumerated out side their place of birth, offers an mteresting area for the present research work. The Shahjahanpur district occupies the southeast comer of the Rohilkhand division and is a tract of very irregular outline lying between the parallels of 27° 35' and 28° 29' north latitude and meridians of 79° 37' and 80° 23' east longitudes. It occupies an area of 4575 square kilometers. Its boundary touches the boundaries of six other districts of Uttar Pradesh. It is bounded on the east by district Kheri, on the South by Hardoi and Farrukhabad districts, on the west by Budaun and Bareilly, and in the north by Bisalpur and Puranpur tahsils of Pilibhit district. Shahjahanpur district comprises four tahsils, namely, Powayan, Tilhar, Shahjahanpur and Jalalabad with the seat of district administration located at Shahjahanpur town. There are eleven towns in the district, two in tahsil Powayan, three in tahsil Tilhar, four in tahsil Shahjahanpur and two in tahsil Jalalabad of the 11 towns as many as five have come up only as recently as in the decade. 1971-1981. According to 1991 census, there are 14 development blocks consisting of 2,425 villages of which 2,130 are inhabited. The district, which consists of a narrow alluvial tract ruiming northeast from the river Ganga towards the Himalayas, presents the appearance of an open plain, well wooded and well advanced in cultivation. Nearly four decades ago in the northeastern part of Powayan Tahsil, there was a fair amount of tarai area characterized by swamps and forests. In fact a major portion of the tahsil was under unreclaimed forests but now most of it had been reclaimed, developed and changed into big agricultural farms by the Sikh in-migrants through intensive cultivation supported with modem instmments, tube-well irrigation and chemical fertilizers. The other parts of the district are occupied by broad stretches of open rice land, singularly devoid of trees, in which the monotony of the landscape is relieved only by the raised village sites. However, such tracts are neither widespread nor extensive and as such the district as a whole resembles the upland plains of the Ganga valley. The general level is broken only by the various streams and water courses which, in most cases, flow in a southeasterly direction. The low lying areas are called khadar and the high ones are called hangar (upland ). The principal rivers of the district are Ramganga, Garra or Deoha, Gomati and Khanaut. Rivers Garra, Kathna and Bahgul flow through tahsil Tilhar in the western part of the district. Jalalabad tahsil in the south of the district forms the basin of rivers Ganga, Ramganga and Bahgul. As such these areas of Tilhar and Jalalabad tahsil, are prone to floods that force people to migrate in great numbers. Generally speaking, the district enjoys a subtropical monsoon type of climate that closely resembles that of Bareilly and the rest of Rohilkhand division of Uttar Pradesh, but it is moister here than in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab. The temperatures varied between a maximum of46.2°Cand a mmimum of 2.9 ^C m 1994-95. Mean armual rainfall in the district is 100.7 cm. Within the district, the rainfall tends to increase northwards so that the northern part of the Powayan tahsil generally receives quite excessive rainfall and consequently this part has a dense cover of forest. The Sal and Kauron trees abound in this forest. According to the 1991 census, the total population of the district was 1,987,395, of which 20.76 per cent was classified as urban. The general density of population was 434 persons per square kilometer. However, it was 347 persons per sq. km. in the rural sector and 10,671 persons per sq. km. in the urban sector. During the two intercensal periods of 1971-81 and 1981-91, the growth rate of population in the district was 28.11 and 20.62 per cent respectively. The percentage of growth rate in the rural population was 18.55 as against 29.21 in the urban population in the decade 1981-91. According to the 1991 census, in the district the general sex ratio, that is the number of females per thousand males, was 816 while in rural areas it was 800 and in urban areas 880. The general sex ratio of the district is much lower than the state average of 876. The percentage of scheduled castes in the district was 18.02 but that of scheduled tribes was almost negligible. The proportion of scheduled castes in rural population was 20.27 per cent as against 9.42 per cent in urban population. In the district 25.78 per cent population was literate. The literacy rate among males was 34.86 per cent and among females it was only 14.66 per cent. The percentage of literacy in rural and urban population was 21.78 and 41.07 respectively. The rural-urban break-up of literacy is given in Table 1.1.
Table 1.1 Percentage Distribution of Literacy Rates in Shahjahanpur District, 1991 Population General Male Female Total 25.78 34.86 14.66 Rural 21.78 31.49 9 64 Urban 41.07 48.29 32.87
Source: Calculated from Census of India, 1991, Series I, India, Part II, B (i), Primary Census Abstract, General Population.
At the time of 1991 census, the district had 615,019 persons as main workers which constituted 30.95 per cent of the total population. The proportion of cultivators and agricultural labourers to main workers was 79.32 per cent, while the ratio of cuhivators to main workers was 64.87 per cent, and of agricultural labourers 14.46 per cent. The percentage of marginal workers was 0.28 of the total population. The religious break-up of the population is set out in Table 1.2. The Hindus are the most dominant group constituting nearly four-fifths (79.98 per cent) of the total population and they are followed by Muslims, Sikhs and Buddhists with 17.57, 2.13 and 0.20 per cent respectively. The remaining 0.02 per cent comprises Christians and the people of other religions. However, among the three religious groups of population having proportion in the total population above the decimal point, the highest growth rate of population in the decade 1981 - 1991 has been recorded among Sikhs (50.50 per cent), followed by Muslims (27.97 per cent) and Hindus (18.44 per cent). The Sikhs are mainly concentrated in Powayan tahsil as it contains no less than 84 per cent of the total Sikh population of the district. Thus in the rural population of Powayan the Sikhs have acquired a significant position and account for 6.17 per cent of the total.
Table 1.2 Distribution of Various Religions and the Sex-ratios (females per thousand males), 1991 Religious Group % of total population Sex-ratio Hindus 79.98 803 Muslims 17.57 875 Christians 0.11 781 Sikhs 2.13 861 Buddhists 0.20 812, Jains 0.00 830 Other religions 0.01 762 Total 100.00 816
Source: Calculated from Census of India, 1991, Series 22, Uttar Pradesh, paper I of 1995, Household Population by Religion of Household.
SAMPLE AND SURVEY DESIGN The data, which give direct or indirect information regarding internal migration are basically of three kinds, namely, continuous data, sur\ ey data and those derived from decadal census records.
POPULATION REGISTERS In some European and American countries, information on internal moves involving residential change is constantly recorded in the continuous population registers. Since registration of all changes of residence other than temporary or strictly local is continuous, compulsory and legal in those countries, therefore, the data available from such population registers are useful for an analysis of volume and direction of migration streams. However, such continuous data generally are not available for the less developed parts of the world.' Some countries of the world maintain quasi-registers of population which provide direct or indirect data for considerable segments of the population. Such registers comprise electoral lists, social or health insurance registers, local housing authority lists, tax registers, public utility files, school rolls etc.'^ Obviously the migration data derived from such partial registers would pertain not to the whole of the population but only to certain specific category or categories thereof. Besides, even these partial records are neither freely available nor are universally maintained. As such their usefulness for research tends to be quite limited.
POPULATION CENSUSES Undoubtedly, the most important source of quantitative migration data covering the whole population are the population census records. Although, unlike a continuous residence registration system, it is tied to particular dates and can only provide a 'snapshot' of an essentially dynamic phenomenon. These data may be obtained through the census directly by inserting a question on migration or may be calculated indirectly. The usual direct questions on internal migration cover the following items: place of birth, place of last residence, duration of residence in the place of enumeration, and places of residence on a specified date before the census. In India, upto 1961, census data on migration were obtained through particulars of the birth place. In 1971, however, an additional question about the place of last usual residence of the respondent was introduced in the census schedule in order to obtain information on migration. In the 1981 census and in subsequent censuses of 1991 and 2001, in addition to the above questions, information was aiso obtained about the reasons for migration from place of last residence and the duration of residence at the place of enumeration. Migration data may also be estimated indirectly from the census records on the basis of vital statistics method, survival ratio method, or statistical derivations from the data on mother tongues.
SURVEYS The national multipurpose sample surveys are an important source of information about internal migration in India as well as in many other countries of the world. In India data on internal migration were first collected in the ninth round of the National Sample Survey. Thereafter, such data were collected in the 11th to 15th rounds and again in the 23rd and subsequent rounds. In addition to the information collected in the census, questions on duration of residence, reasons of migration activity prior to and after migration, have much enhanced the value of the data collected from these sample surveys. However, the migration data derived from above mentioned sources and methods including NSS data may not be comprehensively suitable, reliable and sufficient for all types of internal migration studies due to their limitations and shortcomings in certain aspects. The main limitation of the NSS and Indian census data, which could be used for deriving migration figures and informations, is that they pertain to administrative units not smaller than districts and as such micro-level investigations, with tahsils and blocks as units of study, cannot be pursued on the basis of these data. As the average size of a district in India is about 9000 square kilometers^ migrations taking place within such a large unit also are of pragmatic significance. So, some social scientists in India as well as abroad have now begun to take up the task of collecting requisite and relevant data through field surve\ s and direct interrogation from respondents, on the basis of a well drawn questionnaire, in randomly sampled areas ( blocks or villages) in order to study micro-level facts about the various aspects of internal migration. By tabulating the data, the requisite and reliable statistics about characteristics, causes and implications of migration can be obtained for objective analysis. As a matter of fact, this is the only method, under the existing state of census records, by which micro-level studies of migration can be pursued with confidence and specified purpose. In addition to this, questiormaire-based sample surveys are the only means by which the question of linkages between attitude and behaviour in migration process can be satisfactorily analysed. The present study is, therefore, based on primary data generated in two comprehensive surveys in the Shahjahanpur district carried out during 1998. The rural survey consisted of 2220 households in 106 villages and the urban survey, which followed immediately, comprised 873 households in 11 towns. The study period selected for this study is seventeen years (from 1981-1997), while for the data collection one year period has been taken as migration defining period, and the blocks (Vikas Khand) boundaries have been considered as migration defining boundaries. On the basis of migration defining period and migration defining boundary, the respondents were categorized into in-migrants, out-migrants, return-migrants, and non-migrants. Having identified the type of respondents, the separate individual slips were used to ease the task of survey.
(a) RURAL SURVEY (i) Selection of Villages According to 1991 census, the district had 2425 revenue villages of which 2130 were inhabited. The 1997 pilot survey carried out in some of the villages of each tahsil revealed that great variations existed in the process of migration according to the size of population of the villages. Hence for the selection of villages for survey under the present study, the inhabited villages were stratified into four categories based on the size of population in 1991, so that all types of population and villages may get reasonable representation in the samples 14
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(ii) Selection of Households In the present study household has been taken as the unit of enquiry. Initially it was planned to select 25% households randomly for each sampled village from the households of 1991 census. However, the pilot survey carried out in 1997 revealed that the number of households had sufficiently increased in the period of seven years (1991-1997) due to progressive population grov/th and gradual weakening of joint family system giving place to nuclear and single family system. Keeping these things in mind, firstly, a list of households including out-migrant households was prepared. From this list a 25% sample of households was randomly selected for the survey. The Table 1.3 provides detailed information about the number of households in the sample villages of each categor> in 1991, the number of households found at the time of survey and the surveyed households.
(b) URBAN SURVEY According to 1991 census the district had 11 towns. In the beginning it was planned to select 25% mohallas from each town randomly. But from the preliminary' survey it was found that the size of mohallas considerably varied in terms of population and number of households. The towns, for the purpose of sampling were, therefore, divided into sectors (survey enumeration blocks) as per the lists of 1991 census. Of these, 25% sectors were randomly selected from each town. The detailed information about the total number of sectors and the number of sample sectors selected in each town is given in Table 1.4. 1()
0\ r—( OO (N 'S T3 13 u "T; _ CZ5 ^ OO o\ m OO •-^ m vo in ^> 14> CO CS o H .0 •S ts >^ O 1/3 > •£3 ^ a « «5 S in m m in OS •^ OS oo m OS so 2 O -D O OS ^ « w o tj .5 3 O •7 •^ •a e O ^ ^ . o o 00 O (U O vo m m en (N & o d < s -•-» o d 1/3 :z; B 3 •(-5 C3 •<-! •M 5 N C OT pq § o u OQ u < CM o t-l < < O :3 < s •t3 CL, ffi & H H E o t3 c3 < c < ¥ § 00 3 H Of) ^ 00 •<—> 3 ha 'S«3 o 13 00 5 •4—> 1—( ex < 2 5 u l-H > > > > > o > > > H 17 In every town, the selected sectors were visited before drawing the actual sample of households. During these visits it was noticed that a few new houses had been constructed between 1991 to 1998 period. According to 1991 census lists, in some houses, there was only one household, but by 1998 the number had risen to two or more households due to either disintegration of existing household or by arrival of new family living on rent. Hence, in each town, with the help of house lists collected from census department and election office, the new house lists were prepared for each selected sector through door to door survey in order to include the households of newly constructed houses, disintegrated households and new households living on rent. From these new lists, 25% households were randomly selected for the survey. In all the towns, the increase in household numbers was higher in peripheral areas than in the central parts of the towns. CONTENTS OF THE RURAL AND URBAN SURVEYS Separate questionnaires were prepared for rural and urban areas m order to make them reasonably consonant with the attributes of rural and urban environment. In addition, to save time and avoid confusion separate individual slips were used for in-migrants, out-migrants, return-migrants and non-migrants. The details of the questions set in the two questionnaires and individuals slips are given in the Appendices A and B. The variety and nature of information collected about the various categories of migrants and the non-migrants through these questionnaires may be categorically summarized as follows : A- Information on Number of Migrants and Causes and Areas of Migration: It comprised three major items, namely: a. the number of in-migrants in the sample households of the selected villages and sectors of the towns, the reasons of their influx and the places of their origin; b. the number of persons who migrated from the sample households of the selected villages and sectors of the towns, the causes of their migration and the settlement status of the places where they settled dowr; c. the number of return-migrants and the causes of their migration. B- Data About Socio-Economic and Demographic Structure In the socio-economic structure data pertaining to the following attributes of migrant and non-migrant population have been collected: a. sex- composition; b. age composition; c. occupational status; d. religion and educational level; e. marital status; f. relationship with the head of household; g. caste. C -Information about Distance and Frequency of Migration It contained the following two major items: a. distance between origin and destination; b. number of intermediate movements between origin and last destination. Apart from this, the rural questionnaire contained specific questions pertaining to the size of landholding, means of irrigation, sources ol" money invested in agriculture, production per acre of land, use of fertilizers and scientific instruments to identify the link, if any, between migration and productivity, technological change, and other innovations. The urban questionnaire contained specific questions to obtain information about the use of durable goods, facilities and amenities availed, and the problems faced by the respondents to unfold the facts about the general apprehension that rural migrants are deteriorating the socio-economic standard of urban life Sex selectivity is a well known principle of migration. There are strong statistical evidences, which indicate that migration is, more often than not, male selective. Though in advanced societies the selectivity of internal migration has become somewhat weaker but it is still very strong in old traditional societies. With substantial disparity between males and females among the migrants it is obvious that the commission of the act of migration is bound to change the existing pattern of sex structure of population both at the place of origin and of destination. Thus for the present work the consideration of selectivity of migration and its demographic and socio-economic implications is not only relevant but imperative and has, therefore, been given its due in the present study. Age structure is an important determinant of economy, society and demographic dynamics of a country, and migration, being also strongly age selective, is an important determinant of the age composition of a population. The spatial distribution of the age structure of population may get appreciably altered by migration without any substantial change in the numerical magnitude of the population. It is not unlikely that within a specific period a certain number of persons of one age group may leave an area while about the same number of persons of a different age group may move in. This would mean an almost zero net migration and no change in the existing numbers, but the age structure of both the receiving and the dispatching areas would get changed. Therefore, in the present study a micro-level analysis of age structure of migrant and non-migrant population has been made with sex, religion, community type and distance etc. taken as variables. In occupation composition of migrants the data have been collected about the actual occupation of the individuals as well as the industrial class to which they belonged. A question was also asked from the workers about the number of days engaged in an economic activity in a year to distinguish between the main workers and the marginal workers. In the case of in-migrants and return-migrants an enquiry was made about the relation of occupation at the place of origin and destination so that changing pattern of occupation may be assessed. 20 Among the different qualities of a population, education perhaps is the most important. Literacy is essential for economic development, social advancement and democratic grovvth of a country. Education gives people a sense of independent judgement and power to distinguish between good and evd, and it also plays a crucial role in decision of migration and selection of destination. In developing countries the educated persons in rural areas tend to migrate to urban places in search of jobs. This process adds to the number of literate persons in urban places while causes a decrease in the number of literates in rural areas. Hence, in the present study, data pertaining to literacy levels have been collected and analysed to assess the pattern of literacy selectivity of migration and its socio-economic impacts in rural and urban areas of Shahjahanpur district. Religious and caste composition of population occupies a dominant position in diverse socio-economic set-up of our country. Fanaticism and sharp caste prejudice prevailing in certain parts of the area under study have developed and may continue to develop distinct pockets of population of a particular religion and caste both in rural and urban areas. These pockets operate as centres of both centrifugal and centripetal force and the resultant migrations further intensify them through their religion and caste selectivity. So, information pertaining to these traits of population has been collected to find out the religious and caste structure of migrant population and the ensuing socio-economic consequences in the receiving and dispatching areas, and to examine the role of these traits of population in the process of chain migration. PROBLEMS FACED IN FIELD SURVEY AND LIMITATIONS OF DATA Before conducting the survey of a village, the village pardhan and other educated persons of the village were consulted and convinced that it is a socio- economic survey for the purpose of research. The main aims and objectives of the research were also explained to them. In villages, where there was a strong groupism, leader of the group was informed and convinced about the importance 21 of the survey. In most of the selected villages, the village pardhans cooperated in survey and helped in convincing the villagers about their doubts. In inaccessible and remote villages where literacy level was very low, the illiterate pardhans were very rude and created a number of problems in the survey. In such cases, the lekhpals of respective villages were contacted at tahsil headquarter for help to convince ihc pardhans. Moreover, the villages having educational or other government institutions were surveyed on the working days so that the help and cooperation of teachers and government employees may be obtained in satisfying the pardhans as well as other illiterate but well-off and influential persons. However, in the villages having no such institutions the survey was conducted on Sundays or on some festival holidays expecting that the educated persons of the villages might have returned to their homes and would extend their cooperation in collecting accurate information. However, in the villages where there were graduates and highly educated persons the task became very easy due to their cooperation and sympathetic attitude. After winning the favour of village pardhan and other influential persons, door to door visits were made and the heads of the households were interviewed on the basis of the prepared questionnaire. But even at this stage many a nescient respondent declined to answer the questions and, on being told that it was a detailed type of census, they suggested that like census enumerators and other official data collectors we should go to the chowpal of the village pardhan and collect the required information ft-om him rather than from the heads of the households. In such cases, it proved to be a hard and patient task to convince them that the survey was related to the problems of all persons and not merely of pardhan and other moneyed persons. It had to be impressed upon them that if they did not provide adequate information about their problems, they would fail to benefit from new government schemes and would be the ultimate sufferer on account of wrong or incomplete information to the government that they agreed to 11 provide accurate information and cooperated in the task with sympathy. However, some respondents expressesed pessimism and complained that a numbei of times information about their socio-economic status, problems and requirements had been collected by lekhpals, gramsewaks from pardhan but they had not been provided any facility till then. Though highly hesitant in the beginning, the respondents ultimately agreed to provide the information when, some of the educated persons from amongst them came forward and responded readily to the questions. This change of ditiiUidQ of the respondents interviewed worked to allay the apprehension among the villagers to such an extent that at the final round of the survey many illiterate and conservative peasants and members of scheduled castes came forward voluntarily and requested that the particulars of their households should also be recorded. However, as their households did not belong to the 25% households randomly selected from the village, the informations given by them were entered on blank paper just for their satisfaction. The informations collected about such households has not been used in the present study. In rural areas it often happens that a number of persons from immediate neighbourhood would gather at the household interviewed and would urge upon the respondents to give the correct and frill information in case he would try to conceal the facts. But such assistance was not available in urban areas probably for two reasons: firstly, the respondents had no time to witness the interviews of other respondents, and secondly, the urban people were found to be relatively less familiar with their neighbours. However, the questionnaire was set in such a pattern that in supplementary and cross questions, the respondents themselves provided accurate information. In urban areas, a number of problems were faced in the survey of suburban areas or urban fringes due to general illiteracy and rural background of the respondents. In fact, as one goes from peripheral areas towards central parts of a city, the survey becomes easy and accurate due to high socio-economic status of 23 the respondents. The survey of slum-dwellers, living in the area of unused railway lines and in other unoccupied land of municipal board of Shahjahanpur city, proved to be rather a difficuh task because they hesitated in providing accurate information about the year of their in-migration thinking that their jhuggies might be shifted if they did not show their possession for a long duration. However, slum-dwellers were mostly migrants from rural areas and they were satisfied when told that the survey was mainly concerned with assessing the problems of poverty-stricken rural migrants and reporting them to the relevant government agencies for solution. In urban areas, some respondents refrained from answering questions pertaining to durable goods used in the household, facilities and amenities availed by them fearing that new types of taxes might be imposed upon them. Some rich illiterate respondents having black money declined to provide information about their economic status apprehending some fraud or raid. Moreover, the migrants in urban areas tried to conceal the real causes of their migration if they migrated after committing any crime at the place of origin. In urban areas, no information was available about those out-migrants who had migrated with all the members of the household and had no relative or family members left at the place of origin. Similarly in rural areas no information could be collected about the Sikh rural out-migrants who had migrated with all family members from their isolated homes in their farms. In some farms only ruins of the houses were there but no inmates. To collect the data about such type of out-migrants, one should collect information from the village or town about the places of destination of sampled out-migrant households and then contact these out- migrants at the places of their destination and obtain information from them regarding their characteristics and causes of out-migration. However, it was a Herculean task and beyond the capability of a single researcher to contact the out-migrants in the places of their in-migration and collect information from them. In urban areas, some households shifted from central parts to peripheral areas, due 24 to congestions and environmental problems in case of rich families and cost differences of land available for house construction in case of poor persons. In such cases, the new comers were interviewed in place of contacting the ex-members of household. In most of the villages of interior parts, the village pardhans are mostly illiterate and moneyed persons who win the elections on the basis of power and money. Many a poor people would migrate out of the village just to escape the arrogance of and ill-treatment from the pardhans. In such case pardhan proved to be a great hurdle in the obtention of the real causes of out-migration which, in fact, was often a forced one. This state of affairs makes a strong case for the consideration of certain qualifications to be prescribed for contesting elections for the post of a pardhan. An enlightened and qualified pardhan would certainly prove to be more helpfiil in both the implementation of developmental programmes and the collection of reliable data. METHODOLOGY After the field work was over, the data collected by using individual slips were scrutinized and were processed in tabular forms according to the requirements of the various aspects of the study. For a deep and micro-level analysis of the differences within the migrant population in respect of characteristics of migrants, causes and patterns of migration, and impacts of migration, the processed data have been cross tabulated by selecting period, distance, community types, and religion as differentials. Moreover, the socio economic characteristics of migrants have been compared with non-migrants for the analysis of the process of migration selectivity. A comparison has been also made between migrant and non-migrant households to analyse the impacts of migration on availability of housing and other amenities in urban areas and on agricultural development in rural areas. 25 On the basis of tables and processed data pie-diagrams, multiple bar diagrams, and subdivided bar diagrams have been prepared to show the socio-economic characteristics of migrant and non-migrant population, the spatial variations in patterns of migration, and the impacts of migration. The age and sex pyramids have been drawn to portray the proportion of males and females in the various age groups. References 1. Kosinski, L.A., Data and Measures in Migration Research, in L.A. Kosinski and R.M. Prothero (eds.), People on the Move: Studies on Internal Migration, London, 1975, p. 109. 2. Jones, H.R., A Population Geography, London, 1981, p. 210. 3. Gosal, G.S. and Krishan, G., Patterns of Intemal Migration in India, in L. A. Kosinski and R.M. Prothero (eds.), op. cit., p. 195. CHAPTER II THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK "Migration is defined broadly as a permanent or semi-permanent change of residence. No restriction is placed upon the distance of the move or upon the voluntary or involuntary nature of the act, and no distinction is made between external and internal migration. Thus, a move across the hall from one apartment to another is counted as just as much an act of migration as a move from Bombay, India, to Cedar Rapids, Iowa. However, not all kinds of spatial mobility are included in this definition." In the 'Encyclopedia Britainica', migration has been defined as "the movement of people from one place in order to settle permanently m another", while in 'The Columbia Encyclopedia' migration has been denoted as the "movement of people into new areas, usually, a distance away from the original homes. "•^ However, it seems that among the various aspects of population, migration has greater variety in its definition than other attributes. This is because scholars of various disciplines concerned with migration studies, such as economists, sociologists, demographers, historians and psychologists, each prefer to define residential mobility on the basis of their own style and requirement of studies. In demography all types of human movements are theoretically considered as an act of migration. But for a pragmatic concept some specific restrictions of time and space are attached with these movements. Population geographers have generally adopted the pragmatic definition qualified with the concepts of 'migration defining boundaries and periods.' "In general terms the definition of migration that is operated for the purposes of data collection is that migration is 'any residential movement which occurs between administrative units over a given period of time.' The scale of administrative unit used and the time period differ between different studies and according to the various sets of data utilized."'' 27 In this modification two principal elements are added in the definition, namely, the time element (duration) and the area element (boundaries). 1 he first is generally referred to as 'migration defining period' and the second as migration defining boundary'. MIGRATION DEFINING BOUNDARIES It is necessary for migration that one should cross the migration defining boundary. If we study international migration of the world then the international boundaries will be our migration defining boundaries. A man who does not cross the national boundaries will not be counted as an international migrant. But when the movements within the country are considered under the preview of migration, the state (provincial) boundaries would be taken as migration defining boundaries. In such a case international boundaries would automatically become defining boundaries. As a rule the adoption of lower order boundaries in the study of general migration automatically makes the higher order ones as defining boundaries whereas the selection of higher order boundaries automatically excludes the lower order ones. In every country the broad administrative units (provinces, states etc.) are divided into smaller units which are fiirther divided into still smaller units and thus an hierarchy of administrative units has now become a universal phenomenon. Each of these unit boundaries may be adopted as defining one according to the scale and nature of study. However for census purposes different countries have adopted different boundaries for the collection and record of migration data. For instance, the U.S. Bureau of Census divides the mobile population between 'movers', who have changed their residence within a single county, and 'migrants' who have crossed a county line^, and in Puerto Rico, the municipio - the smallest administrative unit for which the census publishes data- is considered as migration defining boundary^. Similarly in Indian census, district has been adopted for the record of migration data. In fact, the selecfion and adoption of migration defining boundaries is a matter of choice and depends upon the nature and scale of the study 28 SIZE AND SHAPE OF THE AREA AND MIGRATION MIGRATION SOURCE:- B06UE. P.J. PRINCIPLES OFDEMOGRAPHY. JOHN WILEY AND SONS, INC. NEWYORK, 1969,P.757. FIG.2-1 29 or type of data which are available, or both. In a general study of migration in India as a whole, it will be convenient to take a state as a unit of study and, as such, the state boundaries will serve as migration defining boundaries. In this case the movements between districts and its subdivisions will not be considered. But as we go from macro-level studies towards micro-level studies, the unit area of the study naturally becomes smaller and therefore lower order administrative boundaries become migration defining boundaries, while higher order boundaries also continue to be defining ones. Thus in the micro-level studies of migrations in our country, the subdivisions of a district such as tahsils, parganas or blocks may be taken as migration defining boundaries. But in this case the study is to be based entirely on data collected fi-om fieldwork, as census records do not provide such a detailed data. In the present study, which is of a highly micro-level nature, the block boundaries have been taken as the ultimate migration defining boundaries for the collection and analysis of data. Obviously, the order of the boundary has a definite bearing on the volume of migrants. In fact it is indirectly related with the boundary-level and follows the general principle that, the area being constant, the lower the order of the defining boundary the greater is the number of internal migrants and vice-versa. This inverse relafion is well revealed by the categorized number of migrants set out in Table 2.1 which is given below. TABLE 2.1 Decrement of Migrant's Percentage with tlie Increment in the Level of Migration Defining Boundary, Migration Data (1991) Based on Place of Last Residence Place of last residence Percentage of all mobile persons A. Elsewhere in the district of enumeration (intra-district mobility) 62.14 B. In other districts of state of enumeration (inter-district mobility) 26.05 C. States in India beyond the state of enumeration (inter-state mobility) 11.81 Total (last residence elsewhere in India) 100.00 Source: Census of India, 1991, Series I, India, Part-V -D Series, Migration Tables, Vol. 2, Part -1, Table D - 2. Another worth noting point about defining boundary is that its adoption as a criterion makes distance insignificant as an element in the definition of migration. Any migration defining boundary must be specified as a Une upon the earth. More often than not there will be a certain number of people living close to the migration defining boundary who will become migrants simply by crossing the street, road or a route that marks this boundary, while the people who move hundreds of kilometers away from their original homes but do not cross the defining boundary in settling down at the place of destination remain only movers and are not classed as migrants. In Indian census, for instance, any change of residence across a district boundary is considered as an act of migration in inter-district mobility. In this definition a migrant may be a person who moves only across a district-line, or may be a person who moves hundreds of kilometers of distance in crossing the district boundary. Therefore, we can never completely separate the long-distance migrants from local movers on the basis of migration defining boundary. MIGRATION DEFINING PERIOD Since the meaning of the change of residence also varies with the interval of time for which the change occurs, it becomes necessary for all types of migration studies to specify a migration defining period that differentiates a migration from a visit. Though, the migration defining period differs from nation to nation but intervals of one, five or ten years are commonly used. Generally, the inter-censal period is used as migration defining period in the case of internal migration in different countries. For example, for a proposed study of the pattern of internal migration in India during the 20th century, necessarily based on the census data, the interccnsal period would have to be taken as migration defining period. In this case the person who crosses the migration defining boundary but comes back before census period will escape to be counted as a migrant. Since the present study is almost entirely based on primary data, it is free from the constraints of the census records. Therefore, in consonance with the micro-area level of the study, the micro-period of one year has been adopted for the collection of data through field survey. However, there is an inverse relationship between the migration interval and the number of migrants. The larger the length of interval, the smaller the size of the average aimual number of migrants, because a substantial number of persons who migrate would return fairly promptly to the place of origin. Hence the two sets of migration statistics collected for unequal intervals of time under the same migration defining boundary would not be fully comparable, even though they have been Q reduced to an average annual basis. The main limitation concerning the migration defining period is that it is rather difficult to separate completely the whole time migrants from seasonal or part time movers. As in case of ten-year migration interval, the migrant may be a person who had crossed the defining boundary ten years back and the one who had reached the destination only a few days before the date of census enumeration. As a corollary, another point worth noting is that a person, who has spent nine years of his life or more (but less than ten years) outside his normal residence, will be considered as a non-migrant if he returned to his original home before the date of enumeration. However, these drawbacks of migration defining period may be eliminated if the researcher himself generates the data through field work by adding deep probing and supplementary questions, in the individual slips, penaining to duration of residence at the place of enumeration, year of migration, year of return migration, number of movements and the like. These drawbacks notwithstanding, the boundary and period qualifications are rather essential for a pragmatic and purposeful definition. Thus migration is a change of residence which involves crossing of the migration defining boundary and is for a period specified as the migration defining period. KINDS OF MIGRATION Migration may be classified on the basis of three criteria, namely, boundary, duration and mofivation. On the basis of boundary internal and international, with all the sub-varieties such as interdistrict, interstate, interregional and intracontinental, international, intercontinental migrations respectively, have been recognized. Similarly, there are permanent, periodic, seasonal and temporary migrations identified on the basis of duration. Likewise, economic, political, religious or matrimonial motivations may give rise to economic, political, religious and marital migrations respectively. However, the most commonly used classification is that which is based on the type of defining boundary and comprises two major categories, namely, internal when the migrants remain within the national territory and international when they cross international boundaries. INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION It involves the changes of residence from one nation to another for a specified period defining migration. Though international migration has played a very significant role in the redistribution of population and culture during the past but, barring a few isolated cases, it has ceased to be a very significant force after the close of the first quarter of the twentieth century. Moreover, since the present work is exclusively concerned with a micro-level study of internal migration, any further discussion on international migration would be irrelevant. Hence the attention will now be focused on internal migration only. INTERNAL MIGRATION Neglecting the finer difference of details, the internal migration is generally considered as a movement of population within the boundaries of a given nation. According to Dorothy S. Thomas, "the accepted definition of internal migration is change of residence from one community, or other clearly defined geographical unit, to another within the national boundaries." ^ But this definition carmot be accepted as a comprehensive definition of internal migration because it contains no specification of boundary and period, the significance of which is now accepted to be undisputedly great and basic. A more comprehensive definition may be that internal migration is a movement of population, within the bounds of a nation, across the boundary of an admmistrative unit or specific geographic region adopted for defining migration and for the duration specified as migration defining period. The internal migration in a country is generally classified on the basis of boundary, duration and motivation as discussed earlier. On the basis of boundary involved, Ashish Bose has classified the internal migration in India into three types which are roughly indicative of the relationship between distance and migration. These types are short-distance or intradistrict migration represented by persons bom outside the place of enumeration but within the district of enumeration, medium-distance or interdistrict migration indicated by persons bom outside of the district of enumeration but within the state of enumeration, and lastly the long distance or interstate migration recorded as persons bom in states other than that of enumeration. On the basis of duration, short-term and long-term migrations have been recognized depending upon the length of the stay in the community of destination, the usual classification based on this criterion in the Indian census is: permanent; semi-permanent; periodic; temporary and casual." Casual migrations signify very short-term movements between neighbouring villages or towns for social events as gatherings of relatives and companions at the occasion of marriages, deaths, and other ceremonies. Temporary migration includes the movement of population for public works, for example, construction of bridges, link roads which join a village with the neighbouring 'pakka road' , digging of canals and tanks or pilgrimage in which people move only for a few weeks or months. Periodic migration, which occurs in response to an increased demand for labour at the times of planting and harvesting of crops, is in great practice in India as well as in some other developing countries of the world. In the tahsil Powayan of Shahjahanpur district (the area under study) thousands of labourers arrive from the adjoining tahsils and districts at the times of planting or sowing and harvesting of rice, wheat and sugarcane and go 34 back home when the work is over. In recent decades it has been observed that millions of labourers from eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar seasonally move to Punjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh to take up work of planting and harvesting of paddy, sugarcane and wheat. Moreover, transhumance which has been very nicely defined by Prof S.M. Rafiullah as "the alternating seasonal movement of live-stock and shepherds between areas of permanent and temporary settlement situated at different elevations and having appreciably different climatic conditions,"*^ may be also cited as a subdivision of seasonal or periodic migration. However, transhumance is the type of internal migration which is not found in the Shahjahanpur district. In semi-permanent migration the movements of government officials due to transfers, domestic servants and traders are included. Motivation, which is the third important criterion, may yield a classification of internal migration into three types, namely, voluntary, obligatory and sequential. Mostly, migrations take place due to personal choice and are termed as voluntary migrations. The voluntary migration may be further classified, on the basis of determinants, into economic, social and political. Marital migration and transfer of employees from one place to another are the examples of obligatory migration. Almost every grown up and earning person has some dependent cognates so that when he migrates from his place of residence, his dependents also follow him. The movement of such dependents is referred to as sequential migration. Besides, on the basis of the settlement status of the area of origin and destination, the internal migration can also be classified into four types, namely, (i) rural to urban, (ii) rural to rural, (iii) urban to rural/sub-urban areas and (iv) urban to urban areas. Combining distance and area status, Ashish Bose has divided migration streams in India into twelve types.'^ The migration has also been classified in three divisions as, primary, secondary and return, on the basis of the community of origin as to whether the movement originates in the community of birth or not. If the community of origin is the community of birth of the migrants then it will be called as primary migration while in tiie secondary migration both the community of origin and destination are different from the community of birth, and in return migration the destination should be the community of birth of the migrant. DIFFERENTIAL MIGRATION The process of migration is mostly selective. The movement of persons, having some particular demographic, economic or social traits or qualifications, brought about by selectivity process and considered separately, is termed differential migration. One of the most universal feature of migration is its age-selectivity. It is meant to signify that the adolescents and young adults are more mobile'* than the persons of juvenile and senile age groups in voluntary migration. The migration is also highly selective of sex, though, it is not as clear cut as that of age selectivity. Generally, in developed countries and societies males have a distinct dominance in long-distance internal migrations whereas in short-distance internal migrations females outnumber males. On the contrary, in the developing realm of the world or in traditional societies both short and long-distance migrations are male selective.' Internal migrants are generally found to be a little better educated than the average of the community of origin, a little more daring than the stay-at-homes, and a little more adaptable in some respects than the general population ihey leave behind.'^ This is substantiated by the study of migration in Punjab by A.S. Oberai and H.K. Manmohan Singh (1983) wherein it has been stated that the majority of rural migrants in Ludhiana district were relatively better educated than those who remained at the place of origin.'^ In respect of occupation differential, it has been noticed that certain occupational groups are more mobile than others. For example, skilled and semi skilled professionals as well as the landless agricultural labourers are more mobile than the cultivators among the agricultural groups.'^ Similarly, unemployed persons 36 are more migratory than employed persons.'^ This indicates that migration is also occupation-selective to some extent. In addition, migration is also found to be selective in respect of caste, income, marital status, religion and political leanings. SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS OF INTERNAL MIGRATION Migration is not merely the shift of people from one place to another, but it is a fundamental factor helping to understand the ever-changing 'space-content' and 'space-relations' of a region or country.^'' If the in-migration or out-migration is selective of the people having particular demographic, social and economic characteristics, it will not only change the size, but will also exert a pervasive effect on the composition of population of both the sending and receiving areas.^' Thus the movement of people from one place of abode to another is an imponant phenomenon which brings about change in the distributional pattern of population growth and composition in a double way: by modifying existing spatial patterns of human organization and by creating new ones. Moreover, migration is an important human action and a sharp demographic instrument for regulating and minimizing disequilibrium between population and resource distribution as well as maintaining a demographic, socio- economic, cultural and political balance among diverse communities in a country. In fact, if man had not migrated then some of the now flourishing regions would have remained uninhabited, untouched and unknown; while some others would have become overpopulated or would have become unsuitable for human population and the present day multi-sided socio- economic, scientific and cultural development of the world would not have become possible. Migration may also create many social, cultural, economic and political problems in a region or country. In fact, it is imperative for the study of the population problems to take full cognizance of the problems posed by migration. If the problem of human fertility were not so crucial and serious at the present time, it is almost certain that human migration and the plight of migrants, particularly in the third world countries would be listed as a top-priority problem for research and 22 action. To a geographer the most interesting basic impacts of migration are the transformations in certain spatial patterns brought about by population movement in sending and receiving areas. These spatial patterns relate to both the distribution of population numbers and the various social, economic and demographic attributes thereof The effects of internal migration may now be examined under these broad heads taken one by one. EFFECT ON DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION Internal migration may not increase or decrease the number of the population of a country as a whole, but it profoundly affects the regional distributional pattern of population. Very obviously the movement of population from one area to another decreases the number of population in the community of origin and increases it in the community of destination. This redistribution of population may cause both positive and negative effects in the places of origin and destination. Any change in the existing population distribution may influence the local relationship between population and resources. It may be beneficial if it brings population / resource equilibrium in the country by minimizing the gap between resource potential and requisite supply of manpower in the receiving area or if it provides amelioration to the over-burdened resources in the dispatching area. Otherwise, it will either increase the pressure of population on the resources of recipient regions or would make resource utilization process in the dispatching region suffer from paucity of adequate manpower supply. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS Internal migration sometimes creates many social and cultural problems in different communities and regions. Obviously, the migrants enter into a new social environment which may or may not be akin to the one they have left behind. So, in case the social and cultural set up at the new home is similar to that they have lelt behind, they would encounter no serious problem of adjustment or assim\lation and would, most likely, not create much disturbance in the life of the group and the community they join. On the other hand, if they find themselves transplanted into a new social environment much different firom the original one, the adjustment would not be as simple and easy. And it would be quite likely that they would generate or get involved in various conflicts and strains such as religious, linguistic, racial and political. These strains ultimately lead to increase in the incidence of different social crimes. For example, the spread of terrorism during the ninth decade of twentieth century in the northern tarai region of Shahjahjinpur district and in other adjacent districts of Uttar Pradesh where Sikh migrants settled down in great number, was mainly due to the infiltration of Sikh terrorists from Punjab in the guise of relatives of those who had already settled in these regions fairly earlier. Since the infiltration of Punjabi Sikhs, the number of incidences of kidnapping, ransom and murder of native inhabitants have occurred in the district. Though communal riots, spread after the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, in the district and country may also be held responsible to some extent, for out break of terrorism in the district but without the earlier base of Sikh migrants it would have not been possible even under that eventuality. In those communal riots, numerous houses and shops of Sikhs were set on fire in Shahjahanpur city and a number of 'jhalas' were looted by the native miscreants in rural areas of the district. Moreover, dominance of Sikhs in agriculture activities and their prosperity is also responsible up to a certain extent for hostility between Sikh migrants and native population. The agriculture labour migrants from eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar are generally treated as slaves and are paid lower wages than those normally paid to the non-migrant home workers in Punjab, Haryana, Western Uttar Pradesh as well as in some other parts of our country. These migrants are usually recruited as labourers for doing work in agriculture farms, and they agree to work on subnormally low 39 wages just to successfully compete with the native farmers. Their poverty, unemployment and illiteracy do also compel them to accept work on very low rates. In respect of education, migration is positively selective, especiall> in case of rural migrants who possess higher educational qualifications than the general rural population they leave behind.^^ This type of rural out-migration stream may work as a 'cream separator' in the long run and, after removing the better educated and more dynamic persons of rural communities, may tend to turn the dispatching communities into 'a fish out of water'. As a result the socio-economic development of such rural areas may be adversely affected.^'* Migration is also considered as an instrument of cultural diffiision, as well as of social and communal integration. Each migration stream brings some good norms to the receiving community. The migrant group and the receiving community are adjusted to each other by a slow process of eissimilation, which mostly takes a generation or more. In the process of assimilation and absorption, the civilization gets enriched due to many contributions from various kinds of folks, and a new type of culture springs up in the receiving community. Where internal migration takes place in great volume and among different regions and areas, the resulting cultural diffusion may abort narrow regionalism, casteism and communalism and promote communal integration and unity. DEMOGRAPHIC IMPLICATIONS AND THEIR SOCIO-ECONOMIC REPERCUSSIONS Internal migration, being age and sex selective, makes a direct impact on the basic demographic attributes, namely, age structure, sex composition, size and growth rate of population. In the context of internal migration, the national population is always a closed population. As such, the change of size of population by internal migration is confined only to areas of origin and destination, national population remaining absolutely immune. However, internal migration may affect the natural growth rate of population in the areas where young married couples 4(J migrate at the peak of their child bearing years. In this case crude birth rate may drop in the areas of origin of migrants and may rise in the areas of destination due to re-distribution of a significantly large sector of the reproductive!y active population. Where a migration stream consists of the retired persons, crude death rates in the area of origin may fall while mortality at the place of destination may rise. Besides, the age and sex selectivity of internal migration greatly affects the economy and society of a country. Since migration is often age selective and that .usually the persons belonging to the young slab of population are more migratory than the senile and juvenile dependents. This age selectivity of migration aggregates the persons of working age groups in the recipient areas and leaves behind large number of dependents in the dispatching areas. Though the sex selectivity of internal migration does not follow any pattern yet generally it is accepted that males are more prone to migrate than females. And it is a statistical fact that in developing countries and traditional societies internal migration (especially rural to urban) is highly male selective. It tends to make the population of destination more masculine and of origin more feminine. In fact, this male selectivity of migration may become a cause of demoralization both at the place of origin and destination due to imbalance in sex ratio. ECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS The internal migration may be regarded as a demographic device to remove or minimize economic disequilibrium among different regions. However this could be expected only when the migration is fully organized and rationally controlled otherwise, it may have ill effects also. But, as a matter of fact, there is no country on record which pursues a policy of rigorously controlled migration. The assessment of economic implications that follows is therefore made disregarding this role of migration which still remains theoretical than real. A. EFFECTS ON RURAL AREAS A great flow of countrymen to urban centres may alter man-land ratio, if out- migrants are mostly active tillers and their number exceeds the addition of their group by natural growth. The increasing size of landholdings enables the peasants to apply the scientific and technological methods of agriculture in place of traditional ones. The new rural production techniques often increase the per hectare productivity of land and in turn may also raise the 'per-capita' income of farmers. Contrary to this the agricultural productivity and economic standard may fall in rural areas if the rural-urban migration stream mainly consisted of young adults. Such a movement would involve a sizeable transfer of human capital out of rural sector, which may result in a decline in the average quality of the labour force in the rural areas. Production and technological change in agriculture, capital formation and income distribution in rural areas may also be affected, if the out-migrants send money in the form of remittances. The net impact of remittances depends on their use, size and frequency. Moreover, the economic status of households that receive the money also play a crucial role in determining the positive or negative effect of remittances. A.S. Oberai and H.K. Manmohan Singh in a study of internal migration in Ludhiana district of Punjab found, on the basis of two comprehensive surveys carried out in 1977, that a substantial flow of remittances from migrants helps the out-migrant farming households in rural areas to acquire and adopt new agricultural techniques, agricultural implements, chemical fertilizers, and high yielding varieties and thereby improve the agricultural productivity. In addition, remittances raise the rural income, improve the overall distribution of income in rural areas and increase the levels of consumption.^^ The rural out-migrants who return with their savings, knowledge, experience and new ideas are also likely to prove as a financial and intellectual boon for the rural areas and communities. Their savings are not only a valuable addition to the local output but also increase the agricultural production and 'per-capita' income.^^ 42 But the effect of return-migration mostly depends on the type of migrants who return. For example, if the return-migrants are those who return after retirement, in old age, in sickness, or due to failure to get job, they would be the least productive and would only increase the demand of the urban conspicuous consumption goods which would lead to a substantial out flow of rural income.'^^ The rural-rural migration may help in bringing equilibrium in the regional agriculture development by diffusing the technological innovations in agriculture, if the farmers of developed regions migrate to traditional, un-developed and newly reclaimed agriculture regions in search of cheap fertile lands. For instance, in Shahjahanpur district (the area under study) in Uttar Pradesh, Sikh's migration from Punjab had played a major role in modernization and mechanization of agriculture. The native peasants used to do subsistence type of agriculture and feared to use chemical fertilizers because they thought that land would become barren and unproductive by the use of chemical fertilizers but when they saw that per-hectare productivity of sandy land which was neglected by them, had been increased by the Sikhs who used chemical fertilizers and scientific instruments in agriculture, they shed their fear and promptly switched over to the new techniques. In this way the agriculture has been gradually mechanized and developed in the whole district resulting in substantial rise in per-hectare productivity and 'per-capita' income. Similarly, at the turn of this century, Burma became an exporter of rice when a large number of peasants from upper Burma settled down in the irrigated deltas of lower Burma.^° The out-migration of redundant labourers from rural areas to other centres where wage rates are high and employment opportunities are better, does not only solve the unemployment problem but also helps to improve the living standard of rural communities in a country. B. EFFECTS ON URBAN AREAS Rural-urban migration affects the position of unemployment and wage rates in urban areas but it depends upon the supply and demand of labour in urban labour market. If the supply of labour is much higher than the demand in urban areas, it may increase unemployment and may also lower the wage rates. On the contrary, this may not occur if the demand of labour does also increase simultaneously with the supply of migrant workers and the wage rates are not allowed to fal) by strict rules of labour trade unions or state legislation. The rural migrants who are driven out due to poverty and unemployment, are mostly engaged in low income jobs and services. The arrival of such poor rural migrants may widen the gap between poor and wealthy by changing existing urban income distribution. Moreover, a large volume of rural-urban migration in the developing countries of the world might have also aggravated the problems of accommodation, slums, squatter settlements, sanitation, water and electricity supply, traffic jams, environmental pollution and an over-all decline in the quality and standard of urban life. A.S. Oberai and H. K. Manmohan Singh assert that the heavy influx of migrants into cities increases the demad for infrastructural facilities and social services such as schools and hospitals, transport and communication, water, drainage and electricity provision and other cultural and recreational facilities, which most of the cities are unable to meet due to their limited means.^' In our country we can very easily observe that in all big cities, for instance Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai as well as some medium sized and small towns, thousands of rural poverty-stricken migrants live, sleep and die on footpaths and they have not even pure water to drink as well as pure air to breath not to say anything about their food, clothes and other basic needs. DETERMINANTS OF INTERNAL MIGRATION Basically, there are two forces, namely, 'push' and 'pull' which act as determinants of migration. The push set stands for all variables of dissatisfaction and the pull set for all types of lure. Though basic as they are, it often becomes difficult to differentiate between them when several variables of both types operate 44 and interact simultaneously.^^ Though the conditions that stimulate internal and international migrations are often quite similar, there is, however, some slight difference in respect of political, cultural and legal obstacles which are less significant in internal migration.^^ However, in every area there are innumerable factors that act to hold the people within the area or attract the people of other areas to it and also there are others which drive them away. Since it is not possible to specify a precise set of factors which stimulates or retards migration in case of every person or area, so most of generalizations relating to the determinants of migration are complex in nature. A.S. Oberai and H.K. Manmohan Singh conducted two comprehensive surveys in Ludhiana district of Punjab during 1977 on the basis of direct questionnaire to the respondents, found that better job or income, no work at home, job transfer, recruitment to armed forces, education, accompaniment with family relatives or friends etc. were main answers of migrants in relation to reasons of their migration.^'* A.E. Perez, in the analysis of migration data pertaining to reasons for leaving previous place of residence, collected by the National Demographic Survey of the Philippines in 1973, obtained almost the same results.^^ However, for convenience of study, we may classify the various factors influencing migration into three broad categories, namely, economic, social and natural or geographical. ECONOMIC DETERMINANTS The several comprehensive studies in India and abroad have revealed that economic motivation plays the most dominant role among the factors provoking migration. It is a fact that regional disparities in the economic development are quite striking in all the countries (especially in the third world countries) and are being increased with the passage of time due to scientific and technological development and unequal spatial distribution of industries and other infrastructural facilities. So, mostly, the currents of migration are originated from the economically 45 depressed areas towards the areas of greater economic prosperity with increasing employment potential. G. S. Gosal in his general observations, regarding the tempo of internal migration in India, has expected that in future it is bound to increase due to growing diversification of economic activity, increasing degree of industrialization and urbanization, expanding commercial activities and means of irrigation etc.^^ From the findings of these and a myriad other similar studies, the main economic factors provoking internal migration (especially rural to urban) in a country or region may be categorically subsumed as follows: i) The availability of good arable land for agriculture seems to be the most important factor determining the volume and direction of internal migration in a country like India. In areas where heavy population pressure has made the agricultural resources highly overmanned, mostly, there is a distinct tendency for generation of out-migration currents towards the areas where the pressure is less telling or where new agricultural lands have been reclaimed or new resources have been discovered. The recent migrations to tarai in Uttar Pradesh, Dandakaranya in Madhya Pradesh and the northern parts of Rajasthan in India may be cited as the living examples of such type of migration. In the United Nations report it has been pointed out that in developing countries, especially in southeast Asia, the movement of peasants to new farming lands has occurred in a great volume. For instance, in Burma a large number of peasants from upper Burma settled down in the irrigated deltas of lower Burma, and similar currents of migrants have flown from north to south Vietnam where they have entered in cash crop economy.^^ ii) Large size of landholding is a symbol of privilege and credit in society, the temptation to enlarge one's landholding has been an important stimulus for the land-hungry farmers to migrate to the areas where cheap arable lands are available. Even the big and rich farmers too, sometimes, try to acquire the land of poor farmers around their farms either by dint of power or by paying high prices for such lands. Getting so deprived of their lands, poor farmers often migrate to other areas where cheap lands or employment opportunities are available. Apart from this, in 46 areas of intensive agriculture and fast growing population, the increase in demand results in hike of land prices and lures owners of small-holdings to sell their lands. After disposing of their lands they migrate to areas where cheap lands are available and new development activities are taking place. The Sikh migration from Punjab to Shahjahanpur and other districts of tarai region can be cited as a good example of this type of motivated migration. iii) The typical laws of inheritance play an important role in provoking migration in certain societies and countries. In some countries and societies the laws of land and time-long traditions do not allow fragmentation of land and property and as such quite a good number of adults are often pushed to migrate to the urban centres to support themselves and their dependents. While in some other countries and societies where the laws and traditions do not negate sub-divisions of landed property, the size of landholdings becomes too small to use scientific methods of agriculture or to support a family. It may also compel the people to migrate. iv) The mechanization of agriculture usually reduces the demand of labour on agricultural lands. As a result, a large number of farm labourers becomes jobless and the wage rates fall down. So, the poorly paid farm workers and unemployed persons are pushed towards areas with greater job opportunities and higher wages. v) Migration currents from rural areas may also be generated due to crop failures, the pitiable and miserable condition of peasants suffering from heavy burden of indebtedness, the loss of a farm through consolidation or Hood, and bankruptcy etc. Moreover, commercialization of agriculture and traditional systems of land tenure also push the poor and small farmers to migrate."*' vi) The construction and completion of dams, discovery of ne\N resources, exhaustion of minerals and loss of employment also stimulate migration. For instance, when the project of Bhakra-Nangal Dam was started it needed a great number of skilled and un-skilled workers. Thousands of people migrated and worked there for ten years, but after the completion of the dam they became out of work and, consequently moved to other areas in search of employment. The better 47 employment opportunities in the newly discovered mineral regions attract the people in a substantial numbers. According to J.B. Gameir, in the Damodar Coal Basin, the population increased by 117 per cent in fifteen years due to attraction of coal mines, as against only 57 per cent in the surrounding area within the same period/^However exhaustion of mineral and other resources in a region may also push the people to migrate to other areas in search of sustenance. vii) In addition to above mentioned factors which act as a push force, there are also some attractive forces which may provoke migration from surrounding areas even though they might be free from strong push forces. Opportunities for improvement of one's economic status (as offered by jobs in factories, shops, offices, buildings and public services), facilities of vocation, technical or advanced education, better medical services, entertainments, pomp and glare of cities and many other facilities which are not available in the villages may pull the rural inhabitants to urban centres for permanent settlement.'*^ viii) Cheap and expanding means of transport and communication have their own important impact upon the volume and pattern of migration by developing quick and effective linkages among different areas and regions. Those remote rural areas which would have, hitherto, been free from any noticeable migration may spring into migration scene on getting connected with the urban centres by railways and roads and consequent dissipation of isolation which used to stand as the greatest obstacle in the way of the commission of migration. ix) Fluctuations in business cycles, retirement and military services may also be counted among the determinants of internal migration. In the economically advanced countries, many people often migrate at the end of their working life to the areas where they find living conditions personally more congenial. In the same way in the under-developing countries of the world, many retired officers and pensioners both from civil and military services are generally found to return to their native place of birth where they still had landed property.'*'' 48 SOCIAL DETERMINANTS A little less significant than the economic factors are social determinants of migration. A. E. Perez has pointed out, on the basis of the data collected by the 1973 National Demographic Survey of Philippines, that major social reasons for leaving previous place of residence were the wish to accompany or join parental or other relatives and compulsion of marriage which would make a girl to leave parental home to join the spouse etc.''^ Social factors may either facilitate or hamper migration. Among the social factors, the 'marriage migration' is the dominant cause of female migration in India. It has been on account of wide prevalence of village-exogamy and patrilocal marriages that inter village migrations of young females are quite substantial.''^ Kingsley Davis estimated that probably more than seventeen per cent of the inter-district migrations in our country are marriage motivated.'*' K.C. Zachariah also found preponderance of females in short-distance rural-rural migration mainly caused by marriage.''^ Moreover, in the context of India, other social factors that push the people to migrate are communal riots, untouchability and casteism. Various types of groupism are also very common in our villages and they often lead to group fightings. Such feuds force the people of weaker parties to give up the village and migrate to other areas for peace and safety of their life and property. However, early marriage, linguistic diversity (especially in south India), illiteracy, and joint family traditions have tended to act as discouragements to migration and are generally considered as social factors responsible for the general lack of mobility in the Indian population.'*^ NATURAL OR GEOGRAPHICAL DETERMINANTS Though the natural factors were the strongest provokers of migration currents in ancients times, they have now become almost inconsequential and have ceased to be considered as determinants of any notable degree. However, such 49 events as volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, epidemics, famines, floods may still be seen forcing the people out of their native places in certain areas. Similarly size, climate, topography, natural vegetation and drainage of a country may also influence the volume as well as course of internal migration. THEORIES OF MIGRATION Being purely a social and psychological phenomenon, it is extremely difficult to enunciate general and rigorous principles and laws of migration. Nevertheless some serious attempts have been made in this direction. A brief summary of these attempts will have all the reason to be in sequential fitness of the foregoing discussion of determinants. In this respect credit of pioneer effort goes to E.G. Ravenstein who framed general principles of migration in his celebrated paper 'The Laws of Migration' presented before the Royal Statistical Society on March 17, 1885. The paper, which was based upon the British Census of 1881, was bitterly criticized. He then published revised version of his paper with the same title in 1889.^° This paper contained seven laws or generalizations developed on the basis of the study of migrations especially in Great Britain and also several other nations of Europe and America. However, both of his papers were criticized by many eminent critics as N. A. Humphreys and Stephen Bourne etc. But the principal feature of Ravenstein's theory is that its principles are repeatable in all situations and at all times. Their validity was substantially verified by Pryor in his study of Malaysia and other countries.^' The subject (theory of migration) did not get any serious attention for a little over half century after the Ravenstein's work till Everett S. Lee presented his theory of migration in 1966. Thus after Ravenstein, it was only Everett Lee who stands unique for his postulation of comprehensive laws of migration. He modified and improved upon Ravenstein's laws. In place of seven laws he developed nineteen principles put 50 under three major heads of volume of migration, streams and counterstreams, and characteristics of migrants which he used to explain the phenomena of human migration. He called the theory as 'The push pull Intervening Obstacles Theory of Migration.' REFERENCES 1. Lee, E.S., A Theory of Migration, in G.J. Demko and others (eds.), Population Geography- A Reader, New York, 1970, p. 290. 2. Encyclopedia Britainica, Vol. 15, 1966, p. 421. 3. The Columbia Encyclopedia (Second Edition), 1956, p. 1280. 4. White, P.E. and Woods, R.I., The Foundations of Migration Study, in P. White and R. Woods (eds.), The Geographical Impact of Migration, New York, 1980, pp. 4-5. 5. Petersen, W., Social Aspects, in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 10, p. 287. 6. Jackson, P., Social and Spatial Aspects of Puerto Rican Migration, Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, Vol. 1, June, 1980, p. .37. 7. Bogue, D.J., Internal Migration, in O.D. Duncan and P.M. Hauser (eds.), The Study of Population: An Inventory and Appraisal, Chicago, 1959, p. 490. 8. Bogue, D..J.. Principles of Demography, New York, 1969, p. 757. 9. Zachariah, K.C., A Historical Study of Internal Migration in Indian Sub continent, 1901-31, Bombay, 1964, p.8. 10. Bose, A., Studies in India's Urbanization 1901-1971, New Delhi, 1974, p. 143. 11. Zachariah. K.C.. op. cit., p. 250. 12. Rafiullah, S.M.. The Geography ofTranshumance, Aligarh, 1966, p.4. 13. Bose, A., op. cit., pp. 40-42. 14. Clarke, J.I., Population Geography, London, 1966, p. 124. 15. Ibid. 16. Thompson, W. S., Population Problems, New York, 1942, p.398. 17.0berai, A.S. and Singh, H.K.M. , Causes and Consequences of Internal Migration: A Study in the Indian Punjab, New Delhi, 1983. p. 399. 18. Chandna, R.C. and Sidhu, M.S., Introduction to Population Geography, New Delhi, 1980, p.57. 19.Bogue, D.J., Internal Migration, op. cit., p. 504. 20. Gosal, G. S., Internal Migration in India-A Regional Analysis, The Indian GeographicalJournal, Vol. 36, No.2, 1961, p. 106. 21.Bogue, D.J., Principles of Demography, op. cit., p. 752. 22. Ibid 23.0berai, A. S. and Singh, H.K.M., op. cit., p. 399. 24. Smith, L.T., Fundamentals of Population Study, New York, 1960, p 481. 25.Bogue, D.J., Internal Migration, op cit, . p. 487. 26. Clarke, J. I., op. cit., p. 75. 27.0berai,A.S.and Singh, H.K.M., OJD. c//., pp. 106-112 and 117-169. 28. Davis, K., The Population of India and Pakistan, Princeton, 1951, p. 136. 29.0berai, A. S. and Singh, H.K.M., op. cit., p. 38. 30.Bogue, D.J., Principles of Demography, op. cit., p. 773. 31.0berai, A. S. and Singh, H.K.M., op. cit., p. 43. 32. Bogue, D.J., Principles of Demography, opt. cit., p. 753. 33. U.N. Publication, The Determinants and Consequences of Population Trends, New York, 1953, p. 123. 34. Oberai, A.S., and Singh, H.K.M., op. cit., pp. 64 and 72. 35. Perez, A.E., Internal Migration, in Population of Philippines, ESCAP Country , Monograph Series No. 5, Bangkok, 1978, p.73. 36. Oberai, A. S. Singh, H.K.M., op. cit., p. 400. 37. Gosal, G. S., op. cit., p. 121. 38. Chandna R.C. and Sidhu, M. S, op. cit., p. 63. 39.Bogue, D.J., op. cit., p. 773. 40. Davis, K., op. cit., p. 135. 41. Clarke, J. I., op. cit., p. 129. 42. Gamier, J.B., Geography of Population, Aberdeen, 1966, p., 200. 43. Clarke, J. I., op. cit., p. 129. 44. Gamier, J.B., op. cit., 210. 45. Perez, A. E., op. cit., p. 73. 46. Gosal, G. S. and Krishan, G., Pattems of Internal Migration in India, in L.A. Kosinski and R.M., Prothero (eds.), People on the Move: Studies on Internal Migration, London, 1975, pp. 198-199. 47. Davis, K.., op. cit., p. 122. 48. Zachariah, K.C., op. cit., p. 262. 49. Gosal, G.S., op. cit., pp. 110-111. 50. Lee, E.S., op. cit., pp. 288-289. 51. Pryor, R.J., Laws of Migration? The Experience of Malaysia and other Countries, Geographica, University of Malaysia, Vol., 5, 1969, pp. 65-76. CHAPTER III SPATIAL PATTERNS OF MIGRATION FLOWS Whatever may be the academic discipHne the migration phenomenon in human population is studied under five questions, namely, why does migration occur? who dominates the migration flows? what are the patterns of origins and destinations and of the flows between them? what are the effects of migration on the areas of origin of migrants? what are the impacts of migration on areas of destination of migrants? However, to the geographers the third question 'what are the patterns of migration flows?' has been the most important since it is one that is most concerned with spatial flows, with interaction between different places, and with areal differentiation between places of origin and destination. Therefore, the present chapter has been devoted to a consideration of the patterns created by migration flows, to indicate the areas of population gain and loss, to determine the direction and magnitude of migration-streams and to analyse the socio- economic and demographic characteristics of migrants in various types of migration-streams in the study area. Tahsilwise distribution of in-,out-, net-and return migrant population has been given in Table 3.1. An overall analysis of the data given in Table 3.1 shows that the number of male and female in-migrants is greater than out-migrants in all the tahsils except those of Tilhar and Jalalabad where net-migration of male population has been recorded in negative. In all the tahsils the number of female net-migrants exceeds the number of male net-migrants but in Powayan tahsil the reverse trend has been recorded. An examination of data regarding return-migrants given in Table 3.1 exhibits that excluding tahsil Tilhar, in which number of male migrants marginally exceeds the female migrants, in all the tahsils the number of female return-migrants is much more than male return-migrants. The number of 54 TABLE 3.1 TAHSILWISE DISTRIBUTION OF IN-,OUT-, AND RETURN-MIGRANT POPULATION IN SHAHJAHANPUR DISTRICT Name of the Male/female Type of migrants Tahsil In-mlgrants Out-migrants Net-migrants Return-migrants Male 306 78 +228 48 Powayan Female 498 285 +213 75 Total 804 363 +441 123 Male 165 171 -06 48 Tilhar Female 456 387 +69 42 Total 621 558 +63 90 Male 132 138 -06 21 Jalalabad Female 381 261 + 120 33 Total 513 399 + 114 54 Male 441 174 +267 42 Shahjahanpur Female 693 366 +327 66 Total 1134 540 +594 108 Male 1044 561 +483 159 Ail Female 2028 1299 +729 216 Total 3072 1860 + 1212 375 Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. V^J^^^%-^ V If return-migrants is maximum in Powayan tahsil and minimum m tahsil Jalalabad. In Powayan tahsil, 123 persons have been identified as return-migrants while in Jalalabad tahsil they were found to be 54 persons. The number cf female return- migrants in Powayan tahsil is 75 persons that constitute more than one-third of the total female return-migrants (216 persons) in the whole district. Tahsilwise percent distribution of migrant and non- migrant population is given in Table 3.2. An analysis of Table 3.2 makes it evident that in tahsil Powayan the ratio of non-migrant population is the lowest and that of in-migrant and return-migrant population the highest in its total surveyed population, among other tahsils of the district. The share of out-migrant population is minimum in Powayan lahsil and maximum in Tilhar tahsil. The proportion of return-migrant population is the lowest in Jalalabad tahsil. The share of non-migrants, in-migrants, out-migrants and return-migrants in the population is recorded as 74.31 per cent, 16.00 per cent, 7.23 per cent and 2.45 per cent respectively in Powayan tahsil. The corresponding figures in Tilhar tahsil are 77.52 per cent, 11.00 per cent, 9.88 per cent and 1.59 per cent respectively. In Jalalabad tahsil, the respective figures have been recorded 76.63 per cent, 12.46 per cent, 9.69 per cent and 1.31 per cent. In Shahjahanpur tahsil in which lies the district headquarter, the proportion of non-migrant population is 75.17 per cent and percentage share of in-migrant, out-migrant and return-migrant population is 15.80 per cent, 7.53 per cent and 1.50 per cent respectively. As regards the male population, the Table 3.2 shows that maximum proportion (87.55 per cent) of male non-migrant population is in Tilhar tahsil and minimum (82.76 per cent) in Shahjahanpur tahsil. The respective figures for female population are 66.58 per cent and 63.33 per cent respecti\e!y in Shahjahanpur and Powayan tahsils. The lowest ratio of male non-migrants in the population of Shahjahanpur tahsil may be attributed to the highest proportion ^6 TABLE 3.2 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BY MIGRATION STATUS IN SHAHJAHANPUR DISTRICT Name of the Migration Status Tahsil Non-migrant In-migrant Out-migrant Return-migrant Male Female Total IVIale Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total (83.90)* (63.33) (74.31) (11.41) (21.28) (16.01) (2.91) (12.18) (7.23) (1.79) (3 21) (2,45) Powayan 22.44 22.36 22.41 29.31 24.56 26.17 13.90 21.94 19.52 30.19 34 72 32 6 (87.55) (65.46) (77.52) (5.35) (17.80) (11.00) (5.54) (15.11) (9.88) (1.56) (1 64) (1,60) Tilhar 26.63 25.31 26.28 15.80 22.49 20.21 30.48 29.79 30.00 30.19 19 44 24,00 (86.86) (64.51) (76.53) (5.96) (20.03) (12.46) (6.23) (13.72) (9.69) (0.95) (1 74) (1-31) Jalalabad 19.18 18.52 18.92 12.64 18.79 16.70 24.60 20.10 21.45 13.21 15 28 14 40 (82.76) (66.58) (75.17) (11.57) (20.59) (15.80) (4.57) (10.87) (7.53) (1.10) (1.96) (1,51) Shahjahanpur 31.45 33.82 32.39 42.24 34.17 36.91 31.02 28.18 29.03 26.42 30 56 2880 (85.04) (65.16) (75.83) (8.85) (19.94) (14.00) (4.76) (12.77) (8.47) (1.35) (2,12) (1 71) All 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100,00 100,00 100 00 Number 10026 6627 16653 1044 2028 3072 561 1299 1860 159 2-6 375 •Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the total population under the horizontal column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 37 ~rr '^ CO o. m UJ O o- oa CO O LL — •N.-O J--0- •fa I 58 (11.57 per cent) of male in-migrants in the total male population of the tahsil where people migrated in a great number attracted by civic and infrastructural facilities, Ordnance Clothing Factory, and many other rice, sugar and oil mills established in Shahjahanpur city. The highest ratio of female non- migrants in Shahjahanpur tahsil is due to the lowest ratio (10.87 per cent) of female out- migrants in the total population of the tahsil caused by large size of urban population in which marriages are generally held within the city without crossing migration defining boundaries. The maximum percentage of male and female out- migrant population is in the population of Jalalabad tahsil. Their share in the total population accounts 6.23 per cent and 13.72 per cent respectively. The highest proportion of male and female in-migrant population has been recorded 11.41 per cent and 21.28 per cent respectively in Powayan tahsil, while the lowest figures have been computed 5.35 per cent and 17.80 per cent respectively in Tilhar tahsil. The proportion of male and female return-migrant population is maximum in the total population of Powayan tahsil. It accounts 1.80 per cent for male and 3.21 per cent for female population. The minimum share of the respective population has been recorded 0.95 per cent for males in Jalalabad tahsil and 1.64 per cent for females in Tilhar tahsil. The further analysis of the data given in Table 3.2 shows that out of the total surveyed non-migrant population in the district, nearly, oae-third (32.39 per cent) is in Shahjahanpur tahsil, followed by Tilhar (26.28 per cent), Powayan (22.41 per cent), and Jalalabad (18.92 per cent). The Shahjahanpur tahsil also has the maximum share of in-migrant population. It accounts 36.91 per cent of the total in-migrant population in the district, followed by Powayan 26.17 per cent, Tilhar 20.21 per cent and Jalalabad 16.70 per cent. The share of various tahsils in total out-migrant population in descending order is 30.00 per cent, 29.03 per cent, 21.45 per cent and 19.51 per cent respectively for Tilhar, Shahjahanpur, Jalalabad and Powayan tahsils. Powayan tahsil has the highest share (32.80 per cent) in the total return- migrant population 59 of the district, while the percentage shares of Shahjahanpur, Tilhar and Jalalabad tahsils have been recorded 28.80 per cent, 24.00 per cent and 14.40 per cent respectively. The tahsilwise sex-composition of migrant and non- migrant population has been given in Table 3.3. The striking fact revealed by the Table 3.3 is the dominance of females among migrants and of males among non-migrants. However, return-migrant population is more masculine than the population of in-migrants and out-migrants in all the tahsils, except, Shahjahanpur tahsil where it is at par with the in-migrant population. The females account for 66.02 per cent, 69.84 per cent and 57.60 per cent of the total in-migrant, out-migrant and return-migrant populations of the district respectively. It indicates that out-migration from the district is more feminine than in-migration to the district. But among non-migrants the ratio of females is 39.79 per cent. This low ratio may be attributed to female-selectivity of marriage migration due to practice of exogamy in the region. In the non-migrant population, Tilhar tahsil had the highest percentage of males (61.69 per cent) while the lowest (58.45 per cent) was in Shahjahanpur tahsil, see Table 3.3. The female percentages were obviously 38.31 and 41.55 respectively. Shahjahanpur had also the dubious distinction of having the highest male ratio (38.9 per cent) and consequently the lowest female ratio (61.11 per cent) among the in-migrants. On the other hand Jalalabad tahsil had the lowest proportion of males and the highest ratio of females among its in-migrants in the district: the percentages being 25.73 and 74.27 respectively. In respect of out-migrant population, the Table 3.3 shows that the ratio of males was highest (34.59 per cent) in Jalalabad tahsil, followed by Shahjahanpur (32.22 per cent), tilhar (30.65 per cent) and Powayan (21.49 per cent). The female percentages were naturally the reverse of it. 60 TABLE 3.3 TAHSILWISE SEX-DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BY MIGRATION STATUS Name of the Male/female Non-migrant Migration status Tahsil in-migrant Out-migrant Return-migrant Male 60.29 38.06 21.49 39.02 Powayan Female 39.71 61.94 78.51 60.98 Total 100.0 100.00 100.00 100.00 Male 61.69 26.57 30.65 53.33 Tilhar Female 38.31 73.43 69.35 46.67 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Male 61.05 25.73 34.59 38.89 Jalalabad Female 38.95 74.27 65.41 61.11 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Male 58.45 38.89 32.22 38.89 Shahjahanpur Female 41.55 61.11 67.78 61.11 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100,00 Male 60.21 33.98 30.16 42.40 All Female 39.79 66.02 69.84 57.60 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 61 hi O iNWOiw-xno < iHVUaiW- HI 0-, UJ > < i.NVH9IW-N0N uto o- 39VlN33U3d ^i—"s. \. o s > ,.^:^I^S° CO o z /-•v -^•01 y 5 C/) •y cr -J t_ 3 3 =CO 9o- H<- O Q, •- CC o to hs z CL o_ 2= 2 !^ The lowest percentage of males in the out-migrant population of the Powayan tahsil in the district may have been due to the better prospects of jobs available to the agricultural labourers in the northern 'tarai' region of the tahsil, where Sikhs are doing intensive cultivation of rice and sugarcane in which a number of male hands are needed. The relatively high proportion of males in the out-migrating population of Jalalabad tahsil may be attributed to the low productivity of agricultural land and the devastation made by Ramganga and Bahgul rivers due to floods and frequent changes in their courses. The people also migrated out in a great number in Tilhar tahsil in search of jobs due to high man- land ratio in the tahsil. The close second position of Shahjahanpur is most likely due to the highest ratio of urban population in the tahsil. The native construction workers, rickshaw-pullers, fruit-sellers and other types of labourers migrated out in a great number from Shahjahanpur city due to prevailing unemployment and low wages caused by heavy influx of migrants from the rural areas in the city. A number of city dwellers also migrated out for getting higher education and government jobs. Jalalabad tahsil recorded the lowest ratio (65.41%) of female out-migrants in the district. The highest percent of females in the out-migrant population has been identified in Powayan tahsil. Here the females constituted 78.51 per cent of the out-migrant population of the tahsil. Similarly, females have a preponderance over males in the return-migrant population of all the tahsils except Tilhar tahsil where males exceed females. Percent distribution of in-migrant population in various migration-streams categorized on the basis of settlement status of places of origin and destination of migrants, is given in Table 3.4. The table also provides data about the sex -composition of migrants in various migration-streams. It may be seen from the data given in Table 3.4 that the proportion of rural to rural migration-stream is comparatively greater than other migration-streams in TABLE 3.4 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF IN-MIGRANT POPULATION BY COMMUNITY OF ORIGIN AND DESTINATION Type of NameoftheTahsil All migration Powayan Tilhar Jalalabad Shahjahanpur Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total Rural to 68.57 74.23 72.02 44.64 64.94 59.52 29.27 71.65 61.31 30.87 46.67 40.37 44.16 6233 56.08 Rural (37.31)' (62.69) (100.00) (20.00) (80.00) (100.00) (11.65) (88.35) (100.00) (30.46) (6954) (100. oo; (27.10) (72 90) 100,00) Rural to 19.05 8.59 12.69 48.21 17.53 25.71 65.85 21.26 32.14 46.31 28.44 35.56 4074 19.73 2696 Urtian (58.82) (41.18) (100.00) (50.00) (50.00) (100.00) (50.00) (50.00) (100.00) (51.88) (48 12) (100.00 (52.00) (48,00) 100,00) Urban to 11.43 14.72 13.43 5.36 9.09 8.10 2.44 1.57 1.79 22.82 2222 22.46 14.25 13.45 13.73 Urban (33.33) (66.67) (100.00) (17.65) (82.35) (100 00) (3333) (66.67) (100.00) (4048) (59 52) (100 00 (3571) (64,29) 100 00) Urban to 0.95 2.45 1.87 1 79 8.44 6.67 2.44 5.51 4.76 267 1 60 085 4 48 3,24 Rural (20.80) (80.00) (100.00) (7.14) (92.86) (100 00) (12.50) (87.50) (100 OO) - (100 00) (100 00 (910) (90 90) 100 00) 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100 00 100.00 100 00 100 00 (100 00 Total (38.06) (61.94) (100.00) (26.57) (73 43) (100 00) (2573) (74.27) (100 00) (38 89) (6111) (100 00 (33 98) (66 02) 100 00) •Figures in parentheses show the sex-composition of a migration-stream in a tahsil in percent Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 64 65 the total volume of migration in the district, whereas, it is the least in urban to rural migration-stream. The highest proportion of rural to rural migration-stream has been recorded in Powayan tahsil where it constituted 72.01 per cent of the total migration in the tahsil. On the other hand, this stream had the lowest proportion and accounted for 40.37 per cent in Shahjahanpur tahsil. Thousands of Sikh migrated from rural areas of Punjab to Powayan tahsil to acquire cheap agriculture land. Intensive cultivation practiced by the Sikhs in the tahsil attracted agricultural labourers in a great number from other parts of the district as well as from adjoining districts. In addition, agricultural labourers from Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh also migrated to the tahsil to work in agriculture farms of the Sikhs who paid them comparatively higher wages. It increased the volume of rural to rural migration- stream in Powayan tahsil as compared to other tahsils of the district. The lowest percentage volume of rural to rural migration-stream in the migrant population of Shahjahanpur tahsil may have been due to high ratio of rural to urban, and urban to urban migration-streams in the tahsil caused by location of district headquarter in the tahsil. Rural to urban migration-stream has been most vigorous in Shahjahanpur tahsil and accounted for 35.56 per cent. Next in descending order come the tahsils of Jalalabad (32.14%), Tilhar (25.71%) and Powayan (12.69%). This has been the general position, but in respect of differentials, the stream of males was strongest in Jalalabad tahsil being 65.85 per cent. While the respective ratios in Tilhar, Shahjahanpur and Powayan tahsils were 48.21.46.31 and 19.04 per cent. The female rural to urban migration-stream has never been as vigorous. The highest percentage was of 28.44 in Shahjahanpur tahsil. The corresponding figures were 21.26, 17.53 and 8.59 per cent in Jalalabad, Tilhar and Powayan tahsils respectively. The proportion of urban to urban migration-stream is the highesi in the migrant population of Shahjahanpur tahsil and lowest in Jalalabad tahsil. It 66 accounts for 22.46 per cent in Shahjahanpur tahsil and 1.79 per cent in Jalalabad tahsil. Urban/rural migration-stream is highly female dominated. This is mainly due to marriages of females from urban areas to rural spouses. The percentage volume of urban to rural migration-stream is highest (6.67 per cent) in the total migrant population of Tilhar tahsil and lowest (1.60 per cent) in Shahjahanpur tahsil. The corresponding ratios in Jalalabad and Powayan tahsils have been recorded 4.76 and 1.87 per cent respectively. The further analysis of data in Table 3.4 reveals the fact that in all migration-streams there is a preponderance of females over males except in rural to urban migration-stream in which the ratio of males exceeds that of females. However, the ratio of females has been highest in urban to rural migration-stream. Percent distribution of in-migrant population categorized on the basis of 'migration defining boundaries' crossed at the time of migration is given in Table 3.5. The Table also provides tahsilwise data about the sex-composition of migrant population in various migration-streams. The data contained in Table 3.5 shows that the volume of migration within the district across block boundaries and from other districts of Uttar Pradesh is approximately nine times greater than the migration from other states of India to the district; and the proportion of intradistrict migration is distinctly higher than the migration from other districts of Uttar Pradesh. This general pattern of migration has been also recorded in all the tahsils of the district except of Jalalabad tahsil in which the reverse trend has been observed. It may have been due to the geographical isolation of Jalalabad tahsil by rivers from other tahsils of the district, and in-migration of people in a great number from Farrukhabad and Budaun districts in the tahsil, uprooted by floods and frequent meanderings in the valley of the Ganga river towards certain parts of Farrukhabad district. 67 o o S" S" o o" o CB o o o o CO O CD CD Q i~-- CO o d 1 O O LU F < o> o o o (n — "—' ^ ^ , o , , w •* CJ> T— en CM •s (^ •«f o O CD o CO CO CO 1^ CO a: •* t o o 1 2- 5S- !£• to < n— yr- o UJ CD co' 55" •««• CD £" 00 CM T— CO O m cr> o CO a: lO CO o ^ •*' cci o 1 "T CO I- CO, ^ CO < ' Q ^_^ ^ ^ , O O CO o o o o C3 CM CM o o o CM d CD z CJ> pi d d 1 O o F o ^^ o o o m ^^ '— 3 O. c CM" lO" o o m CD' CO CJ> CO o CD m CO d CC) o lO z co_ o CD, z 0) 1 J, W __^ ^ ^ u. o CD ?• CM CO o CO o C31 LU ^ <^ o CO 00 00 d 00 CO ao CO C3> o> T— o CO Q 2 •0- 'T CO, lO CO c ^^ o" CO o" o o" < co CO CD O 2 q CO so o .o CO d CM d o d d F o o t— o o o a: c o —• ^^ — —' 0) T> o CO o" o Sz XI CM" to" o o cu CO CO CM n CO CM CO a. U) CD d CM tti >- o JO CO CM o CO °^E ra 1 CO r~ o UJ z < ^^ ^^ o ^-^ SI CO oo CO CM CO CD _l C^O CO o t^ sz •s CO r-- d CQ i2 CO •*' CO •^ ' ' o vn i=^ •«r lO CM CM < (I> i < ? x: c J- ,^ o F ?5 CO o o o o o m Q. o CM o o o o CO Cl) E o CD d CO d d d O CD F1 CO o o CC3 o o o en 2 '— *— ^^ cr a. ^ ^ ^ ^ o CO o CO o o o mk_ C»_D ^— o CO o o 1- CD ^ O) d < cci in CO o CO a. P 1 •<»• t^ • —T- -TT" Vi o < UJ > ^^^ < •'-• \ •90000tft < r> ^^ ( ^§^^^ V- ,.-\..^'S/"^-' CO rSj ^r 6 r r ^^^ ^6 666^ ./ } >• ^^^ m xr <; _/ o z >• ^"i tr o cc o H- o y UJ I— Q 0. < CC u ^^^ ID •>/•' v> ^ (—I—I—1—I—I— o txJ Q. 0. • o o o 00 o_ o U> U1 >» to CM —'-' 2 I- J < z z < I. X < »— < tr "•-•V-7 —> U) X f < I Q X CO z 69 The highest proportion of migrants from other states of India (interstate migration) is in the total migrant population of Powayan tahsil, while the lowest ratio is in Jalalabad tahsil. Long-distance migration constitutes 19.93 per cent of the total volume of migration in Powayan tahsil* The corresponding figures in Tilhar, Shahjahanpur and Jalalabad tahsils have been recorded 8.65,7.22 and 2.34 per cent respectively. Jalalabad tahsil has the highest percentage volume of migration fi-om other districts of Uttar Pradesh to the district (interdistrict migration) in its total migrant population, and it is the lowest in Powayan tahsil. The ratio of respective migration has been recorded 52.66 per cent in Jalalabad tahsil and 35.93 per cent in Powayan tahsil. The ratio of migrants who migrated within the district across block boundaries (intradisrtict migration) has been found maximum in the migrant population of Shahjahanpur tahsil and the minimum in Powayan tahsil. It accounts for 49.20% and 35.93% of the total in-migrant population of Shahjahanpur and Powayan tahsils respectively. The Table 3.5 also shows female predominance over males in various types of migration-streams except Tilhar and Shahjahanpur tahsils in which males outnumber females in the long-distance migration-stream. Though, the total of long-distance migration to the district is dominated by females but their ratio is much less than their proportion in the migration within the district and from other districts of Uttar Pradesh to Shahjahanpur district. Table 3.6 provides data about the tahsilwise percent distribution of out-migrant population in various migration-streams categorized on the basis of the settlement status of migrants at their places of origin and destination. The sex-composition of population in the migration-streams has been also given in the table. The ratio of total long distance migrants in Powayan tahsil] to the total long-distance migrants in the district as a whole works out to be 52.48 per cent. o o o o Q O) o in m Z CM o CO CO < in o to 00 ^ S. z (D CO CO o CO OH o o CO IT) •^ o o 06 O CM f- in (O CO u. CM O O o s § CO O >- q o in o o s i Csl CO en 0 w o CO o c en CO o o d 0a ) 00 CM m CO i= <£) 11) 1- 0^ - n x: 3 L Z) 0 (D O o C ra U- 00 T- o o () X>J^ 0 CM (O CO in (fl i s U n>i . z Q- > 3 0 t0 CO 00 o o o 0 1- q o r- o o <(U« O) 3 u n ra O) 9. en 1- 3 3 •e u. 0 Q: a Q: 13 3 Q: « CO 72 An analysis of the data given in Table 3.6 reveals that the volume of rural to rural migration-stream has been greater than other migration-streams in the total migration of all the tahsils excluding Shahjahanpur tahsil where the urban to urban migration (35.75 per cent) has been slightly higher than rural to rural migration (35.20 per cent). Male migrants have been dominant in rural to urban migration in Tilhar (67.86 per cent) and Jalalabad (59.57 per cent), while in Shahjahanpur and Powayan tahsils they have accounted for highest percentages (40.98 and 37.50 respectively) in urban to urban migration. However, the ratio of female migrants In their total population has been highest in rural to rural migration in all the tahsils of the district. The urban/rural migration-stream has been much smaller than other migration-streams. It has accounted for only 2.77 per cent of the total migration in the district. The stream has been distinctly more masculine. Males accounted for 3.29% against 1.59% females. However, there has been considerable variation in sex differentials among the various tahsils. Powayan and Jalalabad have been unique for having urban/rural migration consisting exclusively of females. A striking feature, as revealed by Table 3.6, is that females predominated in the three migration-streams of rural/rural, urban /rural, and urban/urban whereas it was only in the rural/urban migration that the males outnumbered females except in tahsil Powayan where again females were found to exceed males. Tilhar tahsil also provided a partial exception as there the sex-ratio in urban/urban migration was almost equal. The highest sex-ratio in favour of males in rural/ urban migration has been recorded in Tilhar and Jalalabad tahsils with percentages of 69.10 and 63.64 respectively. The prevailing unemployment, low wages and low productivity in these tahsils is the main cause of this male dominance. Such economic motivated migrations under pull force are almost invariably male selective. Tahsilwise percent distribution of out-migrants categorized on the basis of migration defining boundaries is given in Table 3.7. Sex-composition figures of out-migrants in various migration-streams have also been set out in the table. An analysis of the data in Table 3.7 contradicts the general principle that the volume of migration in lower order defining boundaries is to be greater than in higher order defining boundaries. The volume of out-migration from the district to other districts of Uttar Pradesh has been higher than the intradistrict migrations across block-boundaries in all the tahsils of the district. The only exceptions have of female out-migration from Jalalabad, and both male and female out-migration from Shahjahanpur in which the reverse trend has been found. The volume of migration categorized on the basis of defining boundaries is highly influenced by the size, shape of the area and the nature of its boundaries with other administrative units. Shahjahanpur district makes a contiguous boundary with the districts of Farrukhabad, Budaun, Bareilly, Pilibhit and Kheri districts. Thus in many a case interdistrict crossings involved much smaller distances than the intradistrict crossings. And as the distance is generally inversely related with volume of migration, the interdistrict migrants out number the intradisctrict one in Shahjahanpur. Moreover, the practice of village exogamy and consideration of directions in marriages among Hindus, also tends to augment the volume of interdistrict migration over inter-block migration within the district. However, the volume of out-migration from the district to states beyond Uttar Pradesh has been much lesser than both the intra-district and the interdistrict migrations. It would be seen from the Table 3.7 that females predominate over males in intradistrict and interdistrict out-migration; but the migration to states outside of Uttar Pradesh has been dominated by males. However, within the state the females have been more prominent in intradistrict migrations whereas their number has been following a downward trend in inter-district movements. In specific stafistical figures males accounted for 24.21%, 27.55% and 72.46% respectively of the outmigrants under intradistrict, interdistrict and interstate migration-streams 74 o" o o o o 00 o o CM o o o 3 CO q CM d o CD d d o n o o ^ o o o o "— o o CD^ IT) IC5^ ^^ , , If) o 00 CO d UJ iri Q CM oi < CM o 1 (£) o o r~- T— at •o- £• o CVJ T~ l55O " •>t S" r-- o d —' •«1- csi CO csi o o < 1 C^O CM •* (C^M CM r- CO Q ' ' o O o^_ ^ o o^^ Z CO o CO o o o CO o o 3 2 o ci d d d ^ o \6 o CO o o o o in (O 3 m ca . o IS lO 55" CO o c CO d o (0 lb CO cd CO o la CO. CO CD_ C CD (0 1 z CO 1^ o CM CO •<* m 00 o OJ >n 00 00 CO CO CM z d o c\i CO CO CO o CM Li. 1 « CO CO CO CM . (O CO UJ •* ^^ ' a o" o" o o" 1^ CM O CD so o o o z 5 <6 c> d d d O o o r-^ o o o g •« ? •fl- 5 G £ .!5 w 0) £ CO ^^ CJ^_>^ o ^^r— >- ^ (0 r- (O n o CO ^CJ—> o o 03 £ o o d ni d cd o If) CO o n • while the corresponding figures have been 75.79 per cent, 72.45 per cent and 27.54 per cent for females. Table 3.8 contains data about tahsilwise distribution of in-migrants classified according to socio-economic determinants of migration of members of principal religious group. As can be seen in the Table 3.8, migration of Sikhs has been distinctly more economic motivated than that of either Hindus or Muslims. Similarly Muslim migration has been more economic motivated than the Hindu migration. The highest percentage of Sikh migrants under the social and economic categories has been in Powayan Tahsil, while the highest percentages for Muslims and Hmdus have been recorded in Shahjahanpur tahsil. Jalalabad tahsil presented a notable exception for having not a single Sikh migrant. It may have been due to comparatively low productivity of agricultural land in the tahsil. The share of Shahjahanpur tahsil has been the highest and that of Jalalabad the least in total of economic and social migrations in the district. 39.24 per cent of economic migration has been recorded in Shahjahanpur tahsil, and it has been only 10.13 per cent in Jalalabad tahsil. The corresponding figures for social migration have been recorded 36.33 per cent and 17.99 per cent respectively. A further analysis of Table 3.8 makes it evident that Sikh migration to Powayan tahsil is mainly for economic motivations, while the migration of Hindu and Muslim population is mainly due to social factors. The Sikh migrants constitute 46.55 per cent of economic motivated migration to the tahsil and their ratio in social migration has been recorded only 17.00 per cent. The ratio of Hindu and Muslim migrants in economic motivated migration is 39.66 per cent and 13.79 per cent respectively, and the corresponding figures in social migration are 60.19 per cent and 22.81 per cent respectively. Muslim migrants have the maximum proportion in the economic migration in Shahjahanpur and Tilhar tahsils, and in social migration the maximum ratio is ^\ -\i-- TABLE 3.8 TAHSILWISE PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF IN-MIGRANT POPULATION BY SOCIO-ECONOMIC DETERMINANTS OF MIGRATION BASED ON RELIGION Name of the Type of migration Tahsil Economic Social Hindu Muslim Sikh Total Hindu Muslim Sikh Total 35.94 14.29 71.05 36.71 20.77 21.76 81.4C 24.07 Powayan (39.66)* (13.79) (46.55) (100.00) (60.19) (22.81) (17.0C) (100.00) 3.13 19.64 23.68 13.92 23.12 19.91 9.30 21.61 Tilhar (9.10) (50.00) (40.90) (100.00) (74.60) (23.24) (2.16. (100.00) 20.31 5.36 10.13 24.29 4 17 17,99 Jalalabad (81.25) (18.75) _ (100.00) (94.16) (5.84) _ (100.00) 40.63 60.71 5.26 39.24 31.83 54.17 9.30 36.33 Shahjahanpur (41.93) (54.84) (3.23) (100.00) (61.10) (37 62) (1.28) (100.00) 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100 00 100.00 100,00 All (40.51) (35.44) (24.05) (100.00) (69.74) (25.23) (5.03) (100.00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages of a type of migration in horizontal column Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 78 of Hindu migrants. In Jalalabad tahsil, the Hindu migrants have the greater share than the Muslim migrants both in economic and social migration. Notwithstanding, the Hindu migrant population has the maximum share m the total of economic and social migration in the district in comparison to the proportion of Muslim and Sikh migrant population. It has been due to the comparatively higher ratio of Hindus in the general population of the district. According to 1991 census, the Hindus constitute 79.98 per cent of the totaj general population of the district. However, the share of Hindu migrant population in social migration has been recorded higher than their ratio in economic migration. The reverse trend is true for the Sikh and Muslim migrant population. Table 3.9 presents data on tahsilwise percent distribution of out-migrants by their socio-economic causes of migration categorized on the basis of their religion. As can be seen in the Table 3.9 that Tilhar tahsil has the maximum share (38.61 per cent) in the total of economic out-migration in the district, and in social migration the highest share (30.06 per cent) has been of Shahjahanpur tahsil. The ratio of Hindu and Muslim migrant population is 84.16 per cent and 15.84 per cent respectively in the total economic migration in the district, and the percentage share of Hindu, Muslim and Sikh population in the total of social migration is 79.00, 19.46 and 1.54 per cent respectively. However, not a single migrant in Sikh population has been identified as an economic motivated out-migrant in the district. The highest ratio of Hindu migrants in their total economic migration is 43.53 per cent in Tilhar tahsil and among Muslims the respective figure has been recorded 56.25 per cent in Shahjahanpur tahsil. Almost, the same trend has been observed for social migration but the ratio has substantially changed. The maximum proportion of Muslims is 70.30 per cent in Shahjahanpur tahsil and of Hindus 34.63 per cent in Tilhar tahsil. Hundred percent out-migration of Sikh population caused by social factors has been recorded only in Powayan tahsil. 79 TABLE 3.9 TAHSILWISE PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF OUT-MIGRANT POPULATION BY SOCIO-ECONOMIC DETERMINANTS OF MIGRATION BASED ON RELIGION Name of the Type of migration Tahsil Economic Social Hindu Muslim Sikh Total Hindu Muslim Sikh Total 5.88 25.00 - 8.91 20.00 16.83 100.00 20.62 Powayan (55.56)* (44.44) (100.00) (76.63) (15.89) (7.4f) (100.00) 43.53 12.50 - 38.61 34.63 6.93 - 28.71 Tilhar (94.87) (5.13) (100.00) (95.30) (4.70) (100.00) 31.76 6.25 - 27.72 24.63 5.94 - 20.62 Jalalabad (96.43) (3.57) (100.00) (94.39) (5.61) (100.00) 18.82 56.25 - 24.75 20.73 70.30 - 30.06 Shahjahanpur (64.00) (36.00) (100.00) (54.49) (45.51) (100.00) 100.00 100.00 - 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100 00 All (84.16) (15.81) (100.00) (79.00) (19.46) (1.54) (100 00) * Figures in parentheses show the percentages of a type of migration in a horizontal column Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 80 However, it constitutes only 1.54 per cent of the total social migration in the district. Table 3.10 presents tahsilwise percent distribution of educational-status of migrant and non-migrant population. The Table 3.10 shows that in the district as a whole the literacy is highest among the return-migrants and lowest among the non-migrants and in-migrants. Though the range is not very large yet it is quite substantial being about 10 per cent points. The variation among the tahsils is relatively more marked and the distribution trend is also a little different. Nevertheless, generally the non-migrants have a lower literacy than that among the migrants and the return-migrants. Tilhar is the only exception, as there the literacy among non-migrants is higher than among the migrants (both in and out) and is almost equal to that among the return-migrants. Almost the same trend exists amongst the males and females. Both among males and females the highest literacy is among the out-migrants being 52.66% and 26.91% respectively. Similarly the lowest literacy in both the cases is among the non-migrants, the respective percentage being 37.6 and 18.53. Evidently the range amongst the males is substantially larger (15% points) than amongst the females (8.4% points). The trend of distribution among various tahsils of male and female literacy is practically the same as that noted in case of general population. Noticeable exceptions, of course, has been those of Tilhar tahsil which has the dubious distinction of having the lowest female literacy in the district and that too among the return-migrants. The detailed differential data is set out in Table 3.10. Percent distribution of main-workers, marginal-workers and non-workers by migration-status in various tahsils of the district is given in Table 3.11. An examination of data given in Table 3.11 reveals the general fact that in all types of population the ratio of non-workers among females is much higher than among males. The highest proportion of marginal-workers is among return-migrants in all the tahsils except Jalalabad where no person has been O o o o o in O CO N- o CD o o O o CM 00 o ro 00 CO CD in o O 00 CO to o o o o O CO CO o in •^ o o o o o CD o l5 •^ in CD CO CM in in CD 00 z 1_ CD 0) O o o o o o ro O o O CO •^ o CM 00 o CD o 00 CM o F O o 00 00 CD CO O) 1 o o £ 00 CM o CM o OO CO CD o 00 o C 00 o r^' o o CD o o ay 00 CO T— CM •4—' 0) =5 o o o o o in o in o o CO o in o a. ro CNI CM CM 1^ m oo o o o o in o O 00 CO •<«• in o 00 2 CO CO o lO o CM r>- o CO CD o 00 •«— o o o o o c 00 CM o CO o 00 CM o co o 00 o o To co CO CO CO to CO CM 1^ < o o o o o o TO l5 00 o CO to o o O) o 00 o ih o 5 CO CO CO CM CD CO CD 00 a: 3 •*-t a. o a) o o o o o CO o a> o to o X— CJ) o CJ) o a ro CO CO CM N- 00 CM CD c E o o o o o o CM 00 oo o CM o CO CD O ro (U identified as a marginal worker both in male and female return-migrant population. The percentage of male main-workers in non-migrant population is the highest (54.49 per cent) in Jalalabad tahsil and the lowest (46.23 per cent) in Shahjahanpur tahsil. It may be attributed to the low socio-economic development in Jalalabad tahsil where proportion of working-population is high in primary- activities in comparison to other tahsils, and high ratio urban population in Shahjahanpur tahsil. In urban areas the head of households use to do economic-activities while other members are mostly dependent on them. However, the highest ratio of marginal-workers in non- migrant population has been recorded in Powayan tahsil where 7.86 per cent of male population and 5.73 per cent of female population has been identified as marginal-workers who engaged themselves in an economic-activity for less than 183 days in a year. It may have been due to the mechanization of agriculture in the tahsil where farmers and agriculture labourers work only in sowing and harvesting seasons, and remain without work in agriculturally slack season. The intensive cultivation of paddy in the tahsil is done with the help of tube-well and canal irrigation. In paddy cultivation a large number of cheap labourers are required for transplanting the saplings in the muddy fields. This requirement is fiilfilled by female-workers fi-om down-trodden section of the society. These females mostly become jobless after the completion of paddy transplantation. A comparative analysis of data in Table 3.11 discloses that the proportion of main-workers both in male and female in-migrant population is higher than in non-migrant population. Main workers account for highest percentage of 71.43 per cent among male in-migrants in Tilhar tahsil which is closely followed by Shahjahanpur (70.70%), Powayan (67.31%) and Jalalabad (66.67%). Barring a few exceptions, the ratio of main-workers in out-migrant population in all the tahsils of the district is lesser than in non-migrant, in-migrant and return-migrant population. o o o o o CD N- N- o 00 CO CJ) o CD T— o r^ CM o o m in o (U O if> 0) o o o o cn 00 o o CO o 1^ o TO to o o o m in o CD CO o CO o CO CD E o (D CO o" 1 1 CO CO O 1 00 o CD CD ro O in o o o CD o ID c E (D CO o O cri o &— 00 CO o CO cn o TO LL o o o o o O o o •«1- CD CO o o o ^ o o o in o o TO O o o 00 CD CO in TO o o o o CJ o CM o od o CM o CD CO o CM CM in o cn CJ o CD CM lO TO CD CM ^— CD CN c o o TO TO o o in en o CM o o TO o CD o o TO 00 00 o ID TO 0) O o o O o CO o a CO CO o TO CO O CO •<3- CO m ro 00 o r^ CD o TO r^ o CM o CD CNl lO • 00 CD o 00 CO o CM o CO o o (U CD cn CD CD CD TO m 00 CM o CO o cn o o o 00 00 vn CM o TO o ro o CD TO CD CO ci o o CO in CO CO CD o o CO O in in o CD o CD o UJ 5 in Q. lU I— I. 1— a) 0) 0) CI) .V ^ ji: .:^ ^sl O 0} (U 0) o The proportion of marginal-workers among the male out-migrants of all the tahsils has been recorded higher than their ratio in non-migrant and in-migrant population. The share of marginal-workers in male out-migrant population ol~ Jalalabad tahsil is 31.82 per cent, and their proportion in Tilhar, Shahjahanpur and Powayan tahsil is 21.82 per cent, 19.70 per cent and 11.54 per cent respectively. A comparatively high ratio of male marginal-workers in the out-migrant population of Jalalabad and Tilhar tahsils may have been due to low productivity of land, lack of agro-based industries, irregular nature of jobs and low wages prevailing in the tahsils. The distribution of data on step-migrations by community of origin and destination and by socio-economic causes of in-migration is set out in Table 3.12. It will be seen from the Table 3.12 that in all types of migration-streams the intensity or step-migration due to economic causes is greater than those due to social causes. Social migration has been recorded only up to three steps but in economic motivated migration some migrants have moved up to four steps or more. Moreover, the Table 3.12 also reveals that the number of moves is largest in rural to rural migrations and smallest in urban to rural migrations. A notable feature indicated by the data is that in all types of migration the ratio of migrants is highest in the first step with the lonely exception of female migration caused by economic factors wherein the second step has the highest proportion (75.00 per cent). The highest ratio of female migration in the second step may have been due to economic motivated migration of Sikh population from Punjab to the district. Sikh females, in the first step, generally migrated from their parents' home to husbands' place of residence after their marriage in Punjab and, then, in the second step, they migrated to the district to acquire cheap agriculture land with their husbands. Table 3.13 gives data about percent distribution of number of movements of in-migrants based on the type of migration-defining-boundaries crossed and socio-economic causes. o o 00 C35 ~, o o O o CD 00 ^ ^ o o o o o °0^0 5~ C>O« C•O« t^ 0) o o o o o o HO CO "TO o 00 CM o o o o o W) Z o d d d ' ' ' d ^. ;: - , o E o d CO o o O o o o "TO « CO O) o o o o o o 11. TO o " •^r o 1 d S 8 s i^ § , o d d d • ' • d o O G in --^ o o o o g CO O o CO o a: UJ m o o o o o o £ 0> 1^ (-1 •rt- o o O O f-, o o o o o fe K le le 5 ? [8 g^ c d in o • • d P ° o . d d ' ' ' d o "^ « ° S o 00 ^ ^ '^ o <^ O m o o o f2 ? ^ ^ o f^ 1^ m --^ h- CM *" T— 8 (O CM "^ '^ ai O - 30 o ^ 0) 0) > > Sz JQ C > o > XI E 1 "TO E 15 ID re a: o 03 03 OJ 03 03 I- LZ i > + + + + T- CM CO •^ T- CM CO •«* .2 + •«- The data given in Table 3.13 clearly shows that the number of movements in the process of migration has been greatest among the migrants from outside of Uttar Pradesh to the district and least among the migrants, from within the district, crossing the block-boundaries. No movement has been recorded after two steps in the intradistrict migration across the block-boundaries. Generally, the first step has accounted for highest proportion of migrants in all types of migration. The only exception has however been of female migrants. In case of intradistrict migration the second step has accounted for 100% of economically motivated female migration, while in case of this type of female migration from outside of Uttar Pradesh the second step comprised highest percentage (70.0), see Table 3.13. The hundred percent intradistrict female migration in the second step has been mainly due to the fact that a number of agricultural labourers migrated from Tilhar and Shahjahanpur tahsils to the 'tarai' region of Powayan tahsil to work in Sikh farms. In this migration, most of females have been recorded in two-step migration. Firstly, they generally migrated at the time of their marriage to their husbands' place of residence and then to Sikh farms as agricultural labourers with their husbands. The percent distribution of number of movements in return-migrant population based on their socio-economic causes of migration has been given in Table 3.14. From the table it would be seen that economic migration among males is upto four steps or more but among females it is exclusively confined to the second step. However, female migration caused by social factors has been upto four steps or more while it has been only upto three steps among males. As a matter of fact, return-migration is basically a multistep process and as such there is no possibility of any one-step migration, see Table 3.14. The hundred percent economic migration of females in second step has been due to return to their parents' residence for taking possession of immovable property in the absence of any male issue of their parents."* Prior to list, they had migrated to their husbands' place at the time of marriage. O o 0 0 If? W o S O en ro 0 0 ?^, '^S. a^> CT>" 0) ^. CO , , ~ CM tD CM 0 d 0 to CO 1^ ^ LU .2 o g oj d d 0 0 W < o 0 C3 15 o « in 0 c:) o o 5 ^ , , d 0 ^ <« s , C5 < o o 0 0 rv ^ c:i o 5 " r^ eg o z o o 0 0 0 0 0 C) o E o o o 0 o LU o o o ^ «° "^ 5 !^ 0 0 in in g c d d >n r\i r- ^ 0 o to CN) ' o I § ^ ^ - 0 CO -"l- ^ "' < o g Q LU o Z c o o CO r~- 0 "5 o ? 0 0 '^ 0 C/} O ^. V r^ 00 1 1 d c» d ' d 0 o> o o 0 "^ '^ CO X- 0 00 •«- 00 •^ lo CO " '^ zS O Z 0 0 o CO r^ 00 in m 75 o 0 0 b ^ 'o ^. ^ f^ , E d d d o <3J d ' 0 CO CD _: 0 < UJ Hi o 00 -^ CD CJ ^ ^z LL o H^ o o 0 ! E o o 0 ro 0 0 0 : Z°^ o 0 CO 0 0 till c d • <^ 0 d 0 0 d o o o 1- h- <- i- o 0 CO Dig UJ CO s o UJ z CO -J o 0 0 _ w CM CT) CD _, 0 CD 15 o r; o) o o 0 CO (^ 1^ ^ ? < d ^ O) T- r-- d 0 < OQ o g tb rsi d 0 lo' en r\i _^ 0 1- W 5 "» in CM T- '^ t- UJ Z X UJ I- o 0 r- CO 0 Ui CI 15 o 0 •^1- in 0 o - 2 . . *•-! CO , , d > o d CD CO ' ' d 5 o 0 0 o a w (^ CM UJ N o u. a: o O o 0 0 o E vn in o 0 CO CO 0 „ 0 Q: O o °° "^ ^ 1^ CO CO 0 ^ UJ UJ c •<-^ 00 ' d 0° ^ 5: '^ d CO CO 0 _^ d o CO T- 0 0 o o § ^ ^ - •* CO Csl ' ' UJ 2 .2 u. a V- to E O o c rc < I- (1) 0) 03 i/> z > > > a: ^ E o 0 0 c o n o O (0 ^ TO 15 (D (- TD i > + + + 0 OJ 1- TABLE 3.14 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF NUMBER OF MOVEWIENTS IN RETURN-MIGRANT POPULATION BY SOCIO-ECONOMIC CAUSES OF MIGRATION Number of Male Female All movements Economic Social Total Economic Social Total Economic Social Total 1 2 66.66 77.42 72.73 100.00 79.69 84.15 80.95 78.95 79.56 3 16.67 22.58 20.00 - 18.75 14.63 9.52 20.00 16.79 4+above 16.67 - 7.27 - 1.56 1.22 9.52 1.05 3.65 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. Among male migrants the ratio of economic migration in the fourth step or higher (16.67%) has been the highest for both the retum-and in-migrants belonging to economic-motivation category. It has been due to their movement from place to place in search of jobs and economic stability and return to their places of origin with failure in their pursuits. In social migration the proportion of female migrants in second, third, and fourth or higher steps has been recorded 79.69 per cent, 18.75 per cent and 1.56 per cent respectively. In male migrants no person has been recorded in the fourth and above steps category, and their percentages in second and third step migration has been 77.42 and 22.58 per cent respectively. It is most probably reflective of the migration of males for higher education and for government jobs. Some of them would return on failing to secure a suitable job after completion of their education while others who would succeed in their search for job might return after retirement. The return-migration of females upto fourth step caused by social factors may have been due to their accompaniment with their retired husbands, or divorce, or death of their husbands. Table 3.15 gives percent distribution of in-migrants by distance and socio- economic causes. It will be seen from the table that the economic motivated migration of both males and females has been over much longer distances than that caused by social factors. Barring a few exceptions, the male population migrated from longer distances in comparison to female population. Percent distribution of in-migrants by distance, educational-status and causes of migration is given in Table 3.16 which shows that illiterate migrants have come from longer-distances than the literate ones both in social and economic motivated migration. The distances co\crcd by migrants ha\'ing low level of literacy are also longer than the migrants of high level of literacy. However, the ratio of level of literacy has increased with the distance from 101 to 500 km. Though this trend holds good for both the socially and economically motivated migrations, the proportion of migrants educated upto high school and 92 TABLE 3.15 PERCENT DrSTRIBUTION OF IN-MIGRANTS BY DISTANCE MOVED AND CAUSES OF MIGRATION Distance Causes of migration (in Km) Male Female All Social Economic Total Social Economic Total Social Economic Total upto 10 19.31 11.81 16.18 10.82 7.69 10.76 12.82 11.47 12.61 11 25 26.24 25.69 26,01 29.72 7.69 29.30 28.90 24.20 28.18 26 50 27.72 22.22 25.43 29.27 - 28.70 28.90 20.38 27.59 51 100 13.86 15.28 14.45 16.00 - 15.70 15.50 14.01 15.27 101 200 3.96 6.94 5.20 4.88 7.69 4.93 4.66 7.01 5.02 201 500 2.97 4.86 3.76 3.96 30.77 4.48 3.73 7.01 4.24 501 1000 3.96 11.11 6.94 4.73 46.16 5.53 4.55 14.01 6.01 1001 - 1500 - 1.39 0.58 0.31 - 0.30 0.24 1.27 0.39 1501 + above 1.98 0.70 1.45 0.31 - 0.30 0.70 0.64 0.69 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. fl) > 93 o o +03 o CM o CO o in i 1 1 d 111 CO CO iri CD o CO CM > LU CO o _l CNJ m CM oo CD o CO o CO CO CO on d JL •^ h- o t^' •«i- r^' ^r o < < CO a: 0) o Hi CO o m 00 en o •o CO O) 00 CD m 1 T3 CD iri CD d 5 00 d o CM CM iri (0 LU eg o ^— 00 o 03 CD 00 00 O) o o X CM in CD oo Oi (U 00 d CO O CO CM CO CM in o o o Z ... o Q + o O o O o o o o O o O o LU in in 1 1 • d N ui d d iri o OH CO CM CM O c o O o lU CO CD o CO m CO 00 en 1 1 d X d 00 o o g E "TO CM T— o o o (D 00 00 o w CO 00 00 >2 •D CD o (A 5- 00 CO 5 1 1 o o CO CJ) d CD tri CO "(r o ss 01 2 CM CM III li. O UJ O O _l -2 o co CM CM CM "TO 1^ CO 00 o o m above it is relatively less in the latter. Percent distribution of distance moved by return-migrant population is given in Table 3.17. It would be seen from the data that ratio of males is much higher than females in long-distance return-migrants whereas in short-distance migration the trend gets reversed. Upto 100 km the proportion of female migrants in their total population is 80.24 per cent, and the corresponding figure for male population is only 57.90 per cent. For distances above 100 km the proportion of males exceeds that of females as the respective proportions become 42.10 per cent and 19.76 percent. Table 3.18 gives distribution of in-migrants to Shahjahanpur district from outside of Uttar Pradesh by sex- composition. It can be seen from the Table 3.18 that Punjab is, by far, the greatest supplier of migrants. Migrants from this state constitute no less than 68.32 per cent of the total migrants from outside of Uttar Pradesh. Other states from where migrants have come in notable numbers (i.e., more than 2.0%) are Bihar 13.20 per cent, Madhya Pradesh and Haryana 3.63 per cent each. West Bengal 2.97 per cent, and Union Territory of Delhi 2.64 per cent. Migrants from only two states, namely, Punjab and West Bengal have been male dominated with 57.00 and 55.56 per cent males in the respective total migrants from these states. On the contrary females have dominated migrants from Rajasthan, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana and Union Territory of Delhi accounting for percentages ranging from 80.00 to 62.5, see Table 3.18. The males and females have shared almost equally from Himachal Pradesh whereas not a single male migrant has been received from Gujarat £ind Orissa. Distribution of out-migrant population and its sex-composition from Shahjahanpur district to the states of India beyond Uttar Pradesh is given in Table 3.19. 9S TABLE 3.17 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF RETURN-MIGRANT POPULATION BY DISTANCE CATEGORY Distance (in Km) Male Female Total upto - 10 10.53 9.88 10.15 11 - 25 14.04 25.92 21.01 26 - 50 17.54 25.92 22.46 51 - 100 15.79 18.52 17.39 101 - 200 17.54 7.41 11 59 201 - 500 14.04 8.64 1087 501 - 1000 3.51 2.47 2.90 1001 - 1500 1.75 - 073 1501 + above 5.26 1.24 290 Total 100.00 100.00 100 00 Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by auttior. TABLE 3.18 DISTRIBUTION OF IN-MIGRANTS WHO MIGRATED FROM STATES OF INDIA BEYOND UTTAR PRADESH TO THE DISTRICT State of origin Number Sex-ratio in percent Percent to mi grants from states beyond U.P. Male Female Total Male Female Bitiar 40 22.50 77.50 13.20 6.12 19.87 Gujarat 3 - 100.00 0.99 - 1.92 Haryana 11 36.36 63.64 3.63 2.72 4.49 Himachal Pradesh 4 50.00 50.00 1.32 1.36 1.28 Madhya Pradesh 11 27.27 72.73 3.63 2.04 5.13 Maharashtra 3 66.67 33.33 0.99 1.36 0.64 Orissa 2 - 100.00 0.66 - 1.28 Punjab 207 57.00 43.00 68.32 80.27 57.05 Rajasthan 5 20.00 80.00 1.65 0.68 2.56 West Bengal 9 55.56 44.44 2.97 3.40 2.56 Union Tenitory Delhi 8 37.50 62.50 2.64 2.04 3.21 All 303 48.51 51.49 100,00 100.00 100,00 Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 97 The bulk of out-migrants, as could be seen from the Table 3.19, has gone to the Union Territory of Delhi. Specifically speaking, no less than 36.72 per cent of the total out-migrants from the district settled in the Union Territory. Thev mainly consist of unemployed, under-employed and disguised-employed labourers from both the rural and urban areas of Tilhar, Jalalabad and Shahjahanpur tahsils. They have gone to Delhi to work either as tailors in the factories making readymade garments for export, or to join construction projects as workers. Besides, some students have also migrated to Delhi for higher education. Next to Delhi come Maharashtra and Punjab receiving respectively 14.98 and 11.11 per cent of the total interstate migrants from Shahjahanpur district. They generally moved to Maharashtra to work as labourers in cotton textile industries, hotels, and other industries in Mumbai. Some of the Muslims migrated either to establish or work in hair cutting saloons as they thought it to be much more lucrative in Mumbai than in their home district. Besides, some teenagers have also migrated to Mumbai as recruited labourers by the earlier migrants or they have gone there under tlie craze of joining the glamorous world of the film industry. On the other hand those who migrated to Punjab, have mostly engaged themselves in engineering industries producing agricultural implements, parts of bicycles, and other light engineering goods in Ludhiana district. Gujarat stands fourth among the recipient states with a share of 6.76 per cent. Most of them are working in cotton-textile industries, bakeries, transportation etc. in Ahmadabad city. The proportion of migrants to West Bengal and Haryana is 5.31 per cent each, while it is 4.35 per cent each to Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. Males have been dominant among the migrants to all the states cxcepi Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan whereto females have dominated. The ratio of male migrants has ranged from about 84 per cent in Delhi 98 TABLE 3.19 DISTRIBUTION OF OUT-MIGRANTS FROM THE DISTRICT TO THE STATES OF INDIA BEYOND UTTAR PRADESH State of destination Number Sex-ratio in percent Percent to migrants from states beyond UP. Male Female Male Female Total Assam 3 100.00 - 2.00 - 1.45 Bihar 6 66.67 33.33 2.67 3.51 2.90 Gujarat 14 78.57 21.43 7.33 5.26 6.76 Haryana 11 63.64 36.36 4.67 7.02 5.3- Himachal Pradesh 5 20.00 80.00 0.67 7.02 2.42 Jammu & Kashmir 4 50.00 50.00 1.33 3,51 1.9c Madhya Pradesh 9 22.22 77.78 1.33 12.28 4.3£ Maharashtra 31 83.87 16.13 17.33 8.77 14.98 Punjab 23 69.57 30.43 10.67 12.28 11.1- Rajasthan 9 33.33 66.67 2.00 10.53 4.35 Tamiinadu 5 100.00 - 3.33 - 2.42 West Bengal 11 72.73 27.27 5.33 5.26 5.31 Union Temtory Delhi 76 81.58 18.42 41.33 24.56 36.72 All 207 72.46 27.54 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source. Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 99 to about 64 per cent in Haryana while that of females ranges from about 80 per cent in Himachal Pradesh to about 67 per cent in Rajasthan, see Table 3.19. The male/female ratio among the migrants to Jammu & Kashmir has been virtually equal whereas to Assam and Tamil Nadu the migrants have been exclusively males. CHAPTER IV SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF MIGRANT AND NON-MIGRANT POPULATIONS To be sure, migration plays a significant role in moulding the social, economic and other structural characteristics of population of a country or a region. Since the migrants have some specific social, economic and demographic attributes in accordance with the migration selectivity process, they bring about addition of some new profiles of the population cross-sections of the place of destination. Due to settling down in a new place the educational, occupational and marital of migrants do also get somewhat changed or modified. Thus the people of the areas of out-migration and in-migration alongwith migrants themselves get tangibly affected by this intermixing. This change is the main theme of the present chapter and a comparative analysis of age and sex composition, occupational structure, types of non-workers, marital status, relationship with the head of household, and literacy-level of migrants and non-migrants has been attempted. The variations in these traits of population have been also examined within the migrants based on their sex, religion, type of community of origin and destination and the type of migration defining boundaries crossed at the time of migration. The data on relationship of the migrant and non-migrant population with the head of household are given in Table 4.1. It is evident from Table 4.1 that the proportion of sons constitutes 31.22 per cent and that of daughters accounts for 18.36 per cent of non-migrant population. Among out-migrants, daughters alone make nearly one-half of the total with sons making a poor second with 14.18 per cent. Among the in-migrants, wives dominate with 32.72 per cent while daughters-in-law and head of the family have almost equal percentages of 17.04 and 16.07 respectively with sons a close fourth with 13.92 per cent. The ratio of wives is the highest among return-migrants in TABLE 4.1 DISTRIBUTION OF RELATIONSHIP WITH THE HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD Type of Non-migrant Migrant population relationship population In-migrants Out-migrants Return-migrants (16653 Persons) (3072 Persons) (1860 Persons) (375 Persons) % % % "h Head 19.76 16,07 9.70 16.79 Wife 12.12 32.72 5.39 35.04 Son 31.22 13.92 14.18 13.14 Daughter 18.36 6.26 49.19 16,79 Brother 3.34 2.34 4,13 6,5:' Sister 0.81 0.30 7.36 - Father/Mother 3.26 2.24 0.90 2,2C Grand son/daughter 5.92 1.07 4.31 - Daughter in Law 1.47 17.04 1.62 2.92 Other relations 3.74 7.89 3.23 6.57 All 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 102 comparison to their ratio in other types of population. They alone constitute 35.04 per cent of total return-migrant population followed by heads of households and daughters making a second with 16.79 per cent each. The heads of households have the highest percentage (19.76) among the non-migrants and the lowest (9.69 per cent) among the out-migrants. The lowest ratio of heads of the households among out-migrants has been due to the great amount of migration of daughters to their husband's place of residence after their marriages, and the non- availability of information about some households out of which whole family out-migrated without leaving any kith and kin at origin. The ratio of wives and daughters-in-law accounts 49.76 per cent for in-migrant population. It is also a type of marriage or family motivated migration in which girls migrate due to marriage and females to join their husbands. The percent distribution of various categories of non-workers in non-migrant and migrant population is given in Table 4.2. The data in Table 4.2 reveal that the maximum proportion of non-workers among migrants is that of domestic servants who are engaged in non-economic household duties, and in non-migrant population the highest percentage is of juvenile dependents. The percentages of non-workers performing household duties have been registered 88.73,78.04 and 74.07 respectively for return-migrant, in-migrant and out-migrant population. The respective proportion among non- migrants has been recorded only 26.45 per cent. The high ratio of non-workers engaged in household duties among the migrant non-workers may have been due to preponderance of marriage motivated migration of females who after marriages mostly migrate to their husband's place of residence where they mainly perfonn household duties and generally are not allowed to do economic activities and are bound to live within the four walls of houses. The ratio of juvenile dependents amounts to 47.50 per cent of non-migrant population while the corresponding figure among in-migrants, out-migrants and return-migrants has CO ro 00 CO O CM CN CN O 00 00 00 00 O tn CN CN O in (ti CO CO O E •e lO O « 00 O I ID CD O E •^ 2 JO ^ t^ CN =j in •/• (^ a: -^ fN (0 a: a: O lU -I O ffl 2 < O < V) to < -J o 104 CLASSIFICATION OF NON-WORKERS BY MIGRATION STATUS RURAL URBAN TOTAL RURAL NON-MIGRANTS NON-MIGRANTS NON-MIGRANTS IN-MIGRANTS URBAN TOTAL RURAL URBAN IN-MIGRANTS IN-MIGRANTS OUT-MIGRANTS OUT-MIGRANTS TOTAL RURAL URBAN TOTAL OUT-MIGRANTS RETURN-MIGRANTS RETURN-MIGRANTS RETURN-MIGRAWTS HOUSE DUTIES SENILE OTHERS DEPENDENTS JUVENILE STUDENTS • DEPENDENTS FIG.4.1 105 been registered 10.78 per cent, 10.68 per cent and 4.23 per cent respectively. The relatively low ratio of juvenile dependents in the migrant population has been due to age-selectivity of migration. Similarly, the percentage of student non-workers is highest (19.42%) among the non-migrants and lowest (2.82%) among the return-migrants. Rural-urban split-up of the data shows that in rural non-migrant workers, the percentage of persons engaged in household duties and juvenile dependents is higher than their urban counterparts. But in-migrants have high proportion of juvenile dependents in urban areas in comparison to rural areas. The ratio of student population has been much higher in urban than rural areas. In rural non-working population, students constitute 14.45%, 4.93% and 4.96% respectively of non- migrants, in-migrants and out-migrants; but there was no student among the non-working return-migrants. In urban non-workers population, the students account for 34.20 per cent of non-migrants, 10.53 per cent of return-migrants, 46.88 per cent of out-migrants and 17.29 per cent of in-migrant population. The age-sex structure of non-migrant and migrant population in rural and urban areas of the district has been given in Table 4.3. It may be seen from the Table 4.3 and age-sex pyramids (Fig. 4.2) that the per cent of non-migrant population exceeds that of migrant population in 0-14 age-group. But the position is reversed in the age-group 15-29, in which the percentage of migrants is higher than that of non-migrants. Within the migrant population, the age-group distribution is quite uneven, nevertheless the quinquennial age-groups from 10 to 29 both male and female are dominant in the rural and urban areas of the district. However the proportion of these age-groups is relatively high in the female and rural population. 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CD 3 o (U AGE & SEX /PYRAMIDS BY MIGRATION STATUS OF POPULATION AGE AGE MALES FEMALES MALES FEMALES I r^^-T 30 20 10 20 30 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 FI6-4-2(a):RURAL AND URBAN FIG-^-2(b).-TOTAL NON-MIGRANT NON-MIGRANT POPULATION POPULATION AGE AGE MALES FEMALES MALES FEMALES 30 20 10 10 20 30 lo 30 20 10 10 20 3D FIG-4-2 (c); RURAL AND URBAN FIG.4-2(d):TOTAL IN-MIGRANT IN-MIGRANT POPULATION POPULATION ^X^ RURAL POPULATION h URBAN POPULATION FIG-4-2 109 FIG ^-2. CONTINUED- AGE AGE MALES FEMALES MALES FEMALES iiO 30 10 20 30 40 50 FIG-4-2:(e) RURAL AND URBAN FIG4-2(1 V-TOTAL OUT-MIGRANT OUT-MIGRANT POPULATION POPULATION AGE AGE 70 ov 65-69 606£i 1 MALES FEMALES MALES 55-59 FEMALES 50-54 i i«5-tf9 1 r~ ttO-itt 1 1 35-39 1 30-3<4 ^ 25-29 1 1 20^1* 15-19 jJ 10-lU L 5-9 F 0-it 30 20 10 20 30 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 FIG/;-2(g):RURAL AND URBAN FIG-4-2(h)-.TOTAL RETURN-MIGRANT RETURN-MIGRANT POPULATION POPULATION ' r ' ' RURAL POPULATION URBAN POPULATION ^ ^ y h 110 In non-migrant population, the age-group 0-14 accounts for 41.79 per cent of the male and 41.00 per cent of the female population. Among in-migrants, the corresponding figures are 24.77 per cent and 11.58 per cent. In this age-group (0-14) male out-migrants constitute 18.23 per cent and females account for 32.69 per cent of their total population, whereas no person has been recorded in 0-4 age-group among the return-migrants. Among the return-migrants the ratio m 5-14 age-group has been found 9.08 per cent for males and 3.88 per cent for females. The extremely high proportion of the age-group 0-14 among the non- migrants and low proportion among the migrants denote that children migrate when either the whole family migrate or in certain cases they migrate for getting good education. However, in non-migrant population, 26.26 per cent of male and 13.17 per cent of female population is in 15-29 age-group. The relatively low ratio among females is due to obligatory migration of females after marriage lo their husbands' place of residence, in which migration defining boundaries are crossed due to practice of village-exogamy. The proportion of male population has been recorded 35.6 per cent, 51.36 per cent and 41.8 per cent respectively among in-migrants, out-migrants and return-migrants, for females the corresponding percentages are 61.12, 60.36 and 40.25. The high percentage of migrant population in the age-group 15-29 in comparison to non-migrant population may be attributed to the age selectivity of the economically motivated migration of the males and to marriage and familial motivations in female migration. The rural-urban break-up of the data in Table 4.3 shows that in rural areas there is high concentration of female in- migrants (32.12 per cent) in the age-group 20-24, followed by 19.21 per cent in 15-19 age-group and 17.03 per cent in 25-29 age-group; whereas in urban population the highest percentage (22.32) has been recorded in 20-24 age-group, followed by 18.30 per cent and 17.41 per cent in the age-groups 25-29 and 30-34 respectively. It has been due to higher incidence of early marriages of females in rural areas than in urban areas. The data regarding age and sex distribution of out-migrants at their time of migration shows that in rural areas the percentage of females in 10-14 age-group is 29.76 while in urban population it is only 10.95. The out- migrant females in both the rural and urban population have the highest percentage in the age-group 15-19. Their proportion in the former sector is 43.06 per cent and in latter 38.35 per cent. In age-group 20-24, the reverse trend has been witnessed. In urban population it has gone upto 30.13 per cent while in rural population it has been found only 10,98 per cent. It again indicates the higher incidence of the practice of early marriages in rural areas as compared to urban areas. The high percentage of male out-migrant and in-migrant population in age-groups 15-19 to 35-39 may be attributed to their migration in search of good employment, better income and high education, etc. Table 4.4 shows the age-sex distribution of in-migrant and out-migrant population categorized on the basis of administrative boundaries crossed at the time of migration. An examination of the data given in Table 4.4 shows that among male in- migrants the maximum concentration of population is in the age-group 25-34 in short-distance (22.58 per cent) and medium-distance (23.84 per cent) migrations, but in female population the maximum figures for short-distance (44.31 per cent) and medium-distance (47.84 per cent) migrations are in the age-group 15-24. The reverse trend has been observed in long-distance migration in which the males in the 15-24 age-group have a higher percentage (28.89%) whereas females in 25-34 age-group have a higher percentage (39.29%). Table 4.5 provides information about the comparative picture of the age-sex distribution of in-migrant population based on religion. An examination of Table 4.5 shows that in the age-group 15-34 the proportion of Hindu female migrants is 81.00 per cent and that of Muslims is also quite high (61.58 per cent) but of the Sikhs it is only 42.42 per cent. It may be related to large-volume of marriage-motivated migration among the Hindus and Muslims and to familial and economic motivated migration among the Sikhs. The TABLE 4.5 AGE-SEX STRUCTURE OF IN-MIGRANT POPULATION BY RELIGION CATEGORY Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. AGE & SEX PYRAMIDS BY RELIGION CATEGORY OF IN-MIGRANTS HINDU AGE MALES FEMALES 30 20 10 0 iO 20 30 io 50 MUSLIM AGE MALES FEMALES 1 1 1 1 30 20 10 10 20 30 ^0 SIKH AGE MALES FEMALES , 1 1 r T 1 1 ^0 30 20 10 10 20 30 FIG.4-3 115 high percentage of Hindu female population in these age-groups indicates that practice of early marriage is relatively more common among Hindus. In the super-annuated age-group (60 and over) the Sikh males and females dominate with 14.00 and 12.12 per cent respectively v^'hile the respective figures for Muslims are only 3.13 and 5.07 per cent. The corresponding percentages for the Hindus are the lowest being only 2.35 and 0.62. It may have been due to large-volume of short-distance migration in Hindu and Muslim population and long- distance migration of Sikhs who came to this district from Punjab. Sikhs migrated mostly with their whole families in search of agriculture land whereas Hindu and Muslim migration has been strongly selective of 15-24 age-groups of both the males and the females. The data regarding marital status of migrants and non- migrants by age and sex have been presented in Table 4.6. It would be seen that the ratio of married migrants is nearly double of that of the non-migrants. However, among the non-migrants the distribution of married males and females is almost even but among the migrants the percentage of married female migrants is much higher than that of males. It may have been due to the practice of exogamy in marriage in which the brides have to move to the place of residence of the bridegrooms. Another important inference that may be drawn from Table 4.6 is that highest percentage of widowed, divorced and separated persons is in the return-migrant population and least in out-migrant population whilf the non-migrant population stands in between. In addition, the ratio of widowed persons in all categories of population has been found greater among the females than among the males. However, no widowed person has been reported in male out-migrant population. A fiirther analysis of the data in Table 4.6 brings the fact into light that the highest proportion of married persons in all categories of population, except the out -migrants, is in 30-49 age-group. The out-migrants have a slightly higher ratio in age-group 10-19 as comparison to the 30-49 age-group. In 0-9 age-group all 1(^ o to o O) o CD en o o o "J m 00 CD CM d CO c> CM 00 CD o o o O o 1 O -«)- CM CN r- •^ z ^ CO *~ g o CM o o CO o CM CD in CO q o o 00 cp o o in (D Ol CO d d in •" o o o 00 ih o CM o < 1 CM to CM o en o o t 3 m (N o CM o Ol CO in CM • • d • d o o oi o in o in o o o o o C"^ g ^ o o o o o 5 o o o o o o o o o m •^ *" * *~ •^ '~ ^ Q: -o I- 0) *2 Q. CL a ro ID a :3 E o e E o in •D •D "TO TO TO c TO z 5 'in 5 i Q 5 5 l2 o en to TO tn ">; m o (0 1} o (^ (D 0. 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CL o. 3 3 •>. ^D > O 1- Q. o (T b CO persons have been reported un-married except 20.00 and 23.07 per cent of female in-migrants and out-migrants who were married at the time of their migration. Moreover, at the time of survey, 4.34 per cent female in-migrants have been-also recorded married in age-group 0-9. The ratio of married females exceeds that of married males upto the age-group 30-49 in all categories except the return-migrants among whom this trend goes upto the age-group 20-29. Beyond these age-groups, the trend gets reversed. However, the percentage of un-married males is greater than females in all age-groups of the various categories of population. The high ratio of married persons among males in comparison to females after above mentioned age-groups has been due to high proportion of widowed persons in female population in comparison to male population, see Table 4.6. It is a well-known fact that if a female is widowed at the age of 40 years or over, she is generally not re-married, but males are usually re-married. As a corollary, it may also be stated that the ratio of widowed, divorced and separated persons in female return-migrant population is comparatively much higher than other types of population. It is mainly due to the migration of females to the place of their origin after divorce, death of husband, or separation from husband, etc. Data regarding marital-status of in-migrant and out-migrant population based on distance category has been given in Table 4.7. An analysis of the data in Table 4.7 indicates that the proportion of un-married male in-migrants is the highest (60.64 per cent) among those who migrated within the district after crossing block boundaries; while it is 57.93 per cent among those who migrated to Shahjahanpur district from other districts of Uttar Pradesh and 55.00 per cent among those who came from beyond Uttar Pradesh. However, no notable variation is found in the marital-status of female in-migrants from areas of corresponding distances. TABLE 4.7 MARITAL-STATUS OF IN-, AND OUT-MIGRANT POPULATION BASED ON DISTANCE CATEGORY Type of Type of population migration Marital-status In-migrants Out-migrants Male Female Male Female Un-married 60.65 12.23 56.45 6.99 Short-distance Married 37.42 84.33 41.94 91.94 Wid/Div/Sep 1.94 3.45 1.61 1.07 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Un-married 57.93 12.13 59.74 8.45 Medium-distance Married 41.38 87.21 38.96 90.61 Wid/Div/Sep 0.69 0.66 1.30 0.94 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Un-married 55.00 11.32 61.36 45.00 Long-distance . Married 45.00 86.79 38.64 55.00 Wid/Div/Sep - 1.89 - - Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Wid - Widowed; Div - Divorced; Sep- separated. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 120 Among out-migrants, 61.36 per cent of males and 45.00 per cent of females were un-married at the time of their migration in long-distance migration stream. The corresponding percentages in medium-distance migration have been found to be 59.74 and 8.45. In short-distance migration the percentage of un-married persons is 56.45 among males and 6.99 among females. The Table 4.7 also reveals that the percentages of widowed, divorced and separated persons decreased with the increase of distance from the district. Table 4.8 provides information about marital-status of in-migrant population based on religion. An examination of Table 4.8 shows that the lowest percentage of un-married persons is among the Hindus and the highest among the Sikhs: it is 40.96 per cent for Sikhs, 30.83 per cent for Muslims and only 16.94 per cent for Hindus. It may have been due to higher marriage and familial migrations among the Hindu migrants than among the Muslim and Sikh migrants. Obviously the trend among the married persons is just the reverse. The ratio of widows has been found 6.06 per cent, 5.80 per cent and 0.82 per cent respectively in Sikh, Muslim and Hindu female migrant population. The persons whose wives have died, are 2.35 per cent among Hindus, 2.00 per cent among Sikhs and 1.56 per cent among Muslims. With the exception of 0.21 per cent of Hindu females, no one is reported to have been divorced or separated in the given population. The age at marriage for both males and females is given in Table 4.9. This age data is further differentiated for migrants and non-migrants by settlement status of population at the place of survey. It would be seen from the table that the incidence of early marriages is more common among females than among males of both the migrants and the non-migrants. Similarly the marriage age is lower in rural areas than in urban areas. The ratio of females, married upto the age of 15 years, in rural areas out-numbers those in urban areas, while the trend is reversed from 16 years age. However, in male population the percentage in rural areas exceeds that in urban TABLE 4.8 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF MARITAL-STATUS OF IN-MIGRANT POPULATION CATEGORIZED ON RELIGION Religion Male/female Marital-status All Un-married Married Widowed Divorced/ separated Male 46.47 51.18 2.35 - 100.00 Hindu Female 6.60 92.37 0.82 0.21 100.00 Total 16.95 81.68 1.22 0.15 100.00 Male 44.53 53.91 1.56 - 100.00 Muslim Female 18.12 76.09 5.80 - 100.00 Total 30.83 65.41 3.76 - '00.00 Male 54.00 44.00 2.00 - "00.00 Sikh Female 21.21 72.72 6.06 -- '00.00 Total 40.96 55.42 3.61 - 100.00 Source Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 122 o o o o o O o O o o o o o o O o o o o o o o o O o o o o o o o o O o o o < CD o d CJ d ci ci CD CD CD CD CD CD CJ CD CD CD d O o o o o O O O O O O O O o O O o o 0) > CO CM r^ CO o cn cn t^ •^ in in •^ O CO CO CM •* o O •^ CO CM CD in CO CM in h- to to m m 00 CO 00 CO CO CM CM CO 3 + (6 CO iri r^ ^r od CO CO iri CM CO eri t^' •^ CD CD O) Oi C3> O) CO CO 00 CO 00 00 CM en CD CM (D CO 00 00 CD •^ CO CO O r~; o o CO en ^r en W CO ai N: 1^ CM CD CO CO CD CM CM CD CO CM 00 o cx> ^ 00 CN in CO CO CM CM •51- CM CO CO CO en Oi in CO a> (0 "«— to en in T~ •sj- CO o CD O LU "^ o CO 00 in t^ (D tM CO CM ai to O T^ 00 00 o O c» in CM' T-^ iri °T-9^ N-' T-^ •^ CO ai CM CO CD r^ iri t>-' ^r -^ CO CM CO CO CM CO •^ CO CO CO CO CO CO UJ CM CO CM CM ro ai CO ID -^ •^ h- ^r T— in CM 00 r-- 00 t^ CM in o CO iO CO o cp in X— T— CO in T— in cp CO CM in in CM r^ (N T— T-^ Cvj h^ T-^ z C/} CD O o CM X—* CO en CM CO o r- CO CD •^ en r^ (M (U O CM 1 1 in CD CD in 1 in CO CD 0) c\i ' ^ a CD >^ d CO CO CD CD CD CM (M o UJ < (U QQ CD CD o o o O o O o o O o O o o o o o o o o o q o o O o o O o o o o o o o o o < o o o CD CD O d CD CD CD CD CD CD CD CD CD CD d o o o O O O o o O O O O O O O O o o 0} > o in 00 00 CD O CO O 05 00 GO o in 00 00 O XI O CNj CD CM CD S 00 1 00 ^ (0 00 •^ CM ci X— OJ CO CD •^' 00 ocj •^ CD + oi d •<«• CO in rg <33 CJ) •«4- CO o 00 h- in 00 r~- CM o O) t^ oo r-- o CM CD ''" CO 00 o in "T c» T— o T— OC) CO t^ CD t— in o 00 in T-^ v-^ CD CJJ CO T- -<»•• 00 CM CD 00 •^' ^r CD cri ai a> o> iri 00 C\( CM CO CM 00 CM CvJ CO CM •>*• CM CM CM CM in O 00 in 00 O) O CD CD O CM r^ in CD o •»— T- CD T— CO CO T— CM 00 ''^ r- o CM ?j o o r-- 5 T-^ CO T— 00 'it 00 •^ CM CO o co CO Cji o • CN CD o CM CD CM O o m 00 o 00 in T— o CO in CM ^t lO o CM CM en 00 fe in 1 in •^ CN CM CD CO CD •<- o •*• CD CO CO ^r Tf r^ T— iri CM W $ TO CD ^ ^l- in .,_ CO o in ^ >> 1 in T- 1 t 1 1 T— r-^ 1 in in 1 1 1 1 r~- r-- (1) CN CN CM 00 CM CM •<- CQ O ^^^ _ o 0 sz (0 E 0) (U 0) 0 (D c (/) (0 CL XI »C D c .C^O c; E 3 CO CD 3 Si JO ^ ^ T3 (0 0) a: D a: Z) en a CD •D £t (U n 13 C c o "c o CD o c 3 c CD c _o 1. c g o E o 03 1 O o CO CD E C CD di 3 3 3 13 o Q. Q. t CL Q_ .<0 >% O O Q) o o l- a. O CL (T CL CO 124 population upto 19 years of age, and from twenty years age the reverse is true. As regards out-migrant population, the same pattern has been observed except that in age-group 10-12 the percentage of males in urban areas has been slightly higher than in rural areas. It may be attributed to the prevailing unemployment in rural areas that compel the rural male migrants to out-migrate un-married in the younger age-groups. Table 4.10 provides information about the age at marriage in male and female in-migrant population based on the type of settlement status of the community of origin and destination. The data reveal that in all types of community based migration-streams, females are married earlier than males, and in rural to rural migration-stream the marriages both in male and female population have been held earlier than the migrants in other types of migration-streams. In rural to rural migration, the highest proportion of population (38.17 per cent) got married within 13 to 15 years of age. The highest percentages in rural to urban and urban to rural migration-streams have been recorded 32.62 and 41.37 respectively in the age-group of 16-19. In urban to urban migration a large ratio of population (38.09 per cent) has been got married in 20 to 24 years of age. In rural to rural migration-stream the highest percentage (42.96 per cent) of females at marriage has been in the age-group 13-15, while most of the males (47.25 per cent) got married in 16-19 age-group. But in rural to urban migration most of the marriages of females (39.04 per cent) took place within the age-group of 16-19, and the highest percentage of male population has been recorded 40.24 in the age-group of 20- 24. In urban to urban migration stream the highest percentage (39.18) of females at marriage has been in the age-group 16- 19 as it is in rural to urban migration, but it has become 48.38 per cent in male population in 20-24 age-group. In urban to rural migration not even a single person has been reported married in male population, and in female married population the maximum figure accounts 41.37 per cent for age-group 16-19. < 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 < CD d CD d d d d d d ' d d Z) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 % CM CD 00 in in < 2 0 CM in ^ CO CO in in •^ CD CO 1 1 UJ O 0 0 in ^ d CM 1^ iri d < o a: 0 < 0 00 T— in CO in in o 5 •'E— in T— 1 en in 1 1 1 'cr -C 0 . -^ •<- CO CO d d CO CO < m m O <>D < Oi ro E 0) 0 0 M E ^ CO (0 (0 (0 « g E To E To E •(0 To C CO CO CD 0) h- (0 CD 0) o 2 U. a. l2 1° 5 f- c g o ^ c c _ Q i_ CO JCOQ Ti_o XI t— iro_ en 23 t. 3 3 L_ 3 i_ CD UJ E 0 O 0 0 F 0 O 0 E di 0) 03 Of "TO "TO (0 ro O. 0) Xi UJ 3 3 X! 3 Q. 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It would be seen that marriages are held earlier among Hindus and Muslims than among Sikhs; and that the practice of early marriages is more common in Hindu families than in Muslim ones. Percent distribution of literacy in migrant and non-migrant population by sex-composition and rural or urban status of population has been given m Table 4.12. The data show that the literacy rates and level of education in rural non- migrant and in-migrant populations are lower than those in their urban counterparts. The male-female literacy rates and standards are in conformity with the normal trend of higher indices for males than for females. The highest rates of illiteracy are among the non-migrants and in-migrants. The illiterates account for 70.05 per cent of the non-migrant population and 70.04 per cent of the in-migrant population. Among out-migrants, the illiterates account for 65.26 per cent. However, the lowest rate of illiteracy (60.31 per cent) is found among the return-migrants. It may have been due to the migration of students to their places of origin after completing their education. The rural-urban break-up of the data shows that illiteracy rates in urban population are the lowest (28.21 per cent) among out-migrants and the highest (52.39 per cent) among in-migrants. The high ratio of illiteracy in urban in-migrant population may have been due to heavy influx of poverty-stricken rural migrants who are generally illiterate. In rural population the highest proportion of illiteracy (82.33 per cent) is among in-migrants and lowest (69.07 per cent) among the return-migrants. The standard of education has been observed to be highest among the return-migrant and in-migrant populations enumerated in urban areas of the district while it has been found to be lowest among the rural in-migrants. An important inference that may be drawn from the analysis of Table 4.12 is that the urban female out-migrants have the lowest illiteracy ratio (31.16 %) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 q 0 p 0 CD 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a < d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d 0 d z 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 < z + < CD 0 C3) I^ v- 00 0 in in 00 r- CO "^ 0 CD ^J- ^r a: Tf in Oi C35 in CD CD h- 0 CJ5 ID T- CD O CD 0 ^r 0 CD d d d r^ CO in T-" d T— d d d r^ 06 r^ •^ CO CO Q L— CD CO CM Oi to CO ^r CJ) CM CO CM in 1^ >• on _0 ^ 0 CXD OD 0 in in CD CJ) 1 1 1 0 0 in 1^ CO ^r _c d d TT iri csi T— CO ^J- CO O •^ <6 '^ ''~ ^ ^ UJ 00 0 03 00 O) CVJ CO CM in CD ^r r^ 0 CM r-- in ^r -t- o 00 M- in CM CO in CO 0 00 CM cp N- CM 00 CO CM I CM z CO d CNJ CO d iri T— •^ iri d r^ d CD •5^ 10 < T— •^ CQ on I J) CD CO 00 CO CO CO 0 0 CD 00 h- _J 0 0 < 00 CD CO CO 10 in h~ 0 0 CM d CO •^ d on •^ CO t^ ai CM r^ N^ '^ r-" •^' r- =) Z — Q: O 10 10 CD 00 CD LO CO N- CM CD I^ a CO CO ""a- 0 00 f^ 0 CM Z Q. E CD M- CD CO r^ O) 0 Oi 0 CM ^r CO CD •r- CD (X> CO CM CM CM NT 06 OC) 06 CO O O d T— d iri ?^ d CD d d CL UJ _l CQ < a. < CO 0 0 Oi CM CD C35 t^ 0 CO 00 CD 0 CD 0 a> 0 oS2 •'— CM in CD T— 0 00 CM •^ r^j CD ? E r^ ss r^ r-- 9s r^ •^ CD r^ ^ d r^ CD r^ d CM ^f CD -^ CD d CO iri > >- CQ 0 in CM 0 t^ •<<• 0 h- in 0 Oi co CD 03 CO CO TJ- >- h- in CO h^ in -si- '^. -^ 0 00 0 CO ^ cr> CO r-- CD 0 (5U o t^ d CD CM CO I^ csi V- d iri od CM a> •^ csi CD d d < CO a> r^ '^l- in '?!• CO 00 r^ CD 00 00 ^ in in in r^ r-- Qi UJ --, 0) 0 m ^=5 c c c Qi 2 CO 2 CO — ^ (0 13 < 3 ^ < to a:3 -e3 D-e Q: Q cn 5 c Ul c P5 c c 0 c C3) to g o 0 to (0 E CD ;ro ai u- o c» o o 00 oo CNJ -^ o CO t^ in cx>r ^ CD CD in p r^ CNJ cp CO o o 1 h-; o CD 1 •"f oo CO in CD CD CO Tf CD CO X— _c c\i o •^ CNI iri r^ •^ •^ ^~ ^~ CO CO CD 00 00 't CO o 00 CO CO CD T- CD o in in CO CO CN OD m CNJ CD 1 CD CD CO X •^ iri CNJ iri ""t •^ r^ CNi X— r^ iri M^ "^ •^ ^' CN 00 00 h- in •<- -^ CD OJ 00 o O) CO 00 •^ N- CNJ CO in 05 o CNJ CD 1 t- CD iri CO cri CO in CNJ CO iri CO iri iri en CO 00 o ^— CO Gi h- in • CO <1> CO M^ CO o o CO CN N- CJ) a> CD CNJ o CD oo CD ? E 'it CNJ •»— o in o o o r- •^ C35 h- h- in h- •^ OO in 00 CN CO CNJ CD in CNJ CO O CNJ T- 00 O 00 O 1_ o co o o CD o ' < (0 0) CD ^—1 C35 00 Oi •^ CO CO 00 in CO CD in o r^ CM •o CN co -^ CO O 00 CO CO 00 h- CD 1 CO N- CM '4-» o o o o r^ T— •^ (/} CO 00 00 O) •^' CO .CO CO CM 1 iri d co vr •^ ^ o o 0L3. z 0) 2:^ Q IZi CD •^ CO T^ 00 ^- 00 t^ N- CJ) t^ r-- o CM CM \— CO tn Z £ h~ CX3 CO r- t>- O) CO in CM t^ CN CO t^ CO r-- 1 ^r < CD" CD 00 r^ CD CD 00 cr> CJ) CD T— •^ CD CM •^ d CO CO z Q- < a: 111 o ^ _l CO E 00 ,^_ CD < 05 00 in CO T— CM CO 00 -^ C3) CO o •St CO ^r r-- CO Q. •'" •»— CO 00 T— CO Oi CM CM T— CD CM CD o •^ '^ CO CD f^ CM ""t CD 0) ^— iri r^ c\i iri iri iri ^ un iri T— d •a 13 c Z) >• CD CN o o 00 t^ r^ in CM CO CO CM CO LD T— f^ •"d- lO o CD < h- cn CD in CO o cq •»— CO ^t C3) CO T— in CD in in ^=3; OJ CJJ cri 1^ aS CO 1^ cvi CD ^— r^ oci cvi CO •^ CM h- CO 00 LU ^ in r^ CD ^ N- CD ^j- t^ CO h- 00 00 r^ CD CO CD CO r-- ^, m -*—• "^- •*-' •4—' c c c c Q: o o .Q c c CD CD CD »- 'ti <" "to E 1— CJ) O) cn E E C3) o D) CD Q. c E E E E t •4—' 1 H- o D o "3 Z O- 2 d O Ui z o o on c c UJ .9 o Q. CD O) D E g.^ •o P >- c: D Q_ XI X S O o o o o o o o o O o o o o o o o o < O o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o + 0) CO C3> cn 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 CD Q O) CM IT) ^ iq CM CO 1 1 1 1 1 1 CM c •^ "^ o CJJ IT) o in o o CO CM in CD o 00 CO CM ^- o w 3 CM OJ CD ^ CO TO 00 CO 00 T— 1 1 1 1 •a ''^r OC) 1^ od o is T— ^ CO L_ (D '—1^—» ^^ 03 E CN CO CO 1_ t^ CD Q. lO (O CO CD i 1 1 CO B o CM in CO in a> T— CM T- in §S 2 o ^ 1 CO c\i 00 C3> T— CO 3 CO CD ^J- CO N- in ife nj X>I ^ •>. Cll not only among all types of female population but also among all types of male population except the urban male out-migrants and return-migrants. Table 4.13 shows the percentage distribution of literacy status of migrant and non-migrant population based on religion. The data indicates that in all categories of population, the literacy rates are highest among Sikhs followed by Hindus and Muslims. But the level of literacy is highest among Hindus followed by Muslims and Sikhs. In out-migrant population both the literacy rates and standard of education are comparatively high among Hindus. A further analysis of data in Table 4.13 shows that in Hindu as well as Muslim population the out-migrants have higher literacy than in-migrants and non-migrants. In Sikh population, non-migrants are more literate than in-migrants and out-migrants. Barring few exceptions the level of literacy has been found highest in out-migrant population and lowest in non-migrant population. Educational attainment of the various types of population categorized on the basis of distance are given in Table 4.14. The data shows that the proportion of illiterates is higher among short-distance migrants than among medium and long-distance migrants. In short-distance migration, the illiteracy ratio is 74.17 per cent while in medium and long-distance migrations the ratios are 65.91 and 62.88 per cent respectively. In female population, the ratio of literates is high in medium-distance migration in comparison to long-distance and short-distance migrations, and among male migrants, the illiteracy is lowest in long-distance migration. The level of literacy is relatively high in medium-distance migration while the short-distance and long-distance migrations occupy the second and third place. The same pattern is found among the females but among male migrants no distinct pattern is identifiable on the basis of distance. Percent distribution of literacy among in-migrants by community of origin and destination is set out in the Table 4.15. The distribution signifies that rate of literacy and level of education in the total population of urban to urban 34 o CNJ CO 03 00 CO CO o CNJ CNJ 1 1 O CD CNJ o CJ) f- CD T— o o c (0 O o >• CO TO O o o o o o o 1 1 a: E CD o o o o 1 CNJ o CO CD CD CD o o OI ii_ T— c ui o _J o CO C3> CJ) CNJ o CD 00 CO o lij TO U5 o 1 1 o -^ o z 2 00 o w o o "TO cn o CNI CNJ CD o o m>• o 00 CO CN o CD in" 00 CD iri CNJ CD o 2 CD o < s (U CD CD CD CO CO o TO ^— CO T— CNJ •»— CD CD Hi O S o TABLE 4.16 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE OF MIGRANT AND NON-MIGRANT POPULATION Type of Rural/ Male/ Non- In- Out- Return- occupation urt)an female migrants migrants migrants migrants Male 85.95 79.09 81.69 72,73 Rural Female 43.24 37.50 20.00 - Total 84.85 73.81 74.07 69,57 Primary Male 9.86 17.65 - 20.00 Urban Female - • 14.29 - - Total 9.30 17.48 - 18,75 Male 73.18 45.12 69.05 51,35 All Female 29.63 30.43 20.00 - Total 71.84 43.87 63.83 48,72 Male 5.68 12.73 2.82 13,67 Rural Female 43.24 43.75 80.00 - Total 6.64 16.67 12.35 13,04 Secondary Male 41.55 28.68 46.15 13,33 Urtjan Female 29.41 42.86 - 100 00 Total 40.86 29.37 46.15 18.75 Male 11.70 21.54 9.52 13,51 All Female 38.89 43.48 80.00 50 00 Total 12.54 23.42 17.02 15,38 Male 8.37 8.18 15.49 1364 Rural Female 13.51 18.75 - 100 00 Total 8.51 9.52 13.58 17 39 Tertiary Male 48.59 53.68 53.85 6667 Urban Female 70.59 42.86 - - Total 49.83 53.15 53.85 62,50 Male 15.12 33.33 21.43 35.14 All Female 31.48 26.09 - 50.00 Total 15.63 32.71 19.15 35.90 .''( onliiuicil Table 4.16 (continued) Type of Rural/ Male/ Non- In- Out- Return- occupation urban female migrants mig rants migrants migrants Male 83.23 44.72 84.52 59 46 Rural Female 68.52 ' 69.57 100.00 50.00 Total 62.77 46.84 86.17 58 97 All Male 16.78 55.28 15.48 40.54 Urban Female 31.48 30.43 - 50.00 Total 17.23 53.16 1383 41.03 Male 96.90 91.45 89 36 94.87 All Female 3.09 8.55 10 64 5.13 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100 00 Source. Calculated is based on sample survey by author. 39 Tertiary occupations enjoy almost tiie same relative significance in all types of urban population as do the primary ones in rural working population. Ihe ratio of tertiary activities in urban main workers amounts to 62.50 per cent lor return- migrants, while the percentages for out-migrant and in-migrant workers are 53.84 and 53.14 respectively, whereas the urban non-migrant population has the lowest percentage of 49.83 engaged in tertiary activities. A large number of students migrated from urban areas to other urban centres to get higher education and after completing their education, some of them returned and generally engaged themselves in tertiary activities. Therefore, the highest proportion of tertiary activities has been recorded among the working population of return-migrants. In respect of in-migrants, it may be easily observed in towns and cities of the district that in every four rickshaw-pullers, generally, three are from rural areas, due to easy access to do this work. In rickshaw-pulling neither there is need lo invest money nor to have any special skill to drive it. The rural migrants mostly hire the rickshaw from rickshaw-hiring shops and return it after twelve hours and take rest in night on footpaths, garages of moneyed persons or near railway-station because most of them do not have their own houses. It is also not possible ft)r a rickshaw- puller to afford for a rented house. The truck-driving which is a risky job, is also preferred by the rural- urban migrants. The students who migrate to urban areas to get education, mostly, do not return after completing their education, generally engage themselves in tertiary activities as clerks, lawyers, etc. These are certain reasons that may be responsible for high percentage of tertiar) activities among urban in-migrant workers as compared to non-migrant workers. Out-migrants engaged in tertiary activities at their places of origin may have migrated to other urban areas in search of good jobs, income, etc. Percent distribution of occupations based on the migration status of main workers population given in Table 4.17 shows that in all types of population the majority of workers is engaged in agricultural activities either as a cultivator or as an agricultural labourer. The percentage of cultivators is higher among the 140 CD 00 CD co o CO CD o TO in CO CN o i 1 in CD 00 iri CD 00 »5 in CM O a: CM -4—« m c o: CR C in in o in O TO in in O E 1 1 CM CD o • CO -G 00 <6 CNi O CD I 1^ 3 T— 2 0) o DC < 2 00 o o o o o 1 CD ZJ CO • ' o 00 CO 00 O u. CD O O CM CM 2 "TO o CO O o 1 in in O 00 s CD 1^ 1^ OC) CM od O CO CN T— _l c in CD o Q. 2 ro en o 1 1 1 CD CD • 00 CD O c E CD O o 1 3 CO a. 3 2 -J o a. ro in O < o 2 in ro CO •>* CO o a. CM CO 1 CD CM o CO CD «*— oi CM ca CO o o ro CO O in Q ro O (0 00 CD CO CM 00 2 CO CD CO O •(5 CO C3> in < CM o O CD ^}• o in ovi oo • non-migrant workers than among the migrant ones. The reverse trend is found in respect of agricultural labourers but with the exception of return-migrant workers who have the lowest ratio of agriculture labourers. However, the maximum ratio of agriculture labourers is 33.33 per cent that has been registered in the rural out-migrant working population. It is well known that the jobs available in rural areas are not only seasonal in nature but also carry low and irregular wages as compared to those in urban areas. Consequently, agriculture labourers migrate out in a great number from rural areas either to urban centres or to other rural areas which either suffer from labour shortage due to cultivation of high labour consuming crops or offer relatively high wages. In return-migrant population only 5.13 per cent workers reported themselves as agriculture labourer. These are rural migrants who failed to get job at destination and returned to their places of origin and resumed their previous occupation. The lowest percentage of agriculture labourers among return-migrant workers may have been on account of the type of migrants who are more prone to return. The migrants who do not succeed to earn sufficient money at destination, the military personnel who retire at early age and the students who fail to get jobs at destination, generally return to their places of origin and engage themselves in agriculture. The migrants who succeed to earn a lot of money at destination, after returning at their origin, either take care of agriculture or establish small-scale agro-based industries if their places of origin are rural. In urban areas, the return- migrants in the working age-groups have been found, engaged mostly in trade and commerce or in manufacturing industries about which they gained experiences at their places of destination. However, not a single worker has been recorded as an agriculture labourer among the urban return-migrants. The data in Table 4.17 also shows that manufacturing, processing and servicing carr>' the highest percentage of workers among the urban out-migrants. It amounts to 46.15 per cent which is also the highest proportion in any economic activity of urban out-migrants. It seems paradoxical that persons engaged in 142 manufacturing and servicing migrated out in a great number. In fact, the large number of unskilled job seekers from rural to urban areas would always be ready to work in private industries on lower wages in comparison to urban labourers. Besides, the needs of urbanites are wider than those of the rural people of even the same income-level. Therefore, the urban labourers are not as willing to work on low wages. Consequently, they often migrate to big cities to find better income and job. This is a chain process that is responsible for increasing volume of inter-urban migration not only in the district under study but in the whole country. A fiirther analysis of the Table 4.17 reveals that in urban areas of the district, the ratio of in-migrant workers engaged in construction works, transport, storage and communication is higher than those of non-migrant, out-migrant and return-migrant workers. Among in-migrant workers 7.69 per cent are engaged in construction works, and 20.97 per cent in transport, storage and communication. The relatively high percentage of in-migrant workers in these activities may have been on account of easy access of rural-urban migrants in these activities and undesirability of urban working population in doing these risky and arduous jobs. Since most of the economic motivated migrants move from one place to another for getting a good job or earning a better livelihood, it would be useful to make a comparison between the distribution of type of occupation at their places of origin and the occupation pursued by them at the destination. The Table 4.18 provides information about the occupational structure of the in-migrant main workers at their places of origin and destination based on the settlement status of the place of origin and destination. It may be seen from an analysis of the data in Table 4.18 that the share of primary workers have a higher percentage at the place of origin than at the place of destination, whereas an opposite trend is witnessed in secondary and tertiary activities. Primary activities account for 69.46 per cent of migrant-workers at the place of origin and only 44.23 per cent at destination. The percentages of secondary and tertiary workers are 11.97 and 18.56 at origin and 23.84 and 31.92 143 O OH c o "•-' CO CD •<3- CO CO O in t-~ 'N o CO o o ro •^ CD CD CD CO O CM 'J5 c 1— o o ro u. r— iri T— CO ih CN •r— (d 00 d d K ro "to CM g in in •^ •^ ro CM ro CM o Q W (0 UJ O i5? < 1— c in CO at Oi CJ> o o CO CO CD CO CD 5> o CO r- CD CO o o CO CO CM CO lO L. CM' CO csi O d IT) CO CO CO CO CO CO o CO T" CM CM CO CO CO CO CO (0 cc UJ w c a: g 00 O CO a> CN o CO r^ o o in in UO O (0 CD ^- p o lO oo O CO to CD T— CD o 00 CO •^ o d '^ c •^ CO CO T- CO iri in CO CO c d c\i CO o CD o ^ T— •^ T— CM CO CM If) CD N- CM •^ Cvl ? I o m H '-•3 Q z (C Z 3 UJ < 8 oc UJ O o o c CO CO CD CO CO z CM o o ro CO •* o o CO ro in CO c-> Q. CM ^ 1 1 1 r~-' CO oci in CO CO T— CO V- 2p o CO iri in CO CO CO 00 O uJ lO UJ i ^ _l z m 03 r— CM o h~ c> "••-• o r^ m in in < o a CD CD N- o CD h- 00 CM Ol Cvi tfi T— CD CD in t^ •^• r^ CD CD '-(^0 00 CO CM r~ CM ^r CM UJ 0) r^ ^ < Q o 2^^ z E r) o ro c CM CO t-~ O) C35 o O CO ro CM CO cc >< O) h- CO o m in o o CO CO CO •<* XJ y at destination respectively. As a matter of fact the movement int(3 primary occupation is generally lesser than that into secondary and tertiary activities, so that any occupational mutation that takes place goes in favour of secondary and tertiary occupations. A remarkable change in the occupational structure has been identified in rural to urban migration-stream. The percentage of workers engaged in primary activities at their rural origin reduced from 77.58 to a mere 20.75 at the urban destination. In secondary activities, the corresponding figures have been recorded as 1.72 per cent and 23.58 per cent respectively. The ratio of workers engaged in tertiary activities which has been 20.69 per cent at origin rose to 55.60 per cent at urban destination. As has been discussed in the determinants of migration, the prevailing unemployment in rural areas caused by fragmentation of landholdings due to high-growth rate of population, and seasonal nature of jobs in agriculture are dominant factors pushing poverty-stricken migrants out in a great number towards urban areas. The students who migrate to urban centres for getting higher and good education, generally, do not like to return due to non-availability of white-colour jobs in rural areas. They mostly engage themselves in tertiary activities in urban areas. Most of lawyers practicing in the courts of the district and tahsil headquarters, are of rural origin because majority of cases both in civil and criminal courts are from rural areas. In addition, rickshaw-pullers, fruit-sellers, truck-drivers and workers engaged in storage are also generally rural-urban migrants. Besides, the rural unemployed and un-skilled labourers engage themselves in private industries and construction works in which wages are high and jobs are more secure. Moreover, in urban areas primary activities are meager, and secondary and tertiary activities are much developed. This also leads to a substantial decrease in primary occupations and increase tertiary and secondary activities among the rural migrants. The female participation in any of the types of economic activities as a main-worker has been absolutely nil at the place of origin, but at urban destination 145 some of them took up various economic occupations. Their proportions in primary, secondary and tertiary activities have been recorded as 50.00 per cent, 33.33 per cent and 16.66 per cent respectively. In rural to rural migration the ratio of workers in primary, secondary and tertiary activities have been worked out to be 79.07,8.13 and 12.79 per cent at the place of origin, and the corresponding figures at the destination have been registered as 77.11, 14.40 and 8.47 per cent. These figures indicate that there has been relatively less notable variation in the distribution of the types of occupation between origin and destination in rural to rural migration-stream. In fact the proportion of workers in primary and tertiary activities witnessed onl} a slight decline at destination, whereas in secondary activities had a substantial increase. It may have been due to the movement of agriculture labourers who engaged themselves in agro-based industries at destination. In respect of urban to urban migration-stream, the data in Table 4.18 shows that at the place of destination the percentage of workers in secondary and primary activities has decreased, and in tertiary activities, it has increased. It may be attributed to the movement of educated persons from small town to cities. In small towns they would have been working in primary and secondary activities due to lack of white colour jobs but they might got an opportunity to work in tertiary activities in big cities and they migrated there to avail of the chance. In urban to rural migration-stream 33.33 per cent workers were in primary activities at their places of origin but nobody reported as a primary worker at rural destination, where majority of the workers are in primary activities. Another, one-third (33.33 per cent) workers at origin were found engaged in tertiary activities, but at destination this ratio has been reduced to one-fourth (25.00 per cent). However, in secondary activities the percentage of workers at destination more than doubled that at the place of origin: at the place of origin the ratio of tertiary workers amounted 33.33 per cent and at destination 75.00 per cent. ^^^ 146 TABLE 4.19 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONAL-STRUCTURE OF IN-MIGRANT MAIN-WORKERS BY DISTANCE CATEGORY Type of Male/ Type of migration occupation female Short-distance Medium-distance Long-distance Male 43.30 38.53 67.50 Primary Female 36.36 22.22 33.33 Total 42.59 37.29 65.12 Male 19.59 28.44 7 50 Secondary Female 54.55 44.44 Total 23.15 29.66 6 98 Male 37.11 33.03 25.00 Tertiary Female 9.09 33.33 66.67 Total 34.26 33.05 27.91 Male 89.81 92.37 93.02 All Female 10.19 7.63 6 98 Total 100.00 100.00 100 00 Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 147 The occupational structure of in-migrant main workers categorized on the type of migration defining boundaries crossed at the time of migration has been presented in Table 4.19. The data given in the table reveals that among migrants from beyond Uttar Pradesh, the primary occupations are more dominant than among the migrants from within Uttar Pradesh and those from various tahsils or blocks of Shahjahanpur district. In long-distance migrants, the proportion of primary workers is 65.11 per cent and in short and medium-distance migrants it is 42.59 and 37.28 per cent respectively. The percentage of workers in secondary and tertiary activities is high among short and medium-distance workers as compared to workers from long-distances. Of the long-distance migrant workers 6.97 per cent have engaged themselves in secondary activities while among medium and short-distance migrants the respective percentages are 29.66 and 23.14. The high proportion of workers in secondary activities among short and medium-distance migrant workers may have been on account of greater volume of rural to urban migration in short and medium- distance migrations than in long-distance migration. The distribution of occupational structure of marginal workers (the workers who get jobs for less than 183 days in a year are called marginal workers) based on the migration status of population has been presented in Table 4.20. The data indicate that majority of the marginal workers is engaged in primary activities. Generally their ratio is greater m rural areas than in urban areas. The only exception is of male in-migrants who have marginally greater proportion in urban areas. In fact, in rural areas of Shahjahanpur district, and for that matter in the whole country, the main occupation of the people is agriculture. The demand of labourers in agricultural sector would increase for a short-period of harvesting and sowing particularly in areas where agriculture is mechanized and high-yielding varieties of wheat and rice are used as with these innovations the agricultural operations are completed within a couple of months. If sowing and watering of wheat and planting of samplings of paddy are delayed even for a week, the 148 TABLE 4.20 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONAL-STRUCTURE OF MARGINAL- WORKERS BY MIGRATION-STATUS Type of Rural/ Male/ Migration-status of population occupation urban fennale Non-migrant In-migrant Out-migrant Return-migrant Male 91.45 50.00 86.11 73.33 Rural Female 91.30 90.00 100.00 100.00 Total 91.41 72.22 89.36 80.95 Male 6.25 70.00 - - Primary Urtjan Female - 100.00 • - - Total 5.88 76.92 - - Male 71.00 61.11 70.45 64.71 All Female 85.71 92.31 100.00 85.71 Total 73.90 74.19 76.36 70.83 Male 5.92 25.00 2.78 6.67 Rural Female 6.52 10.00 - - Total 6.06 16.67 2.13 4.76 Male 43.75 30.00 87.50 - Secondary UrtDan Female 33.33 - - 100.00 Total 43.14 23.08 87.50 33.33 Male 15.00 27.78 18.18 5.88 All Female 8.16 7.69 - 14.29 Total 13.65 19.36 14.55 8.33 Male 2.63 25.00 11.11 20.00 Rural Female 2.17 - - - Total 2.53 11.11 8.51 14.29 Male 50.00 - 12.50 100.00 Tertiary Urtjan Female 66.67 - - - Total 50.98 - 12.50 66.67 Male 14.00 11.11 11.36 2941 All Female 6.12 - - - Total 2.45 6.45 9.09 20.83 Male 76.00 44 44 81.82 8824 Rural Female 93.88 7692 100 00 85.71 Total 79.52 58.06 85.45 87.50 Male 24.00 55.56 18.18 11.76 All Urt)an Female 6.12 2308 - 14.29 Total 20.48 41.94 1455 12.50 Male 80.32 58.06 80.00 70.83 All Female 19.68 41.94 20.00 2917 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100 00 Source. Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 149 production may decrease substantially. Therefore, the jobs which are available to agricultural labourers and farmers are generally seasonal in which number of working days are less than 183 days. Hence, majority of workers in primary activities are marginal. It may be noted here that the proportion of female marginal workers in primary activities is much higher than that of male population. As regards the secondary activities, the data given in Table 4.20 indicates that workers engaged in secondary activities in rural areas are less migratory than primary workers in which economic gains are small and nature of work is hard. The population of rural marginal workers engaged in secondary activities constitutes 16.66 per cent of the population of in-migrant marginal workers, while among the non-migrants and return-migrants the respective percentages are 6.06 and 4.76. The relatively high ratio of in-migrant marginal workers in secondary activities may have been on account of mutation in economic activities of in-migrants from primary to secondary occupations at the place of destination. In addition, the industrialists often prefer to engage migrants in their industries because native labourers generally shun hard work and sometimes create troubles endangering the industries. However, in towns and cities of the district, the highest ratio of marginal workers in secondary activities is found among the out-migrants with non-migrants coming next. It is 87.50 per cent for out-migrants and 43.17 per cent for non- migrants. As pointed out earlier, the heavy influx of rural migrants into urban areas has created an acute problem of wage and employment for the urban native workers. Consequently the unemployment has gone up and the wage rates have come down. Both these factors go in favour of the industrialists and give them a free hand in the recruitment of labour for their industrial establishments. Under the pressure of increasing unemployment rates in urban areas, the urban native labourers are migrating to other big cities where employment prospects are better and wages are comparatively high. The heavy influx of migrants into the big cities is tending to increase their size to become rather unwieldy. 50 In tertiary activities, the lowest proportion of marginal workers has been recorded among in-migrants (6.45 per cent), and the highest (20.83 per cent) among the return-migrants. The tertiary activities account for 12.44 per cent for non-migrants and 9.09 per cent of out-migrants. However, both in rural and urban areas of the district, the percentage of marginal workers engaged in tertiary activities is higher among return-migrants in comparison to in-migrants, out-migrants and non-migrants. It works out to be 66.66 per cent and 14.28 per cent respectively for the urban and rural areas. CHAPTER V DETERMINANTS OF MIGRATION At the start of Chapter third it was argued that researches on human migration are mainly based on five types of questions: (1) why does migration occur? (2) who dominates the migration flows? (3) what are the patterns of flows between areas of origin and destination? (4) what are the impacts of migration on the areas of origin of migration and (5) what are the effects of migration on the areas of destination of migrants? The first question is of basic importance. As a matter of fact, the circumstances or causes under which migrations take place have a pervasive influence on shaping the patterns of migration flows and determining the characteristics of migrants which in turn establish the consequences of migration both at the areas of origin and destination. Besides, the thorough knowledge of causes is equally essential for framing rational policies and plans to check, modify or regulate migration flows. The present chapter deals with this core aspect of migration study. The analysis of the determinants of migration is based on selected period, community types (both at origin and destination), sex, religion and boundaries crossed at the time of migration as the differentials. The causes of return migration have been also studied and analysed, because it, too, does affect the socio-economic scenario. For investigation of cause of migration in the stud> area the rural and urban field surveys were conducted for randomly selected sample of 3093 households comprising 21960 persons with 11790 males and 10170 females. The number of in-migrants, out-migrants and return-migrants identified through the survey were 3072, 1860 and 375 persons respectively. Causes of In-migration Table 5.1 presents data on percentage distribution of socio-economic reasons of in-migration by sex. It reveals that majority of the migrants (83.48%) 152 arrived in the area due to social factors. The distribution of this percentage is highly unequal between males and females: the latter having a distinctly dominant share. In fact male migration has been more economic motivated than female migration that has been mainly caused by social factors. It will be seen from the table that economic motivated migration accounted for 44.44 per cent of the male migrants and, in contrast, only 1.80 per cent of female migrants. Seeking cheap agriculture land, obtaining land patta, securing work and attaining better jobs, and higher wages or income have been the dominant factors among the economic motivations. The desire and intension to acquire cheap agricultural land and to get land on patta amounts to 21.15 per cent of economic motivated migration of males and 91.66 per cent of females. It has been mainly due to large scale migration of Sikh farmers from Indian state of Punjab to Shahjahanpur district to seek the cheap and fertile lands, and migration of agricultural labourers and scheduled caste population within the district to get land on patta. As it has been mentioned in the first chapter, at the time of partition of the country more than 7 million of Muslims fled from India to Pakistan and more than 8 million Hindus and Sikhs migrated from Pakistan to India. These Hindu and Sikh immigrants settled down in various parts of India. Thousands of Sikhs also settled down on the northern sandy, sparsely and un-occupied northern parts of Shahjahanpur district. These immigrants used scientific methods of agriculture with the help of easy agricultural loans provided by the Government in Five Year Plans through banks. Consequently, the land, that was completely neglected by the native peasants, was changed into fertile land by the use of chemical fertilizers, tube-well irrigation and scientific agricultural implements. There were relatives of Sikh immigrant in the Indian state of Punjab who also began to migrate from Punjab to Shahjahanpur district to seek the cheap and fertile lands. This formed a chain of migratory movements from Punjab and the district was settled in stages. First the sandy un-occupied land closer to the towns 15: TABLE 5.1 PERCENTAL DISTRIBUTION OF IN-MIGRANTS BY SOCIO-ECONOMIC CAUSES, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Cause Male Female All Economic 1. To seek cheap agriculture land/to get land on patta 21.15 (9.40)* 91.67 (1.65) 26 19(4.33) 2. To work 24.36 (10.83) ' - 22 62 (3.74) 3. To obtain better job/vvages/business 32.69 (14.53) 8.33(0.15) 30 95(5.11) 4. To look after landed property 10.26 (4.56) - 9.52 (1.57) 5. Service 10.26 (4.56) - 9.52 (1.57) 6. Others 1.28 (0.57) - 1 19 (0.20) Total 100.00 (44.44) 100.00 (1.80) 100.00 (16.52) Social 1. Marriage - 76.61 (75.23) 59 01 (49.26) 2. To join family/husband 2.56 (1.42) 1.83 (1.80) 2 00(1.67) 3. To join friends/relatives 7.18 (3.99) 0.46 (0.45) 2 00(1,67) 4. Family migrated 56,41 (31.34) 16.82 (16 52) 25 91 (21,63) 5. To get education 4.62 (2.56) 0 15 (0.15) 1 18 (0,98) 6. Casteism/communalism 17.44 (9.69) 3.21 (3.15) e,48 (5,41) 7. Fighting/tension 7.18 (3.99) 0 92 (0 90) 2 36 (1 97) 8. Official transfer 2.05(1.14) - 0 47 (0 39) 9. Others 2.56(1.42) - 0 69 (0 49) Total 100.00 (55.56) 100 00 (98 20) 100 00 (83 48) All (100.00) (100 00) (100,00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 154 and villages were occupied and later the far off northern swampy tarai areas of the district were reclaimed, developed and brought under agricultural operations. However, the cheap agricultural land of the district, not only directly attracted Sikh migrants from Punjab but thousands of them migrated from Nainital, Pilibhit and Kheri districts also. Now, the new Sikh migrants from these adjoining districts are settling down on the southern parts of tahsil Powayan and on some parts of Tilhar, Shahjahnpur tahsils of the district after purchasing the lands of native farmers who are compelled to migrate by group fightings or the feeling of msecurity due to casteism and communalism. Such native migrants generally, do not like to sell their lands to the native people due to their enmity with them and prefer to sell their lands to Sikh migrants who pay them prices higher than the prevailing ones. As we know that the main aim of our democratic government is to establish socialistic pattern of society in our country. To obtain this goal, government launched a number of poverty alleviation programmes for minimizing the gap between haves and have nots. The 'Land Ceiling Act' is one of these programmes. Under this act the farmers who possess more than 12 acres of irrigated land or 18 acres of un-irrigated land have to surrender the excess land to the government to be leased to the agricultural labourers and marginal farmers of the socio-economically backward section of the society. In northern parts of Powayan lahsil. the landholdings are generally large, so sufficient land has been taken by the government under the 'Land Ceiling Act'. Consequently, a substantial number of scheduled caste population from southern parts of Powayan tahsil as well as from other tahsils started migrating to seek land on patta in northern parts of tahsil Powayan. However, a number of such migrants have complained about their failure to get land on patta due to corruption of pardhan and governmental machinery allotting land on lease. The data in Table 5.1 also show that in economic motivations, 10.25 per cent male migration has been for looking after landed property. In India exogamy 155 is in great practice. According to the inheritance laws of property, the agricultural land and other property is transferred to the daughter if her parents did not have any son. Generally, after some years of marriage, such females return to their places of origin with their husbands and offsprings. Landholding being both a source of livelihood and a mark of status, the villagers are generally on the look out for a girl who is the only progeny of her parents no matter whether she belongs to their village or not. In case the girl is a native of some other village, the proposer would readily agree to migrate and settle down at the wife's place of origin after some years of marriage for possessing immovable property. Besides the lure of agricultural land and other property, the desire to obtain some suitable work, to acquire better job, income or business, and service also attracted the people in a great number. These factors have been found to account for 22.16, 30.95 and 9.52 per cent of the economic motivated migration respectively. The main social factors, which accounted for more than four-fifth of migrant population, are marriage, family migration, casteism, communalism, fighting and tension from insecurity. The factors of less importance in volume are to join family/husband or ft-iends,t o get education and official transfer. The marriage migration alone covers nearly half (49.26 per cent) of the total migration and 59.00 per cent of the social migration. While it accounts for as much as 75.00 per cent of total female migration. These figures clearly indicate that in this area marriage has been the most dominant factor determining not only the female and social but also total migration. It is a type of obligatory migration in which a girl moves to her husband's place after marriage. It is, in general, highly female selective but in the study area it is totally exclusive of males as in the survey of villages and mohallas of the towns not a single male reported to have migrated for marriage. Family migration is another important social factor. It accounts for 31.34 per cent male and 16.52 per cent female total in-migrants. But the ratio of family 156 migration has been recorded 56.41 per cent for male and 16.82 per cent for female in their social migration. It is a type of sequential migration, in which dependents, particularly children upto the age of 14 years are distinctly dominant. In certain situations religion also acts as a push factor. Casteism and communalism does also have more or less a similar role. In the migrant population of the area 17.44 per cent male and 3.2 per cent females reported to have come due to these factors while the proportion of migration stimulated by fighting and tension has been recorded as 7.18 per cent and 0.92 per cent respectively. It is most unfortunate that these factors are still potently operative despite clear safeguards provided in the Indian constitution under articles 15,17 and 25-28. However, those who pushed out by communal and caste prejudice, usually migrate to those places or areas where they expect greater safety and lesser frauzy and tension. A much less significant is that type of sequential migration in which dependents other than agnates, and friends and colleagues migrate by way of mutual social support and economic benefit. This type accounts for 3.34 per cent people in the migrant population of the study area. The official transfers is yet another, though obviously very insignificant, aspect of obligatory migration. In the area only 1.14 per cent male migrants reported the official transfers as the cause of their migration. Education, though qualitatively a very significant social factor, is not equally significant quantitatively in respect of migration. Only a small proportion of migrants (4.62 per cent males and 0.15 per cent females) reported education as being the cause of their migration. The relative significance of the determinants discussed above are found to vary according to the settlement status of the areas of origin and destination. Table 5.2 provides the detailed information about the causes of rural to rural, rural to urban, urban to urban and urban to rural migrations. 157 The Table 5.2 unfolds the fact that rural to urban migration is more economic motivated (23.38 per cent) than that from urban to urban (19.85 per cent), rural to rural (13.13 per cent) and urban to rural (3.13 per cent) migration. The dominant cause of movement of migrant population in all types of migration streams is marriage, excluding the rural to urban migration in which the maximum percentage (37.41) has been recorded in family migration. The highest figure, 90.63 per cent, of marriage migration has been found out in urban to rural migration stream, followed by rural to rural migration 61.12 per cent, urban to urban migration 48.53 per cent, and rural to urban migration 20.5 per cent. The most important economic causes of rural-urban migration are search for work, better jobs/wages/income and services as they account for 22.30 per cent of this category of migrants. The combined share of these factors is 95.38 per cent of the economic motivated rural to urban migration. Migration for services constitutes 9.23 per cent of the rural to urban economic motivated migration. The government jobs, even of lower grades, have a special attraction for educated peasants because of the respect which the families of government servants enjoy in the rural society. To them the main objective of education is to secure a government job, so much so that if an educated person fails to get a service, he is taunted particularly by those who are well-off despite being illiterate. Fairly well educated peasant youths more often than not, feel themselves a miss-fit in the rural society. This feeling forces them to move out. In addition, social, cultural and civic amenities of urban life also attract them towards urban areas. Consequently, they would migrate to towns or cities and would engage themselves in services, even though they might not be commensurate with their educational qualifications. In Shahjahanpur. social factors accounted for 76.62 per cent of rural-urban migration. Among social factors, family migration has been the dominant factor, followed by marriage, casteism/communalism and the migration for education. Relatively less dominance notwithstanding, the migration due to casteism and 158 TABLE 5.2 PERCENTAL DISTRIBUTION OF IN-MIGRANTS BY CAUSES AND TYPE OF SETTLEMENT OF ORIGIN AND DESTINATION, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Cause Rural to urban Rural to rural Urban to rural Urban to urban Economic 1. To seek agriculture land/ to get land on Patta - 58.67 (7.70) - - 2. To work 44.61 (10.43)* 2.67 (0.35) - 25 93 (5,15) 3. To obtain better jobAwages/ 41.54 (9.71) 21.33 (2.80) - 29 63 (5.88) income 4. To look after landed property 1.54(0.36) 17.33 (2.28) - r.41 (1.471 5. Service 9.23 (2.16) - 100.00 (3.13) 37.03 (7.35) 6. Others 3.08 (0.72) - - - Total 100.00 (23.38) 100.00 (13.13) 100.00 (3.13) 100.00 (19.85) Social 1 Marriage 26.76 (20.50) 70.36 (61.12) 93.55 (90.62) 60 55 (48.53) 2. To join family/husband 1.88(1,44) 1.41 (1.23) - 5 50 (4,41) 3. To join friends/relatives 2.82 (2.16) 2.02 (1.75) - 0 92 (0.74) 4 Family migrated 48.83 (37.41) 16.53 (14.36) 6.45 (6.25) 29.36 (23.53) 5 To get education 4.22 (3.24) 0.20 (0.18) - - 6 CasteisnVcommunalism 13.14 (10.07) 5.24 (4.55) - 0,92 (0,74) 7 Fighting/tension 1.41 (1.08) 3.43 (2.98) - - 8 Official transfer 0.94 (0.72) - - 1,83 (1,47) 9 Others - 0.81 (0.70) - 0,92 (0.74) Total 100.00 (76.62) 100,00 (86,87) 100.00 (96.87) 100.00 (80.15) All (100.00) (100,00) (100.00) (100.00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 59 communalism is certainly a matter of great concern and deserves a serious cognizance. This caste and communal factor accounts for 10.07 per cent of the in-migrants. This, in fact, is a sort of segregation process and is developing nodes of population of a particular religion and caste in towns and cities. With every new migration stream, these nodal points would grow in size and strength. It is an irony of the situation that those who migrated to escape from communal tension became instrumental in its development at places of destination. Higher educational centres, obviously confined to urban areas accounts for 4.62 per cent of rural-urban migration. This sector of migrants mainly comprises young boys belonging to relatively affluent families. Villages seldom have schools beyond eight class standard but for the villagers it is rather expensive to send one or more of their children to cities for higher education. Thus this influx is almost exclusively of boys of better off families. Table 5.2 shows that rural to rural migration is more social in nature than the rural to urban migration. Economic factors account for only 13.13 per cent of rural to rural migration. In economic motivations, 58.67 per cent rural to rural migrant population migrated to seek cheep agriculture land or to get land on patta, 23.99 per cent reported better jobs, good wages and better prospects of work and income as the causes of their migration, while 17.33 per cent migration has been motivated for looking after landed property of their relatives. Social factors of migration account for 86.87 per cent of the rural to rural migration. Among the social factors, marriages have been responsible for 70.36 per cent and family movements 16.53 per cent of socially motivated migration. These two factors respectively account for 61.12 and 14.36 per cent of the total rural to rural migration. Casteism, communalism, fighting and tension are other social factors which are operative in this sector too and their combined share is 160 8.67 per cent of rural to rural migration caused by the social factors But their combined ratio is only 7.53 per cent in the total of rural to rural migration. In the district, the volume of urban to rural migration is very insignificant and has been mainly caused by marriages which account for 90.62 per cent, while family migration and services respectively account for 6.25 and 3.13 per cent. The rural peasants who do not have long standing in cities or towns have to marry their daughters in rural areas as the urban youths are generally not ready to accept them because of the stigma of rurality attached with them. Thus a weak and minor current of migration from urban to rural areas sets in. In economic motivated migration, the urban people migrated to rural areas for goveniment services where they avail the facility of cheap foodgrains and pure milk, and they are also honoured and respected by rural people. With regard to urban to urban migration, the data in Table 5.2 shows that 80.15 per cent moved under social compulsions and the remaining 19.85 per cent for economic betterment. Among the economic motivated migrants, 29.63 per cent came for obtaining better jobs, good wages or income, 25.93 per cent for work, 37.04 per cent for services and 7.41 per cent to look after landed property. One of the major attractions in Shahjahanpur city is the 'Ordnance Clothing Factory' that has attracted thousands of people from both the urban and rural areas of the district and has also pulled a substantial number of migrants from adjoining districts for permanent settlement in the city. Besides, the sugar, rice, pulses and oil mills and other types of factories have also attracted a considerable number of migrants both from urban and rural areas, comprising managers, clerks, skilled and semi-skilled labourers. People have also migrated in from smaller towns for higher and regular wages. Government establishments, agencies and other institutions have also attracted quite a great number of migrants as they combinedly account for 37.03 per cent of the total urban to urban economic motivated migration. Social factors account for 80.15 per cent of the urban to urban migration. Among them marriage had a share of 60.55 per cent (or 48.53 per cent of the !61 total), family migration 29.36 per cent (or 23.53 per cent of the total) and migration for joining husbands, friends and relatives a share of 6.42 per cent (or 5.15 per cent of the total). Those who reported official transfers as the cause of their migration constituted 1.83 per cent (or 1.47 per cent of the total). Table 5.3 shows percental distribution of socio-economic reasons of in-migration categorized on the basis of the religion of migrants. It will be seen from the Table 5.3 that Sikh migration is more economic motivated than is the Muslim or Hindu migration. Among Sikhs 48.24 per cent migrants moved for economic motivations, while among Hindus and Muslims the percentages are found to be 9.80 and 20.51 respectively. Among Sikh migrants the dominant cause of economic motivated migration is to seek agricultural land. The cheap arable lands lying mainly in the northern parts of the district attracted 90.24 per cent of the Sikh migrants in the district. Some Sikh have also arrived due to social considerations. Among them family migration has been the most dominant. It alone constituted 75.00 per cent, while marriages accounted for 18.18 per cent and 6.82 per cent migrated to join their families or husbands. The dominant economic factors of Muslim migration are quest for work (39.29 per cent) and better jobs, wages or income (51.79 per cent). Not a single Muslim reported to have migrated for seeking agricultural land. Economically the Muslims are generally weaker than the Hindus and Sikhs. Since their household size is usually larger, they frequently move to get jobs and good wages to feed their families. Among social factors of Muslim migration, family migration have been responsible for 35.02 per cent, marriages for 34.1 per cent, and communal tensions for 16.59 per cent. As regards Hindu migration, the Table 5.3 indicates that under economic motivations, 30.77 per cent migration has been for obtaining better jobs, good wages or incomes, 21.54 per cent for acquiring landed property and 10.77 per cent for obtaining services. 162 TABLE 5.3 PERCENTAL DISTRIBUTION OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC REASONS OF IN-MIGRATION BY THE RELIGION OF MIGRANTS, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Cause Hindu & Others Muslims Sikhs Economic 1. To seek cheap agriculture land/to get land on patta 7.69 (0,75)* - 90.24(43.53) 2. To work 23.08 (2.26) 39.29(8.06) 244(1.18) 3. To obtain better job/wages/income 30.77 (3,02) 51.79(10.62) 7 32(3,53) 4. To look after landed property 21.54(2.11) 3.57(0.73) - 5. Service 10.77(1,06) 5.35(1.10) - 6. Others 6,15(0.60) - - Total 100.00(9.80) 100.00(20.51) 100.00(48.24) Social 1. Marriage 70,07(63.20) 34.10(27.11) 18.18(941) 2. To join family/husband 1.51(1.36) 3.23(2.56) 6.82(3.53) 3. To join friends/relatives 1.17(1.06) 4.61 (3.66) - 4. Family migrated 19.57(17.65) 35.02(27.84) 7 5 00(38.82) 5. To get education 1.00(0.90) 1.84(1.47) - 6. Casteism/communalism 2,17(1.96) 16.59(13.19) - 7. Fighting/tension 2.68(2.41) 4.61 (3.66) - 8, Official transfer 0.83(0.75) - - 9. Others 1.00(0.90) - - Total 100.00(90.20) 100,00(79,49) 100.00(51.76) All (100.00) (100.00) (100.00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 163 The important social factors behind Hindu migration are marriages (70.0Iper cent), family migration (19.57 per cent), casteism and communaiism (2.17 per cent), and fighting and tension (2.68 per cent). The important inferences that may be drawn after the analysis of the Table 5.3 are that (i) the dominant cause of Sikh migration to the district is to acquire cheap agricultural lands. It alone constitutes 43.53 per cent of the Sikh migration to the district,(ii) Hindu migration is more marriage motivated (63.20 per cent) in comparison to that of Muslims (27.12 per cent) and Sikhs (9.41 per cent), (iii) The migration induced by communal feeling is greater among Muslims than Hindus, while among Sikhs it is zero. Since independence, a number of plans have been drawn and implemented for socio-economic development of the country. These developments have considerably changed the relative potencies of the various determinants of migration. In view of these changes in the Table 5.4 the temporal changes in the strengths of the reasons of migration have been set out. An analysis of the data in Table 5.4 unfolds the fact that with the passage of time migration has become more social than economic in nature. In the period 1981-87, the proportion of economic motivated migration was 20.81 per cent, but it gradually declined to become 14.75 per cent in 1988-92, and 11.85 per cent during 1993-97, while the percentages of migration induced by social stimulants have been 79.19, 85.25 and 88.15 per cent in the respective periods. The change in the magnitude of migration for cheap agricultural land and services has not been uniform during the period 1981-97. It accounted for 43.28 per cent during 1981-87, but dropped to 12.96 per cent in 1988-92, to rise again to 17.95 per cent in 1993-97. This substantial change may be attributed to the diminution of cheap agricultural land in the northern parts of the district as much of it had been already occupied by the migrants. A relatively small increment recorded during 1993-97 was mainly due to the migration of native people to get land on patta. However, the proportion of migration for services has steadily U>4 TABLE 5.4 DISTRIBUTION OF IN-MIGRATION BASED ON PERIOD SINCE MIGRATION, BY CAUSES, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Reason Period since migration 1981-87 1988-92 1993-97 Economic 1. To seek cheap agriculture land/to get land on patta 43.28 (9.01)* 12.96 (1.91) 17.95 (2,13) 2. To work 20.89 (4.35) 29.63 (4.37) 2.-5.64 (3.04) 3. To obtain better job/wages/income 19.40 (4.04) 37.04 (5.46) 28.21 (3.34) 4. To look after landed property 8.96 (1.86) 5.56 (0.82) 1i'.82 (1 52) 5. Service 4.48 (0.93) 12.96 (1.91) 1£.38 (1 82) 6. Others 2.99 (0.62) 1.85(0.27) - Total 100.00 (20.81) 100.00 (14.75) 100.00(11.85) Social 1. Marriage 67.06(53.11) 53.85 (45.90) 53.45 (47.11) 2. To join family/husband 2.75(2.17) 2.24(1.91) 3.10 (2.74) 3. To join friends/relatives 1.57(1.24) 2.24 (1.91) - 4. Family migrated 20.00 (15.84) 23.08 (19.67) 22.^51 (19.76) 5. To get education 0.78 (0.62) 0,32 (0.27) 2,76 (2,43) 6. Casteism/communalism 2.35(1.86) 11.86(10.11) 10.00 (8 81) 7. Fighting/tension 2.75(2.17) 3.21 (2.73) 7.59 (6 69) 8. Official transfer - 0.32 (0.27) 0.69 (0.61) 9. Others 2.75 (2.17) 2.88 (2.46) Total 100.00 (79.19) 100.00 (85.25) 100.00 (88 15) All (100.00) (100.00) (100 00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 165 increased. It rose from 4.48 per cent in 1981-87 to 12.96 per cent in 1988-92 and to 15.38 per cent in 1993-97. The Table 5.4 also discloses that considerable temporal changes have also taken place in the relative proportions of the social factors of migration. During 1981-87, the migration due to casteism and communalism, and fighting and tension had been only 5.09 per cent of the social migration, but it rose to 15.05 per cent during 1988-92, and 17.59 per cent during 1993-97. This steady increase is rather unfortunate as it reflects a gradual w^orsening of communal situation and increasing plight of the weaker sections of the society. If the apprehensions of insecurity due to communal and caste hatreds are effectively eliminated, it will not only help to develop a tension free society but will also reasonably contain migration flows. The migration for education has also gained momentum with the time. Surely, it reflects awakening and consciousness among the people towards modem education. It is also helpful in cultural diffusion and social integration in the country. In 1981-87 the ratio of educational migration was only 0.78 per cent of the social migration but it became 2.76 per cent during 1993-97. The socio-economic causes of migration may also change with the distance between place of origin and place of destination of the migrants. The geographical location of the district Shahjahanpur is such that it does not make contiguous boundary with any other state of India. Therefore, the migration to the district from other states of India beyond Uttar Pradesh may be considered as long-distance migration and the movements of the people within the district across the block boundaries and the migration to Shahjahanpur district from other districts of Uttar Pradesh may be roughly considered as short-distance and medium-distance migrations respectively. In Table 5.5, the proportions of migration due to different factors and classified on the basis of types of migration defining boundaries have been presented. \6h TABLE 5.5 DISTRIBUTION OF IN-MIGRATION BY CAUSES ANDTYPES OF ADMINISTRATIVE BOUNDARIES CROSSED AT THE TIME OF MIGRATION, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981 -1997 Cause Place of origin Within the Other districts States district ofU.P. beyond UP. Economic 1. To seek cheap agriculture land/to 6.56 (0.83)* 4.69 (0 68) 80.95 (34.00) get land on patta 2. To work 27.87 (3.53) 28.12(4 11) 7.14 (3,00) 3. To obtain better job/wages/income 40.98 (5.20) 37.50 (5.48) 7 14 (3.00) 4. To look after landed property 6.56 (0.83) 18.75 (2 74) - 5. Service 11.47 (1.46) 10.94 (1.60) 4 76 (2.00) 6. Others 6.56 (0,83) - - Total 100.00 (12.68) 100.00 (1461) 100 GO (42.00) Social 1. Marriage 56.43 (49.27) 66.31 (56.62) 34.48 (20.00) 2. To join family/husband 0.24 (0.21) 3.74 (3.20) 3.46 (2.00) 3. To join friends/relatives 2.38 (2.08) 1.87(1.60) - 4. Family migrated 23.57 (20.58) 22.19 (18 95) 62.07 (36.00) 5. To get education 1.43(1.25) 1,07 (0.91) 6. Casteism/communalism 9.29(8.11) 2.94 (2 51) 7. Fighting/tension 5.71 (4.99) 0.27 (0 23) 8, Official transfer 0.48 (0.41) 0.80 (0.68) 9. Others 0.48 (0.41) 0.80 (0 68) Total 100.00 (87.32) 100.00 (85 39) 100.00 (58 00) All (100.00) (100 00) (100 00; * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. Ui7 An examination of Table 5.5 shows that the migration to Shahjahanpur district from other states of India is distinctly more for economic reasons than are the inter-district and intra-district migrations. The respective proportions of the economic motivated migration run as 42.00 per cent, 14.61 per cent and 12.68 per cent. However, the position of migration under social factors is just the reverse. In intra-district migration the ratio is highest being 87.32 per cent to be closely followed by that in inter-district migration which is 85.39 per cent whereas it is 58.00 per cent for the migration from other states to the district. In long-distance migration the availability of cheap agriculture land played a dominant role, it contributed 80.95 per cent of economic motivated migration from other states to the district. But in intra-district migration it accounted for only 6.56 per cent and inter-district migration 4.69 per cent. The majority of intra-district migrants seeking agricultural land is of scheduled caste persons who migrated to get land onpatta; while in inter-district migration, the Sikhs inhabiting the adjoining districts of Pilibhit, Kheri and Nainital districts have migrated to the district mainly for cheap agricultural land. Moreover, in intra-district and inter-district migrations the outstanding motivations have been to obtain better jobs, wages, income, work and services and to look after landed property of the relatives. However, in long-distance migration no movement has been recorded for looking after the landed property of relatives. The close scrutiny of Table 5.5 would reveal that the percentage of migration for services has been inversely related with the distance from the district. It has been 11.48 per cent in intra-district migration, 10.94 per cent in inter-district migration and only 4.76 per cent in respect of migration from other states. Familial considerations have been dominant social factors in the migration from other states. Of the social migrants, 62.07 per cent were the family dependents while 34.48 per cent arrived directly by way of marriage and 3.45 per cent for joining the already migrated families or husbands. In intra-district and inter-district migrations the proportion of marriage migration is higher iind family migration lesser than the respective proportions for the migration from other states. Though the marriage migration is dominant in both the inter-district and intra-district migrations, it has a much higher share (66.31 per cent) in the former than that in the latter (56.43 per cent). This difference may partially be due to the migration defining boundaries adopted for the data collection. The females who have been married within the boundaries of a block in the district, have not been considered as a migrant but only a mover from one place to another. But in the cases of inter-district migration the movement of females due to marriage from the districts adjoining Shahjahanpur district has been considered as an act of migration with no exception whatsoever. The data given in Table 5.5 also brings the fact into light that the ratio of migration provoked by casteism, communalism, fighting and tension is higher in intra-district migration than in either inter-district migration from within the state or without the state. In fact, no person has migrated to the district due to these compulsions from outside of the state. In intra-district migration, casteism and communalism constituted 9.29 per cent and fighting and tension 5.71 per cent of the social migration. The ratios of these types for inter-district migration have been recorded as 2.94 per cent and 0.27 per cent respectively. Table 5.6 shows the percentage distribution of determinants of migration excluding the migration of children below 14 years of age and that of familial and marital migrations that only overweigh the migration flows and have not any specific importance in causal analysis of migration. An analysis of the data given in Table 5.6 vividly shows that after excluding the migration of children below 14 years of age, family and marriage migrations, the economic motivations of migration have emerged as the d(3minant factors of migration contributing neariy two-third (62.06 per cent) of the total \h'> TABLE 5.6 DISTRIBUTION OF IN-MIGRATION (EXCLUDING UNDER FOURTEENS", MARRIAGE AND FAMILIAL MIGRATIONS) BY CAUSES, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Percent Cause distribution Economic 1. To seek cheap agriculture land/to get land on patta 27.39(17,00)* 2. Towork 24.20 (15.02) 3. To obtain better job/wages/income 27.39 (17 00) 4. To look after landed property 8.92 (5.53) 5. Service 10.83 (6.72) 6. Others 1.27 (0 79) Total 100.00(62.06) Social 1. To get education 8.33 (316) 2. Casteism/communalism 50.00 (18 97) 3. Fighting/tension 33.33 (12 65) 4. Official transfer 3.13 (-.18) 5. Others 5.21 (1.98) Total 100.00(37.94) All (100.00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations (ombmed together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 170 migration in the district. The social factors account for only 37.94 per cent of migration. The fact, that casteism and communalism alone account for not only 50.00 per cent of the social migration but this combine has also emerged as the single dominant factor accounting for 18.97 per cent (Table 5.6) of the total volume of migration in the district, is certainly a matter of grave concern. The situation becomes all the more unfortunate and alarming when casteism and communalism are considered in conjunction with fighting and tension. These antisocial factors are combinedly responsible for 83.33 per cent of the social and 31.62 per cent of the total migration. These figures lead to the ominous conclusion that the negative factors of antisocial nature substantially dominate the internal migration scenario of the district. Causes of Out-migration The data about the reasons for male and female out-migration from the selected villages and mohallas of the towns of the district are set out in Table 5.7. It will be seen from the table that more than half (52.75 per cent) of the male migration has been for economic motivations, and nearly total migration of females has been caused by social factors of migration except only 0.95 per cent of female migration that has been motivated by economic considerations. In the economic motivated migration of males, 31.13 per cent has been due to unemployment, underemployment or non-availability of enough work. Better prospects of job, income and business accounted for 13.54 per cent of the economic motivated male migration, while 12.50 per cent migrated under the push of low wages or hard labour at their places of origin. Another 8.33 per cent out-migrated for services, whereas 8.33 per cent left their homes for occupying the immovable property of their relatives. Remaining 5.21 per cent of economic motivated migration has been caused by desire to get land on patta, or to evade payment of government loan or even by loss of land. :7i TABLES.? PERCENTAL DISTRIBUTION OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC DETERMINANTS OF OUT-MIGRATION BY SEX, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Cause Male Female Total Economic 1. No work/not enough work 31.13 (16.48)* - 3000(4.98) 2. Better job/income/business 13.54 (7.14) - 13,00(2.15) 3. To take property of relatives 8.33 (4.40) 75.00 (0.71) 11.00 (1,82) 4. Service 29.17 (15.38) 25.00 (0.24) 29,00 (4,81) 5. Low wages/hard labour 12.50 (6.59) - 12,00 (1,99) 6. Otiiers 5.21 (2.75) - 5 00 (0,83) Total 100.00 (52.75) 100.00 (0.95) 100 00 (16,58) Social 1. Marriage - 80.82 (80.05) 67,00 (55,89) 2. To join husband/family/ 1.16(0.55) 5.28 (5.23) 4,157 (3,81) relatives/friends 3. Moved with the head of household 41.86(19.78) 7.91 (7.84) 13,72 (11,44) 4. To get education 24.42 (11.54) 1.68 (1.66) 5,£7 (4,64) 5. Casteism/communalism 4.65 (2.20) 0,72 (0 71) 1 39 (1 16) 6. Fighting/tension 16.28 (7.69) 2 64 (2 61) 4 97 (4 15) 7. Official transfer 3.49(1.65) - 0,60 (0 50) 8. Disliked social life of villages/ 2.33(1.10) - 0,40 (0 33) liked town life 9. Others 5.81 (2.75) 0 96 (0 95) 1,79 (1 49) Total 100.00 (47.25) 100.00 (99.05) 100 00 (83 42) All (100.00) (100.00) (100 00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 72 The data in respect of social factors of out-migration show that the migration of members accompanying the head of household amounted to 41.86 per cent of social male migration, followed by 24.42 per cent for getting higher or specialized education. Withm the social factors, fighting and tension compelled 16.28 per cent male to out-migrate while casteism and communalism drove out 4.65 per cent of them. Another 5.81 per cent of them out-migrated due to murder, corruption, divorce of mother and other social evils. Officials transfers accounted for 3.49 per cent of male migration. Moreover, 2.33 per cent of the social migration has been found to be due to either dissatisfaction with the social and cultural environment in rural areas, or attraction of the social, cultural and recreation facilities found in urban centres. The remaining 1.62 per cent out-migrants out-migrated to join the family, relatives or friends. With regard to female out-migration Table 5.7 reveals that it has been almost totally due to social factors as only 0.95 per cent of female migrants moved out under economic motivations. Of the economic motivated out-migration, 75.00 per cent migrated to take the property of the relatives and 25.00 per cent for services. Among the social factors marriage has been the dominant cause as it accounted for 80.82 per cent of the total volume of female out-migration. Whereas only 5.28 per cent migrated to join the husbands, families or relatives while 7.91 per cent accompanied the head of households. Education has been the least significant of the social factors as it accounted for a patty 1.68 per cent of the socially motivated out-migration of females. Table 5.8 which gives the distribution of socio-economic causes of out-migration by settlement status of the places of origin and destination shows that the rural to urban migration is more economic motivated than are the rural to rural, urban to urban and urban to rural migrations. The economic motivations have been responsible for 39.38 per cent of rural to urban migration, 13.95 per cent of urban to urban, 6.59 per cent of rural to rural and only 4.76 per cent of urban to rural migrations. Table 5.8 also reveals that marriages have been the 173 TABLE 5.8 DISTRIBUTION OF OUT-WIGRATION BY CAUSES AND TYPE OF COMMUNITY OF ORIGIN AND DESTINATION OF THE MIGRANTS, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981 -1997 Cause Rural to Rural Rural to Urban Urban to Urban Urban to Rural Economic 1. No work/not enough work 22.73 (1.50)* 33.33 (13.13) 33.33 (4.65) - 2. Better income/job/business 22.73 (1.50) 9.52 (3.75) 16.67 (2.33) - 3. To take property of relatives 22.73(1.50) 9.52 (3.75) - - 4. Service 4.54 (0.30) 33.33 (13.13) 50.00 (6.98) 100 00 (4.76) 5. Low wages/hard labour 13.64 (0.90) 14.29 (5.63) - - 6. Others 13.64(0.90) - - - Total 100.00 (6.59) 100.00 (39.38) 100.00 (13.95) 100 00 (4.76) Social 1. Marriage 85.26 (79.64) 19.59 (11.88) 48.65 (41.86) 80 00 (76.19) 2. To join husband/family 0.96 (0.90) 15.46 (9.38) 5.41(4.65) 5 00 (4.76) 3. Moved with the head of 7.37 (6.89) 34.02 (20.63) 14.86 (12.79) 10.00 (9.52) household 4. To get education - 8.25 (5.00) 27.03 (23.25) - 5. Casteism/communalism 0.32 (0.30) 6.19 (3.75) - - 6. Fighting/tension 3.87 (3.59) 12.37 (7.50) 1.35 (1.16) - 7. Official transfer - - 2.70 (2.32) 5 00 (4.761 8. Disliked village life. - 2.06(1.25) - - 9. Others 2.24 (2.10) 2.06(1.25) - - Total 100.00 (93.41) 100.00 (60.62) 100.00 (86.05) 100.00 (95.24) All (100.00) (100.00) (100.00) (100.00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source Calculation is based on sample survey by author. J A cause of nearly four-fifths (79.64 per cent) of the rural to rural migration, more than three-fourth (76.19 per cent) of urban to rural, 41.86 per cent of urban to urban, and 11.88 per cent of rural to urban migrations. In rural areas of Shahjahanpur district (excluding the northern parts of tahsil Powayan) there is acute problem of unemployment and disguised unemployment due to high pressure of population on land. If the jobs are available they are generally seasonal and hard in nature, and in which wages are fluctuating and low. This has forced a great number of people to migrate. In rural to rural economic migration, 22.73 per cent migrants moved out to other rural areas because of non-availability of jobs or insufficient work. The corresponding proportion in rural to urban migration has been recorded 33.33 per cent. Within the economic motives, low wages or hard labour acted as a strong repellent and accounted for 14.28 per cent of the rural to urban and 13.64 per cent of the rural to rural migration. On the other hand the pull factors of better prospects of job, income and business in other areas were responsible for 22.73 per cent of economic migration from rural to rural areas and 9.5 per cent in rural to urban areas. Another 22.73 per cent of economic migration from rural to rural areas has been for the reason of taking possession of the property of relatives while the corresponding figure for rural to urban migration has been 9.52 per cent. Of the total economic migration, services accounted for 33.33 per cent of the rural to urban and 13.64 per cent of the rural to rural migration. The remaining 13.64 per cent of rural to rural migration has been caused by floods, debts etc. An assessment of the data regarding urban to urban migration indicates that 50.00 per cent of the economic motivated migration has been for services. 33.33 per cent due to non-availability of work or insufficient work, and remaining 16.67 per cent to opportunities of better jobs, good income and business at the places of destination. In urban to rural migration only 4.76 per cent migrants moved for economic purposes and it had been for government services. .75 As regards the social factors of out-migration, the Table 5.8 shows that marriages have caused 85.27 per cent of rural to rural and 19.59 per cent of rural to urban migration. The reverse trend has been found in proportion of family migration and in the migrations to join husbands or relatives. These two factors accounted for 8.33 per cent of the social migration from rural to rural areas whereas 49.48 per cent from rural to urban areas. Migration for higher education amounted to 8.25 per cent of the social migration from rural to urban areas. Obviously, no such rural migration has been reported to rural areas. Among social factors casteism, communalism, and fighting and tension have been responsible for 3.89 per cent of migration from rural areas of the district to other rural areas. The corresponding figure for rural to urban migration has been recorded as 11.25 per cent. Wanton exploitation of religious emotions for political ends by political and pseudo-political organizations during the past few decades has given a strong fill up to communal tensions particularly between Muslims and Hindus. Consequently Muslims in Hindu dominated villages and Hindus in Muslim majority villages feel highly insecure. This pushes Hindus from Muslim majority villages and Muslims from Hindu dominated villages to migrate out. Moreover, sharp caste prejudice is also a strong force operating in Hindu dominated areas and acts as a potent repellent pushing Harijans and other less privileged persons out in great numbers. In addition there is strong groupism in almost all the villages caused by the elections of village pardhan, distribution of irrigation water, which leads to frequent group fightings. Consequently, the people of weaker parties are forced to give up the village and migrate to other areas for peace and safety of their life and wealth. In some cases conflicts breed and flare up in the household itself Adult males living in their father's household as dependents generally fail to adjust as cordial and an atmosphere of perpetual tension develops in the family. As a matter of fact, this tension is one of the most important reasons of fighting and conflicts 76 that lead to migration. In some cases, even the real brothers would start fighting on the issue of partition of the inherited landed property of their deceased father. Petty rivalries among females would also quite often bring male members into confrontation and cause hyper tensions. These types of conflicts ultimately end up with the migration of some of the members, both male and female, of the household. The dissatisfaction with the rural life accounted for 2.06 per cent of rural to urban migration. The remaining 2.06 per cent rural to urban migration has been caused by murder, corruption and divorce etc. The combined share of these factors has been 2.50 per cent of rural to rural migration induced by social factors With regard to urban out-migration the Table 5.8 indicates that m social factors marriage migration constituted 48.65 per cent of urban to urban migration and 80.00 per cent of urban to rural migration. The proportion of family migration in urban to rural social migration-stream is 10.00 per cent, and 5.00 per cent migration has been recorded for joining husbands and relatives. The ratios of these types of migration have been found 14.86 per cent and 5.41 per cent respectively in urban to urban migration-stream. An important factor of urban to urban migration is the desire to get higher education. In the district, there are only two degree colleges only with one having master's degree courses recently introduced and that too in some selected disciplines only. Both of these colleges are located in Shahjahanpur city. In tahsil headquarters, the educational institutions are not above the intermediate level. Therefore, students migrate to other cities for getting higher education. The tempo of this type of migration is bound to increase in future due to increasing interest in obtaining higher or technical education. Remaining 2.70 per cent of urban to urban social migration has been caused by the transfers of government employees while in urban to rural migration the corresponding figure has been 5.00 per cent. Table 5.9 presents the data on socio-economic causes of out-migration categorized on the basis of the religion of the migrants. 177 An analysis of Table 5.9 reveals that social causes of migration are the dominant factors of out-migration, and Hindu out-migration is more economic motivated than Muslim migration, while no economic motivated out-migration has been recorded among the Sikhs. In economic motivated migration 33.33 per cent of Muslim migrants have been pushed out due to lack of work or insufficient work, while among Hindus it accounted for 29.76 per cent of the migration. Search of better jobs, mcome or business caused 20.00 per cent of economic motivated migration of Muslims and 11 .90 per cent of Hindus. It may be attributed to the low socio-economic status and big size of households among Muslims as compared to Hindus. Of the economic migration, various government services accounted for 30.95 per cent of Hindu migration and 20.00 per cent of Muslim migration. The relatively high ratio of migration for services among Hindus has been mainly due to higher literacy among Hindus than among Muslims. Low wages and hard labour caused an out-migration of Hindus to the tune of 14.29 per cent but no such migration has been reported among Muslims. It again indicates that Muslims are generally poor so they do not migrate even if wages are low and the nature of work is hard. As far as the social factors are concerned, the comparative analysis of Table 5.9 shows a remarkable dominance of marriages which accounted for 87.50 per cent of Sikh out-migration. The remaining 12.50 per cent has been induced by the dissatisfaction with the village life. Marriage has also been a strong determinant of out-migration among Muslims and Hindus, though of course relatively more strong among the latter. It accounted for 47.00 per cent among Muslims but for as high as 70.22 per cent among Hindus. Another important factor worth mentioning is education. It accounted for 6.54 per cent of Hindu social migration while the corresponding ratio among Muslim migrants is only 1.00 per cent. It also reflects general poverty among Muslims so that they find it hard to afford higher education. Besides, the strong under currents of communalism have made them to 178 TABLE 5.9 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF OUT-MIGRATION OF REUGIONS COMMUNITIES BY CAUSES, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Cause Hindu Muslim Sikh Economic 1. No work/not enough work 29.76 (5.03)* 33.33 (4.35) - 2. Better job/income/wages 11.90 (2.01) 20.00(2.61) - 3. To take property of relatives 10.71 (1.81) 13.33 (1.74) - 4. Service 30.95 (5.23) •20.00 (2.61) 5. Low wages/hard labour 14.29 (2.41) - 6. Others 2.38 (0.40) 13.33 (1.74) ' Total 100.00 (16.90) 100.00 (13.04) - Social 1. Marriage 70.22 (58.35) 47.00 (40.87) 67.50 (87.50) 2. To join husband/family/relatives/ 4.36 (3.62) 3.00 (2.61) - friends 3. Moved with the head of household. 14.04 (11.67) 23.00 (20.00) - 4. To get education 6.54 (5.43) 1.00 (0.87) - 5. Casteism/communaiism 0.48 (0.40) 5.00 (4.35) - 6. Fighting/tension 1.94(1.61) 17.00 (14.78) - 7. Official transfer 0.48 (0.40) 2.00 (1.74) - 8. Disliked village life - 1.00(0.87) 12.50 (12.50) 9. Others 1.94(1.61) 1.00(0.87) - Total 100.00 (83.10) 100.00 (86.96) 100.00 (100.00) All (100.00) (100.00) (100.00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. SourcG. Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 179 believe that at the time of selection for government services Muslims are generally discriminated against. Another important reason of out-migration is the combine of negative forces of fighting, tension, casteism and communalism. The volume of migration due to this set of causes is high among Muslims than Hindus. Of the total Muslim social migration, 17.00 per cent has been induced by fighting and tension, and 5.00 per cent by fear psychosis due to communalism. But in case of Hindus, fighting and tension accounted for 1.94 per cent of social migration while casteism and communalism has been responsible for a mere 0.48 per cent. Table 5.10 provides information about the percentage distribution of causes of out-migration categorized by period since migration. An analysis of the data given in Table 5.10 shows that with the passage of time tremendous changes have occurred in the relative proportions of some of the socio-economic factors of out-migration. Among economic factors, the non-availability of jobs and insufficient work continued to increase steadily its significance as a determinant of out-migration. During 1981-87, it accounted for 15.39 per cent but the percentage rose to 20.00 during 1988-92 and ultimately to 36.96 per cent in the period 1993-97. It has been mainly due to slower growth of jobs than of population. In view of the increasing rates of unemployment both in rural and urban areas of the district caused by high growth rates of population, it may be apprehended, with reason, that the migration under this cause would continue its upward trend. However, the reverse trend has been observed in the migration for services. In the period 1981-87,46.15 per cent of the economic motivated migration was for services; but the ratio reduced to 33.33 per cent between 1988-92, and to only 15.22 per cent during 1993-97. This trend has been due to saturation of jobs in public sector and lack of job opportunities in private sector due to increasing number of unemployed persons. .so TABLE 5.10 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF OUT-MIGRATION BY CAUSES BASED ON YEARS SINCE MIGRATION, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Cause Years since migration 1981-87 1988-92 1993-97 Economic 1. No work/not enough work 15.38 (2.58)* 20.00 (2.88) 36 96 (6 83> 2. Better job/income/business 19.23 (3.23) 10.00 (1.44) 15 22 (2.81 3. To take property of relatives 3.85 (0.64) 23.33 (3 36) 8,69 (1,61) 4. Service 46.15 (7.74) 33.33 (4 81) 15 22 (2 81; 5. Low wages/hard labour 3.85 (0.65) 13.33 (1 92) 19,57 (361j 6. Others 11.54(1.94) - 4:5 (0,80) Total 100.00 (16.77) 100.00 (14 42) 100 00 (18,47) Social 1. Marriage 67.44 (56.13) 73.59 (62.98) 57,64 (46,99i 2, To join husband/family/relatives/friends 8.53 (7.10) 3.37 (2 88) 3 45 (2,81) 3. Moved with the head of household 17.83 (14.84) 14.05 (12.02) 13,30 (10,84> 4. To get education - 1.12 (0 96) 12,32 (10,04; 5. Casteism/communalism 0.78 (0.65) 2.81 (2 40) 1,43 (1,20) 6. Fighting/tension 3.10 (2.58) 1.69 (1 44) 8 37 16 83) 7. Official transfer 0.78 (0.65) 1.12 (096) 0 9'i -0 80) 8. Disliked village life - - 0 9') iO 80) 9. Others 1.55(1.29) 2.25 (1.92) 1,48 (1 20) Total 100.00 (83.23) 100.00 (85 58) 100 00 (81 53) All (100.00) (100 00) (100 OOi * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. It is evident from Table 5.10 that the migration caused by low wages or arduous job has kept increasing with the passage of time. It caused only 3.85 per cent of economic motivated migration during 1981-87 but the percentage rose to 13.33 and 19.57 respectively during 1988-92 and 1993-97. It indicates that drastic changes have taken place in the proportional distribution of the economic factors of migration from 1981 to 1997. As regards the social factors of out-migration, the Table 5.10 unfolds the fact that the migration for education has fremendously increased with the passage of time. It may have been due to changing attitude of people for education and uneven distribution of high level educational institutions. No movement for getting education has been recorded for the period'1981-87, but in 1988-92 it reported a share of 1.12 per cent of social migration which suddenly shot up to become 12.32 per cent during 1993-97. As has been noted earlier, the social ecology, after independence, has continuously been vitiated by political parties and pseudo-political organizations through strong propaganda campaigns in the name of caste, creed and religion to fiilfill their selfish motives. It has exerted a profound influence on the balance sheet of migration caused by casteism, communalism and groupism. These factors pushed out 3.22 per cent migrants in 1981-87 period and accounted for 3.85 per cent during 1988-92. But the respective figure rose to 8.03 per cent during 1993-97. Table 5.11 provides a comparative picture of the percentage distribution of out-migration by causes based on the type of migration defining boundaries crossed in the act of migration. Table 5.11 shows that out-migration from the district under economic motivations has been more to the states beyond Uttar Pradesh than either within the district or that to other districts of Uttar Pradesh. The proportion of economic motivated migration within the district boundaries has been found 10.40 per cent, 82 TABLE 5.11 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF OUT-MIGRATION BY CAUSES AND MIGRATION DEFINING BOUNDARIES, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Cause Within the Other districts States of India district ofU.P. beyond U.P. Economic 1. No work/not enough work 19.23 (2.00)* 17.95 (2 37) 50.00 (27,42) 2. Better job/income/business 11.54(1.20) 15.38 (2.03) 11 76(6 45) 3. To take property of relatives 30.77 (3.20)' 7.69(1.02) - 4. Service 15.38 (1.60) 43.59 (5.76) 23..53 (12.90) 5. Low wages/hard labour 11.54(1.20) 10.26 (1.36) 14 71 (8,64) 6. Others 11.54(1.20) 5.13 (0.68) - Total 100.00 (10.40) 100.00 (13.22) 100,00 (54.84) Social 1. Marriage 72.77 (65.20) 66.79 (57.97) 10.71 (4,84) 2. To join husband/family/relatives/friends 2.68 (2.40) 2.73 (2.37) 25.00(11 29) 3. Moved with the head of household 11.61 (10.40) 14.06 (12.20) 64.29 (29 03) 4. To get education 1.79(1.60) 9.38 (8.14) 5. Casteism/communalism 0.45 (0.40) 2.35 (2 06) - 6. Fighting/tension 8.03 (7.20) 1.95 (1.69) 7. Official transfer 0.89 (0.80) 0.78 (0.68) 8. Disliked village life - - 9. Others 1.78(1.60) 1.95(1 69) Total 100.00 (89.60) 100.00 (86.78) 100 00 (45 16) All (100.00) (100.00) (100 00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 183 and without the district but within the state 13.22 per cent whereas to the other states of India as high as 54.84 per cent. It can be seen in the Table 5.11 that in long-distance migration (migration to the states beyond Uttar Pradesh) 50.00 per cent of the economic motivated migration has been due to the unemployment or insufficient work, while in the case of migration within the district the corresponding ratio has been 19.23 per cent, and for the migration to other districts of Uttar Pradesh only 17.95 per cent. Migration for taking the property of relatives has been 30.77 per cent of the economic motivated intra-district migration but in inter-district migration it has been only 7.69 per cent. No such migration has been observed to the states beyond Uttar Pradesh. It may be attributed to a greater' predominance of marriage migrations in intra-district than either in the inter-district or long-distance migration. Marriages have been responsible for 65.20 per cent of intra-district migration, while in inter-district and long-distance migrations the percentages have been recorded as 57.97 and 4.84 respectively. However, the migration for services dominates the inter-district migration caused for economic motivations. It constitutes 43.59 per cent of the economic motivated inter-district migration. Table 5.11 also reveals that the ratio of familial migration (to join husband/relatives, and movement with the head of household) has been 89.28 per cent of the social long-distance migration, while in intra-district and inter-district movements it respectively accounted for 14.29 per cent and 16.79 per cent. The proportion of migration for education has been much higher in inter-district (9.38 per cent) than in intra-district social migration (1.79 per cent). The students have generally migrated to Bareilly, Lucknow, Aligarh, Varanasi and Kanpur for getting higher and professional education. However, there has been no movement for education in long-distance migration. An important inference, that may be drawn from the Table 5.11 is that communalism and casteism have been more active in inter-district than in intra-district migrations. The two combinedly accounted for 2.35 per cent of the 184 inter-district social migration against a paltry share of 0.45 per cent in similar intra-district movements. But a mar reverse trend has been found in respect of fighting and tension. They accounted for 8.00 per cent of the intra-district and only 1.95 per cent of the inter-district social migration. Table 5.12 presents data on the socio-economic determinants of out-migration excluding the migration of children below 14 years of age, marriage and familial migrations. Table 5.12 reveals that more than three-fifths (61.88 per cent) of the total out-migration has been recorded for economic motivations. Within the economic factors, services accounted for 29.29 per cent, unemployment or insufficient work at origin 27.27 per cent. Of the total economic migration, 14.14 per cent has been caused by low wages and arduous nature of work, while 15.15 per cent has been recorded for the purpose of better jobs, income and business. In other words, it means that a large proportion of economic motivated migration has been induced by unemployment, underemployment and disguised unemployment. It will be seen from the table that among social factors education has been responsible for more than one-third (36.07 per cent) of the social migration, while 29.51 per cent has been induced by fighting and tension, and 11.48 per cent by casteism and communalism. This shows that fighting and tension have been more powerful determinants of out-migration than casteism and communalism. However, the trend in case of in-migration has beer just the reverse. The remaining 22.95 per cent social migration has been caused by official transfers, dissatisfaction with the village life, debt and divorce, etc. Reasons of Return Migration The percentage distribution of return migration of both males and females by causes has been given in Table 5.13. The table shows that one-fourth of male (25.86 per cent) and female (25.00 per cent) migrants returned to their places of origin for economic reasons and the remaining 75.00 per cent returned due to 185 TABLE 5.12 DISTRIBUTION OF OUT-MIGRATION (EXCLUDING UNDER FOURTEENS', MARRIAGE AND FAMILIAL MIGRATIONS) BY CAUSES, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Cause Percent distribution Economic 1. No work/not enough work 27.27(16.88)* 2. Better job/income/business 15.15(9,37) 3. To take property of relatives 11.11(6.88) 4. Sen/ice 29.29(18.12) 5. Low wages/hard labour 14.14(8.75) 6. Others 3.03(1.88) Total 100.00(61.88) Social 1. To get education 36.07(13.75) 2. Casteism/communalism 11.47(4.37) 3. Fighting/tension 29.51 (11.25) 4. Official transfer 8.20(3.13) 5. Disliked village life 3.28(1.25) 6. Others 11.47(4.38) Total 100.00(38.12) All (100 00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 186 social causes. Under the economic factors, 46.67 per cent males and 80.00 per cent females returned to take possession of the property of their relatives or to look after landed property. The females, whose parents do not have any son, would generally return to their places of origin along with their husbands and children to look after the landed property and the ageing parents and ultimately to take the property after the death of the parents. Among Yadavs (a Hindu caste) the sex ratio is much high in favour of males. Consequently, because of rigid caste- system in marriages quite a number of males remain unmarried. Such unmarried males generally force their sisters or their father's sisters to come back with their husbands and off-springs for maintaining household and cooking the food, and to take possession of property. In joint families, male adults generally migrate to urban areas in search of job and return back after the death of their father or head of household to lake their share in the inherited property. Again under economic causes, 20.00 per cent male migrants reported the completion of their job terms at destination as the cause of their return migration. Those who migrate to take up jobs in temporary public works like construction of bridges, roads, digging of canals, construction of factories and residential houses etc. generally have to return to their places of origin at the conclusion of the project. Besides, failure in getting a job or taking possession of the property of their relatives at their places of destination is also quite important determinant as it has been found to account for 13.33 per cent of male return migration. Low income and wages forced 5.71 per cent of the total economic motivated return migration of males and females. Moreover, 15.00 per cent of females returned to their places of origin to stake claim for the land distributed to landless and marginal farmers on lease. Among males, 13.33 per cent migrants retuned home under economic motivation of having bought agricultural land there or to get land on patta. ;87 TABLE 5.13 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF MALE AND FEMALE RETURN MIGRATION BY CAUSES, SHAHJAHANPUR, 1981-1997 Cause Male Female Total Economic 1. Failure to get job/property 13.33 (3.45)* - 5 71 (1.45) 2. Low income/wages 6.67(1.72) 5.00(1.25) 571 (1.45) 3. Job finished 20.00 (5.17) - 8 57(2.17) 4. To look after landed property/to 46.67 (12.07) 80.00 (20.00) 65 71 (16.67) take property 5. Bought land/patta 13.33 (3.45) 15.00 (3.75) 14.29 (3.62) Total 100.00 (25.86) 100.00 (25.00) 100.00 (25.36) Social 1. Death of husband/parents 2.33(1.72) 8.33 (6.25) 5 83 (4.35) 2. Divorced/separated - 15.00(11.25) 8 74 (6.52) 3. Retirement 6.98 (5.17) - 2 91 (2.17) 4. Education completed 41.86 (31.03) - 17 48 (13,04) 5. Marriage 2.33(1.72) 6.67 (5.00) 4 85(3.621 6, Family/husband migrated 13.95 (10.34) 45.00 (33 75) 32 04 (23 91) 7. Tension/fighting 4.65 (3.45) 11.67(8.75) 8 74 (6.52 8. No adjustment 6.98 (5.17) 5.00 (3 75) 5 83 (4.35: 9. Transfer 4.65 (3.45) - 1 94 (1 45 10. Others 16.28 (12.07) 8.33 (6 25) 11 65 (8 69) Total 100.00 (74.14) 100.00 (75 00) 10000 (74 64) All (100.00) (100 00) (100 00) * Figures in parentheses indicate the percentages to the economic and social migrations combined together under the column. Source: Calculation is based on sample survey by author. 188 Table 5.13 reveals the fact that the completion of education has not only been a dominant cause of social return migration of males but has also been a very significant contributor to the total male return migration. Of the social return migration of males, 41.86 per cent has been due to completion of education. Incidentally, it accounted for 31.03 per cent of the total male return migration. In this migration students generally migrated from Shahjahanpur district to Lucknow, Bareilly, Aligarh, Varanasi, and Pantnagar for getting higher education and most of them returned to their places of origin because a number of them could not find job even after getting higher education. Moreover, most of the students who migrated from rural areas and small towns to Shahjahanpur city for getting education also generally returned to their places of origin after completion of their education. Retirement from service is another cause of return migration. It accounted for 5.17 per cent of male migrants. For services, people migrate to other areas, but when they are retired, they usually prefer to spend the remaining years of their life with their kiths and kins and to possess their immovable property. On completion of the tenure of service, military personnel would generally return to their places of origin to take up cultivation of the acquired or inherited land. Moreover, 5.17 per cent male migrants reported their failure to adjust to the socio-cullural environment of the place of destination as the cause of their return migration, while fighting and tension compelled 3.45 per cent of them to return. Among familial reasons, 10.34 per cent male migrants returned because of the migration of their whole family, 1.72 per cent returned for marriage, and 1.72 per cent due to death of the parents. Some 3.45 per cent of them returned under official transfers. Remaining 12.07 per cent male migrants returned due to either long sickness or accident or corruption or fear of dacoits and miscreants at the places of destination. As regards the social factors of female return migration, 45.00 per cent accompanied their families or husbands. Fighting and tension accounted for 11.67 189 per cent of their social migration, while 8.33 per cent returned due to death of their husbands or parents, and 6.67 per cent due to their marriages at their places of origin. Divorce and separation from husband accounted for 15.00 per cent of their social return migration. Some 5.00 per cent decided to return because of absorption and adjustment problems at the places of destinations. The remaining 8.33 per cent returned due to long-sickness or accident of their husbands and corruption etc. CHAPTER VI IMPACT OF MIGRATION ON THE AVAILABILITY OF HOUSING AND OTHER AMENITIES IN URBAN AREAS It is generally believed that heavy influx of migrants in cities of developing countries of the world creates problems of accommodation, slums, squatter settlements, water and electricity supply, sanitation, traffic jams, environmental pollution and an overall decline in the quality and standard of urban life. The present chapter examines the extent to which migrants have access to housing, electricity, water and other amenities on arrival in the cities, and whether they eventually achieve levels of living comparable to those of natives. The chapter also contains a categoric exposition of the nature of problems faced by migrant and non-migrant population. The variations in these aspects have been also examined within the migrants based on the type of their community, duration of their stay and the distance covered in migration from the place of origin to destination. Table 6.1 presents data on percentage distribution of accommodation by dwelling status among the migrants and non-migrants. It will be seen from the table that a great majority of the non migrant households (84.15 per cent) have their own houses while among the migrants only 53.50 per cent own a dwelling. The percentage of in- migrant families staying in rented, rent free or slum type of accommodation is about three times greater than that for the non-migrant households. Within the migrants, the percentage of households that have their own dwelling, or staying in rent free huts or slums is higher among the migrants coming from rural areas than those coming from urban areas. On the contrary the position in respect of rented accommodation is just the reverse. This sharp contrast is most probably an outcome of the fact that the urban to urban migration is much TABLE 6.1 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF ACCOMODATION BY DWELLING STATUS AMONG THE MIGRANTS AND NON-MIGRANTS Migration status In-migrants Return- Non- Dwelling status Period of stay Type of migration migrants migrants 1993-97 88-92 81-87 Rural to Urban to All urban urban Number 117 93 87 213 84 297 27 549 Owned 51.3 61.3 48.3 54.9 50.0 53.5 100.00 842 Rented 43.6 25.8 31.0 31.0 42.9 343 - 13 1 Rent free/slum 5.1 12.9 20.7 14.1 7.1 12.1 - 2 7 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source: Table is based on sample survey by author. 191 DISTRIBUTION OF OWNERSHIP OF ACCOMMODATION BY MIGRATION STATUS TOOi 90 80- 70- 60 UJ UJ ^ 30- 20- 10- i: 0 • FZffiti OWNED RENTED RENT FREE/ SLUM ^ NON-MIGRANTS URBAN-URBAN (MIGRANTS) PI IN-MIGRANTS jTjTT RURAL-URBAN (MIGRANTS) FIG. 6-1 l'^3 more dominated by movement of individuals than of families whereas in case of rural to urban migration the people generally move with the entire famih having been uprooted from the native village either by the lure of economic betterment in the city or by social compulsions. Percent distribution of types of dwellings by construction among the migrants and non migrants is given in Table 6.2. An analysis of Table 6.2 reveals that the percentage of in-migrant families having 'kuchcha' house is about three and half times larger as compared to non- migrants. The temporal analysis of data shows that the proportion of in-migrant families staying in 'pucca' houses and slums increases with the duration of their stay in the towns. The rural-urban break-up of the data based on the previous place of residence indicates that the percentage of pucca houses among migrants from urban areas is almost double the percentage among those from rural areas. Table 6.3 contains data on the percentage of households by number of rooms and type of migration status. The data show that the proportion of migrant households having one room is two times higher than that of non-migrant households. Among the migrants, those who arrived more recently are found to have, in most cases, lesser number of rooms than the earlier migrants. The proportion of urban to urban migrant households living in single rooms is slightl\ higher than that of the rural to urban migrants. It may be attributed to the small size of families of the urban to urban migrants in comparison to rural to urban migrants. Table 6.4 provides the information about the percentage distribution ol" households that own a dwelling by migrant status and value of dwelling. The data show that in low value groups (upto Rs. 999, and Rs. 10,000 to 19,999) the proportion of migrant households, owning a house, is much larger in comparison to non-migrants, while the reverse trend is found among the upper value groups. I I 194 TABLE 6.2 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF TYPES OF DWELLINGS BY CONSTRUCTION AMONG THE MIGRANTS AND NON-MIGRANTS Migration status Type of dwelling by In-migrants Return- Non- construction Period of stay Type of migration migrants migrants 1993-97 88-92 81-87 Rural to Urban to Ail urban urban Number 117 93 87 213 84 297 27 549 Pucca 33.3 45.2 48.3 32.4 64.3 41.4 77.8 59.0 Semi-Pucca 23.1 9.7 3.4 11.3 17.9 13.1 22.2 ;?6.8 Kutcha 41.0 32.2 34.5 43.6 17.9 36.4 - n 5 Slum 2.6 12.9 13.8 12.7 - 9.1 - 2 7 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source: Table is based on sample survey by author. 1^):^ DISTRIBUTION OF TYPE OF CONSTRUCTION^ OF DWELLING UNIT BY MIGRATION STATUS UJ U Q: UJ CL NON- TOTAL URBAN- RURAL- RETURN- MIGRArfTS IN-MIGRANTS URBAN RgRAL MIGRANTS S PUCCA KUTCHA tm SEMI-PUCCA SLUM FIG.6-2 196 TABLE 6.3 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF SIZE OF DWELLING (AVERAGE NUMBER OF ROOMS) BY MIGRATION STATUS Migration status Number of In-migrants Return- Non- rooms Period of stay Type of migration migrants migrants 1993-97 88-92 81-87 Rural to Urban to All urban urban Number 117 93 87 213 84 297 27 549 1 48.7 48.4 55.2 49.3 53.6 50.5 - 25,0 2 38.5 38.7 20.7 35.2 28.6 33.3 33.3 32.4 3 7.7 - 6.9 4.2 7.1 5.1 33.3 14.4 4-5 5.1 6.4 6.9 8.5 - 6.1 - 16.5 6-8 - - 3.4 - 3.6 1.0 11.1 85 9 + above - 6.4 6.9 2.8 7.1 4.0 22.2 3.2 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source: Table is based on sample survey by author. .97 The data given in Table 6.4 also indicate that the migrant housedolds that migrated between six to ten years period preceding the survey have high value of their dwellings than to the migrants of 1993-97, and 1981-87 periods. Table 6.5 shows the percentage distribution of households by migrant status and the type of facilities available in the dwelling. The data given in Table 6.5 exhibit that the main source of drinking water is handpump. The proportion of households having private tap is higher among non-migrants in comparison to in-migrants while reverse trend has been observed in public tap. The further analysis of the data also reveals that rural to urban households use the handpumps as a main source of drinking water while private taps have been recorded as a main source of drinking water among urban to urban migrants. The data collected pertaining to the distance from the source of drinking water indicate that the majority of households have the drinking water facility right on the premises of their houses. The proportion of households having source of drinking water on the premises has been recorded 83.3 percent for non-migrants and 60.8 per cent for in-migrants. The ratio of in-migrant households that have to fetch water beyond the premises of their houses has been naturally greater than the non-migrant households. The rural-urban split-up of the data show that the urban to urban migrants have better drinking water facilities than the rural to urban migrants. The proportion of urban to urban, and rural to urban migrant households having the source of drinking water on the premises is 76.9 and 54.9 per cent respectively. The urban to urban migrants also fetch water from short-distances in comparison to rural to urban migrants. As regards the use of electricity, the data indicate that the percentage of households having electricity is much lower among migrants ihan the non- migrants. Within the categories of in-migrants, those who migrated during the five years preceding the survey only 25.7 per cent had electricity while the 98 TABLE 6.4 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLDS THAT OWN A DWELLING BY MIGRATION STATUS AND VALUE OF DWELLING Migration status Value of In-migrants Return- Non- dwelling in Period of stay Type of migration migrants migrants (Rupees) 1993-97 88-92 81-87 Rural to Urban to All urban urban Number 60 78 54 144 48 192 27 489 upto 9,999 35.0 38.5 38.9 41.7 25.0 37.5 - 10-4 10,000-19,999 25.0 19.2 22.2 22.9 18.8 21.9 11.1 172 20,000-39,999 15.0 19.2 16.7 12.5 31.3 17.2 - 209 40,000-69,999 10.0 15.4 5.6 10.4 12.5 10.9 11.1 29.4 70,000-99,999 15.0 3.8 - 8.3 - 6.3 22.2 5.5 100,000-149,999 - 3.8 - 2.1 - 1.6 11.1 74 150,000+above - - 16.7 2.1 12.5 4.7 44.4 92 All 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source: Table is based on sample survey by auttior. 199 TABLE 6.5 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLDS BY MIGRATION STATUS AND THE TYPE OF FACILITIES AVAILABLE IN THE DWELLING Facilities in the In-migrants Non- dwelling Period of stay Type of migration migrants 1993-97 88-92 81-87 Rural to Urban to All urban urban 1. Drinking water (a) Well 22.9 2.7 4.0 12.7 3.8 10.3 10,8 (b) Hand pump 42.9 67.6 52.0 60.6 38.5 54.6 46,8 (c) Private tap 22.9 21.6 28.0 15.5 46.2 23.7 36.6 (d) Public tap 11.4 8.1 16.0 11.3 11.5 11.3 5.9 2. Distance from the source of drinking water (a) On the premises 51.4 70.3 60.0 54.9 76.9 60.8 83.3 (b) Upto 50 mts. 31.4 18.9 16.0 26.8 11.5 22.7 10,2 (c)51 to 100 mts. 5.7 2.7 16.0 5.6 11.5 7.2 3,8 (d) More than lOOmts. 11.4 8.1 8.0 12.7 - 93 2,7 3. Electricity Yes 25.7 54.1 52.0 35.2 65.4 433 67 7 No 74.3 45.9 48.0 64.8 34.6 567 32,3 4. Telephone Yes 2.9 0.0 4.0 0.0 7.7 2.1 3,2 No 97.1 100.0 96.0 100.0 92.3 97.9 96,8 5. Generator/dynamo Yes 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 00 2 7 No 100.0 100.0 100.0 1000 100 0 1000 97 3 6. Separate kitchen Yes 28.6 32.4 40.0 28.2 46.2 330 48 4 No 71.4 67.6 60.0 71.8 53.8 67,0 51 6 7, Separate bathroom Yes 31.4 35.1 48.0 32,4 50 0 37 1 51 6 No 68.6 64.9 52.0 67.6 50 0 62 9 48 4 8. Type of latrine (a) Flush/septic tank 28.6 27.0 16.0 22.5 308 24 7 376 (b) Service 40.0 51.4 36.0 42.3 46.1 43,3 47 3 (c) None 31.4 21.6 48.0 35.2 23.1 32,0 15 1 9. Whether latrine on the premises Yes 60.0 64.9 52.0 56.3 69.2 59.8 84 9 No 40.0 35.1 48.0 43.7 30.8 40,2 15 1 Source, Table is based on sample survey by author. 200 DISTRIBUTION OF THE SOURCE OF DRINKING WATER BY MIGRATION STATUS NON-MIGRANTS MIGRANTS RURAL-URBAN URBAN-URBAN (MIGRANTS) (MIGRANTS) MIGRANTS MIGRANTS MIGRANTS MIGRANTS (1993-97) (1988-92) (1981 -87) ( Short-Distance ) HANDPUMP PRIVATE TAP MIGRANTS MIGRANTS RETURN-MIGRANTS PUBLIC TAP { Medium-Distance )(Long-Distance) WELL FIG. 6-3 DISTRIBUTION OF DISTANCE FROM THE SOURCE OF DRINKING WATER BY MIGRATION STATUS loo se - 80 - 70- 60- »— 5 50 - S ^0-1 Q. 30 20- 10 - 0 WITHIN UPT0 50Mts. ABOVE 51 Mts. PREMISES ^ NON-MIGRANTS M\\ RURAL- URBAN (MIGRANTS) MIGRANTS Ei]] URBAN-URBAN (MIGRANTS) FIG.6-A 202 respective figure is 54.1 per cent among the migrants who migrated between 1988 to 1992, and 52.0 per cent among those who had migrated between 1981 to 1987. A large proportion of urban to urban migrants is availing the facility of electricity in comparison to rural to urban migrant households. The data in respect of telephone and generator/ dynamo make it evident that a very small section of surveyed households have own such facilities at their homes. The comparative analysis shows that non-migrant households have a slightly large share of telephone connections as compared with the migrants. However, no rural to urban migrant household has telephone at his home. Nearly, 2.7 per cent non-migrant households have generator or dynamo at their homes, while no in-migrant household has been found to have this facility. The data collected pertaining to the separate kitchen and bathroom show that the proportion of households having these facilities is much smaller among the in-migrants, particularly during the initial period of migration, as compared with the non-migrants. Further analysis of the data shows that the percentage of households having separate kitchen and bathroom is much higher among the urban to urban migrants in comparison to the rural to urban migrants. An examination of data on the type of latrine facility available to households makes it clear that the proportion of households that have flush /septic tank and service system is comparatively higher, and those who do not have latrines comparatively smaller among the non-migrants than to the in-migrants. Within the migrants the ratio of households using flush/ septic tank is the 28.6 per cent among the migrants who migrated between 1993-97, while the respective figure has been recorded 27.0 per cent for the migrants who migrated between 1988-92 and 16.0 per cent for those who migrated between 1981-87. The percentage of households having no latrine is the highest (48.0 per cent) among the migrants who migrated between 1981-87. The respective ratio among the rural to urban migrants is also much higher as compared with the urban to urban 203 DISTRIBUTION OF TYPE OF LATRINE USED BY MIGRATION STATUS NON- IN- RURAL- URBAN- IN- IN- MIGRANTS MIGRANTS URBAN URBAN MIGRANTS MIGRANTS (MIGRANTS)(MIGRANTS) (1993-97) (1988-9 2) 100 Vo- 80 - 60 - 20 0 IN- SHORT- MEDIUM- LONG- RETURN- MIGRANTS DISTANCE DISTANCE DISTANCE MIGRANTS (1981-87)IN-MIGRANTS IN-MIGRANTS MIGRANT FLUSH/SEPTIC ' i' SERVICE NONE TANK I' 11 • !1 FIG.6-5 204 migrants. Nearly, the same trend has been recorded in respect of the location of the latrine. If, we categorize the migrants based on the level of the migration defining boundaries crossed at the time of migration and study the type of above facilities available in a dwelling (see Appendix C), it is found that barring a few exceptions, the standard of those who migrated to the district from other districts of Uttar Pradesh is comparatively good than those who in-migrated from within the boundaries of the district. The poorest are the migrants who migrated to the district from other states of India. Table 6.6 provides data on durable goods possessed by different migrant status households. Ownership of modem consumer objects gives a rough indication of how money is spent on different commodities. It also provides some information on household decisions and tastes towards modernity. In the towns of Shahjahanpur district wrist watch seems to be most common household article both among migrants and non-migrants. The next dominating item is bicycle. Some other dominating durable goods are fan, cooker, television, radio, sewing machine, etc. But the more expensive items like car/jeep, V.C.R., cooler, refrigerator, camera, motorcycle/scooter are possessed by only a small percentage of surveyed households. However, relatively larger percentage of households having durable goods have been recorded among non-migrants in comparison to in- migrants. The possession of durable goods has also been found to be higher among urban to urban migrants than rural to urban migrants. Barring few exceptions, the use of durable objects is higher among the in-migrants who migrated between 1988-92 than the migrants of 1993-97 and 1981-87 periods. The data given in above tables and Appendix C also indicate that return-migrants are not only comparatively better off in respect of access to housing, various facilities available in the dwelling and durable goods used in the family than that of the in-migrants but they have also better position as compared 205 TABLE 6.6 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLDS WHICH POSSESS DURABLE GOODS BY MIGRATION STATUS Migration status Objects In-migrants Return- Non- Period of stay Type of migration migrants migrants 1993-97 88-92 81-87 Rural to Urban to All urban urban Number 117 93 87 213 84 297 27 549 1. Bicycle 46.2 67.7 48.3 47.9 67.9 53.5 100.0 77.6 2 Wrist watch 64.1 77.4 51.7 56.3 85.7 64.6 100.0 83.1 3 Alarm/wall dock 23.1 25.8 31.0 21.1 39.3 26.3 77.8 48.6 4. Sewing machine 12.8 32.3 27.6 22.5 25.0 23.2 77.8 54.6 5. Radio 12.8 38.7 27.6 19.7 39.3 25.3 66.7 45.9 6 Tape recorder 15.4 16.1 13.8 11.3 25.0 15.2 44.4 273 7. Fan 25.6 38.7 34.5 23.9 53.6 32.3 88.9 623 8. Gas stove 10.3 19.4 13.8 8.5 28.6 14.1 44.4 26.8 9.Cooker 25.6 38.7 34.5 22.5 57.1 32.3 100.0 508 10 Gun/revolver 7.7 6.5 10.3 8.5 7.1 8.1 33.3 8.7 11 Television 10.3 32.3 17.2 11.3 39.3 19.2 88.9 464 12 Refrigerator 2.6 3.2 6.9 1.4 10.7 4.0 11.1 11,5 13. Motorcycle/ scooter 10.3 3.2 69 56 10.7 7.1 333 11.5 14 Car/Jeep 34 3.6 1.0 11.1 1.1 15 VCR 11.1 1.1 16 Camera 26 3.6 1.0 22.2 9.8 17. Cooler 2.6 3.2 10.3 1.4 14.3 5.1 222 11,5 No item 20.5 19.4 31.0 31.0 36 232 13.7 Source Table is based on sample survey by author. 206 to the non-migrant population. It may have been due to the selectivity of the return-migrants having high socio-economic status and the money brought by them earned at the place of destination. Table 6.7 provides a comparative picture of the prevailing problems faced by the urban population based on migration status. Pertaining to the problems, an open question was asked to the head of household 'what are the main problems faced in urban areas?' to assess the nature of the problems faced by migrant and non-migrant population. The data show that except housing and water that have been mainly recorded among migrants (especially among rural to urban migrants), others, e.g., electricity, income, employment, prices of commodities, etc. are being faced by non-migrants, urban to urban migrants, and those whose duration of residence was more than five years preceding the survey. The return-migrant households have no problem of housing, employment and prices of commodities, etc. Their main problems are electricity and water. The newly settled migrants of rural background have mostly housing and water problems, and they do not feel much about electricity, sanitation, types of roads and schools, etc. because most of them have not availed them in rural areas. The non-migrant, return-migrant and long-duration migrant population complained against bad condition of roads, lack of good educational institutions, sanitation and poor supply of electricity. An analysis of data also reveals that there is not any crucial problems of unemployment, low wages and income among rural to urban migrants. As it has been mentioned in Chapter four, rural to urban migrants often engage themselves in arduous works as unskilled labourers in construction sites and private industries. It has been due to preference given by construction contractors and industrialists to the labourers having rural background. These arduous jobs are not generally liked by the people of urban nature having even low socio-economic status. However, these jobs are less arduous for rural to urban illiterate migrants who had been 207 TABLE 6.7 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF TYPE OF PROBLEMS FACED IN URBAN AREAS BY MIGRATION STATUS Migration status Type of problems In-migrants Return- Non- Period of stay Type of migratior 1 migrants migrants 1993-97 88-92 81-87 Rural to Urban to All urban urban Number 117 93 87 213 84- 297 27 549 1. Housing 28.2 22.6 37.9 33.8 17.9 29.3 - 5.9 2. Rent 2.6 - - - 3.6 1.0 - 1.1 3.Employment 7.7 6.5 10.3 8.5 7.1 8.1 - 16.7 4. Water 25.6 35.5 24.1 29.6 25.0 28.3 22.2 25.3 5. Electricity 15.4 38.7 17.2 18.3 35.7 23.2 77.8 30.6 6. Sanitary - 6.5 6.9 2.8 7.1 4.0 - 8.1 7 Prices of commodities 25.6 3.2 10.3 5.6 3.6 5.1 - 75 8 Wages - - 3.4 1.4 - 1.0 - 6.5 9. Income - 9.7 10.3 5.6 7.1 6.1 11.1 9.7 10 Other problems 7.6 22.5 3.4 12.6 7.1 11.1 11.1 11.8 11 No problems 28.2 25.8 6.9 28.2 3.6 21.2 11.1 10.2 Source: Table is based on sample survey by author. 208 accustomed to hard agricultural works which they had to perform from sunrise to sun-set on very low and irregular wages. On the contrary, the non-migrants and other categories of migrants appeared to be basically more sensitive to the problem of low income and wages, and unemployment due to wide range of their needs coupled with incapability to do hard works. Some newly settled migrants coming from rural habitat and inhabiting the peripheral areas of the towns complained against thieves, dacoits and miscreants. Thieves and dacoits easily encroach upon the house of short-duration migrants because, generally, the houses of such migrants are without boundaries. Thieves also select them to loot, thinking that new migrants would have brought a lot of money obtained from selling their landed property in rural areas. As it has been found in Chapter five, the economic motivations play a dominant role in rural to urban migration but with the passage of time the ratio of migration caused by social factors has been tremendously increased. The migrants uprooted from rural areas caused by communal feeling and caste prejudice, generally, settled down in the localities where population of their own religion and caste dominates. It is developing the nodes of population of a particular religion and caste. In such nodes of population, the feeling of casteism and communalism is being rapidly intensified by the new streams of migrants dislodged from rural areas by the people of other religions and castes. Consequently, the people belonging to other castes and religions inhabiting in tiie localities are shifting to other localities of their own caste and religion to save their lives and property. It also fuels to the casteism and communalism in the urban areas. In the long run, the development of such nodes of population may pose a great hurdle in the communal harmony and caste integration of our countr}. In addition, it has been also observed that a number of povert}-stricken migrants have settled down in sub-urban areas of towns due to low cosi of land, where, socio-economic and cultural environment is worse than rural areas. In those localities, neither the potable water is available nor any type of other basic 209 civic amenities e.g. electricity, pucca roads, hospitals, schools, shops, etc. have been provided. These settlements may be termed as 'barren islands' that are being polluted by sewage and smell of human excreta and other waste matters which are being disposed by sweepers in the localities. It makes the environment of these settlements unhygienic and unsuitable for human health. In monsoon season, the waste matters are partially decomposed by waterlogging, it frequently breaks away cholera, dysentery, jaundice, malaria, etc. Inspite of these conditions, the barren islands are being congested, everyday, by the new streams of migrants having the same pitiable story. The people of these settlements fulfill the need of menial jobs in towns. In these areas, a number of people are gamblers, thieves, drunkers and pick-pockets. Though, it is very difficult to collect the information regarding social evils but by general observations it seems that in sub-urban areas dominated by migrant population, the frequency of demoralization is high as compared to the other parts of towns. It has been marked that in Shahjahanpur, Tilhar, Katra and Jalalabad towns, poor people belonging to'Faqeer'*caste in Muslims have settled down in 'Muslim graveyards' where, there had been possession of their relatives. No doubt, their problem of land for housing is being solved, but in the long run it may create the problem of shortage of burial grounds. The squatter settlements have been developed by migrants on the lands of town areas and municipal boards, along roads, playgrounds, etc. In Shahjahanpur city a number of slums have been developed on the un-occupied railway lands, un-used railway lines, especially by migrants from West Bengal and some other poor migrants. Some of them have also erected their 'jhuggies' made up of the rubbish, mud and bamboo, on some parts of the ground of municipal board on which exhibitions, public meetings and competitive games are being held. * The people who perform rituals at the death ceremony among Muslims are known as Taqeer* in India. Generally, graveyards are under their possession. 210 A number of respondents complained against the illegal possession of their houses by migrants who settled down on rents. Now, neither they are vacating their houses nor paying the rents. Sometimes, it becomes the cause of conflicts and long-litigation. As a result, now, the owner of the houses having extra houses or rooms are not interested to give their houses on rent to the migrants who come to the urban areas for permanent settlement. The migrants who do not have sufficient money to purchase costly land and construct a house, generally occupy the lands of government. It may be easily observed even by a layman in the Shahjahanpur city and even in some other towns of the district that there is a great problem of traffic conjustion on the main roads. A large number of migrants have settled on the sides of roads. It creates a problem at the time of overtaking of vehicles and free movement of traffic. It has become very difficult for the sensitive persons to pass through such roads with their vehicles due to traffic jams and rush caused by heavy influx of commuters, migrants, and unplanned development of towns. If unnecessary and undesirable migration to urban centres is not checked after the proper diagnosis of the causes of the out-migration of the migrants from their places of origin, the city life may be difficult and dull. Generally, it is suggested that rural to urban migration should be diverted towards small towns. It may be true for short-duration planning, but with the passage of time the problems in small towns may become more serious due to haphazard growth of towns and their narrow roads that, now, cannot be enlarged. As a matter of fact, it may be stated that, if someone who is interested to see the mass-poverty in India, now is not needed to go in interior parts of rural areas, is only required to go through the footpaths, slum and squatter settlements, and sub-urban localities of the towns and cities where poverty-stricken rural to urban migrants are I iving in minimal shelters or under open sky, having not even pure air to breathe and potable water for drinking not to mention anything about their food, clothes and other basic needs and civic facilities. CHAPTER VII MIGRATION, PRODUCTION AND TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATIONS IN AGRICULTURE On the beisis of settlement status of the area of origin and destination, the internal migration is classified into four categories, namely, rural to rural, rural to urban, urban to urban and urban to rural. Though, it is recognized that most migration in India is rural to rural', much of the literature on the subject laid emphasis on rural to urban migration. The studies that have been made pertaining to rural to rural migration are mainly concerned with the broad aspects of migration due to inherent and aggregated nature of data derived from Indian censuses. Little attention has been paid to assess its impacts on production and technological changes in agriculture, though, most of economic motivated rural to rural migration takes place to acquire good and cheap agriculture land. Among the migrants who migrated to the district from other states of India beyond Uttar Pradesh 68.32 per cent are from Punjab. They mostly migrated to the district to seek cheap agriculture land in the northern 'tora/' region of the district. 7 here fore, in the present chapter an attempt has been made to assess the impact of rural to rural migration on production and agricultural development in the various tahsils of district by comparing size of landholdings, sources of money in\ested in agriculture, use of modem implements and production of wheat and rice between non-migrant and in-migrant population categorized on the basis of distance and religion. Tahsilwise percent distribution of size of landholdings by the migration status of the farmers has been given in Table 7.1. An analysis of data given in Table 7.1 shows that the ratio of migrant and non-migrant farmers who do not have their own land for agriculture is the highest in Tilhar tahsil and the lowest in Powayan tahsil of Shahjahanpur district. It >17 TABLE 7.1 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARMING HOUSEHOLDS BY SIZE OF LANDHOLDINGS AND MIGRATION STATUS Name of Type of Size of landholdJngs in acres All Tahsil population No ownership Uplol 2-3 4-5 6-9 10-15 16+above Non-migrant 7.19 7.78 31.14 25.75 13.17 8.38 6.59 100.00(501)* Powayan In-migrant 4.55 - 22.73 4.55 27.27 40.91 - 100.00(66) Total 6.88 6.88 30.16 23.28 14.81 12.17 5.82 100.00(567) Non-migrant 16.28 13.49 30.70 21.86 13.02 2.33 233 100,00(645) Tllhar In-migrant 57.14 - 14.29 28.57 - - - 100-00(21) Total 17.57 13.06 30.18 22.07 12.61 2.25 2.25 100,00(666) Non-migrant 12.03 8.86 30.38 27.85 15.19 5.06 0.63 100,00(474) Jalalabad In-migrant 25.00 - 25.00 25.00 25.00 - - 100,00(12) Total 12.35 8.64 30.25 27.78 15.43 4.94 0.62 100,00(486) Non-migrant 14.58 10.42 26.39 28.47 11.11 6.94 2.08 100,00(432) Shahjahanpur In-migrant 33.33 11.11 22.22 22.22 - - 11.11 100,00(27) Total 15.69 10.46 26.14 28.10 10.46 6.54 2.61 100.00(459) Non-migrant 1272 10.38 2982 25.58 13,16 541 2.92 130 00(2052) All In-migrant 21 43 238 21.43 14.29 16.67 21.43 238 00,00(126) Total 13.22 9.92 29.34 24.93 13.36 6.34 289 100 00(2178) * Figures in brackets indicate the number of farming households, Source. Table is based on sample survey by author. 21. accounted for 7.19 per cent of non-migrant and 4.55 per cent of in-migrant farmers in Powayan tahsil while in Tiihar tahsil the percentages are found to be 16.28 and 57.14 respectively. The proportion of in-migrant fanners not having their own land, is less than the non-migrant farmers in Powayan tahsil but the reverse trend has been observed in other tahsils of the district. It has been due to the large volume of Sikh migration to northern 'tarai'region of Powayan tahsil where they possessed un-occupied land and began to do agriculture after reclaiming it. A further analysis of the data given in Table 7.1 also indicates that the size of landholdings among both the migrant and non-migrant farmers in Powayan tahsil is much larger than the landholdings of the farmers in other tahsils of the district. Table 7.2 provides data about the tahsilwise percent distribution of sources of money invested in agriculture by migrant and non-migrant farmers. It may be seen from the data given in Table 7.2 that in all the tahsils of the district the ratio of non-migrant farmers investing money in agricuhure after borrowing it from money lenders is higher than migrant farmers, and in case of money borrowed from banks, the proportion of migrant farmers has been greater than non-migrant farmers, except of Shahjahanpur tahsil in which the reverse trends have been observed. The percentage of non-migrant farmers who invested money in agriculture having mortgaged their ornaments or agriculture land is higher than migrant farmers in Powayan and Shahjahanpur tahsils but reverse is true in Tiihar and Jalalabad tahsils of the district. Table 7.3 presents percental distribution of sources of money invested in agriculture by religion of in-migrant and non-migrant farmers. The data contained in Table 7.3 shows that among Hindu and Muslim farmers the main sources of money invested in agriculture are money lenders and their own resources but among Sikh farmers banks are important source of money investment in agriculture. 214 TABLE 7.2 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARMING HOUSEHOLDS BY SOURCES OF MONEY INVESTED IN AGRICULTURE AND MIGRATION STATUS Name of Type of Sources of money Number of Tahsil population Money Lender Mortgage Bank Self farming households Non-migrant 52.41 15.06 .33.73 66.87 498 Powayan In-migrant 36.36 4.55 59.09 59.09 66 Total 50.53 13.83 36.70 65.96 564 Non-migrant 52,04 15.19 32.14 60.20 588 Tilhar In-migrant 50.00 25.00 75.00 75.00 12 Total 52.00 16.00 33.00 60.50 600 Non-migrant 67.57 19.59 18.92 64.19 444 Jalalabad In-migrant 25.00 25.00 50.00 50.00 12 Total 66.45 19.74 19.74 63.82 456 Non-migrant 50.38 23.31 21.05 69.92 399 Shahjahanpur In-migrant 57.14 14.29 14.29 71.43 21 Total 50.71 22.86 20.71 7000 420 Non-migrant 55.37 18.04 27.22 64.85 192& All In-migrant 40.54 10.81 51.35 62 16 111 Total 54 56 1765 2853 6471 2040 Source Table is based on sample survey by author. TABLE 7.3 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF SOURCES OF MONEY INVESTED IN AGRICULTURE BY RELIGION AND MIGRATION STATUS OF FARMING HOUSEHOLDS Type of Sources of money invested in agriculture Number of Religion population Money lender Mortgage Bank Self farming households Non-migrant 55.22 16.19 27.34 61.87 1668 Hindu In-migrant 42.86 21.43 28.57 57.14 42 Total 54.91 16.32 27.37 61 75 1710 Non-migrant 61.84 34.21 17.11 8947 228 Muslim In-migrant 83.33 16.67 100.00 18 Total 63.41 32.93 15.85 90 24 246 Non-migrant 18.18 9091 4545 33 Sil^h In-migrant 23.53 - 88 24 5294 51 Total 21.43 89.29 50 00 84 Source: Table is based on sample survey by author. 216 A further analysis of the data given in Table 7.3 indicates that Hindu peasants also have an easy access in banks in comparison to Muslim farmers. Among Hindus 27.34 per cent of non-migrant and 28.57 per cent of migrant farmers invested money in agriculture borrowed from the banks. As compared to it only 17.11 per cent of Muslim non- migrant farmers have an access in the banks and not a single Muslim migrant farmer borrowed money from banks for investing in agriculture. However, among Sikhs, 90.91 per cent of non-migrant and 88.24 per cent of migrant farmers borrowed money from banks to invest it in agriculture activities. As a matter of fact, it may be stated that the credit of Sikh farmers in banks is generally better than Hindu and Muslim farmers. Sikhs borrow money from banks at sowing season of a crop and pay it at the harvesting season. Their method of agriculture is scientific and they generally produce wheat and rice by applying heavy doses of chemical fertilizers, high yielding varieties of seeds, insecticides and pesticides, etc. Their only purpose of cultivation is to increase per-hectare productivity of land for earning more and more money. They use to do commercial agriculture of wheat and rice. Therefore, banks provide them agriculture loans on easy terms and conditions. However, the money borrowed by native farmers in the form of crop loans is not properly utilized and they, generally, spend it in marriages and other ceremonies. Their method of agriculture is also not scientific, so the per-hectare productivity of land among tlindu and Muslim farmers is low. Therefore, most of the native farmers do not return money within prescribed period and become defaulters. The proportion of Muslim farmers who borrowed money from money lenders is higher than Hindu farmers. Nearly, the same trend has been recorded for the farmers invested money in agriculture by mortgaging except of migrant farmers. Among migrant farmers the ratio of Hindu farmers is slightly higher than Muslim farmers. 217 Table 7.4 contains data about tahsilwise distribution of use of modem agriculture instruments among in-migrant and non-migrant farmers. As can be seen in the Table 7.4, the level of technological innovations in agriculture is much higher among the migrant farmers than among the non-migrant farmers. Among non-migrant farmers, 59.41 per cent do not possess any modem agriculture instmment but among migrants the respective figure has been only 21.62 per cent. The use of these instruments is in great practice in Powayan tahsil in comparison to other tahsils of the district except of Shahjahanpur tahsil where use of threshers is slightly higher than in Powayan tahsil. In Powayan tahsil, there is a large scale harvesting of wheat and paddy crops by combine harvesters by which harvesting and threshing operations are completed simultaneously in the field. Consequently, in the tahsil, the use of threshers by which only threshing of wheat crop harvested from the field by manual labour is completed, has been reduced. In Powayan tahsil 9.10 per cent of migrant farmers have their own harvesters, while no non-migrant farmer has been recorded having own harvester. But in other tahsils of the district both migrant and non-migrant farmers do not have their own harvesters. The ratio of farmers having no modem agriculture instmments is the lowest in Powayan tahsil and it is the highest in Jalalabad tahsil. It may be attributed to the large scale modemization of agriculture brought by Sikh migrants in Powayan tahsil and its diffusion among the native farmers of the tahsil. But no Sikh migrant has been recorded to be settled down in Jalalabad tahsil. The Sikh migrants do not prefer to settle in Jalalabad tahsil because in this tahsil, the crops are generally devastated by frequent floods in Ramganga and its tributaries and, here, agriculture land was also not unoccupied as it was in the northern 'tarai 'region of Powayan tahsil when Sikh farmers migrated Irom Punjab to Shahjahanpur and other districts of Uttar Pradesh. Percent distribution of use of modern agriculture instmments by religion of in-migrant and non-migrant farmers has been given in Table 7.5. 218 TABLE 7.4 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF FARMING HOUSEHOLDS BY USE OF MODERN AGRICULTURE INSTRUMENTS AND MIGRATION STATUS Name of Type of Modem agriculture instruments Number Tahsil population psmw Thresher Tractor Harrow Harvesters No modern of farming instrument households Non-migrant 50.60 7.83 6.63 19.88 - 46.39 498 Powayan In-migrant 77.27 18.18 27.27 59.09 9.09 9.09 66 Total 53.72 9.04 9.04 24.47 1.06 42.02 564 Non-migrant 33.16 4.59 2.04 7.65 - 63.78 588 Tilhar In-migrant 75.00 25.00 25.00 25.00 - 25.00 12 Total 34.00 5.00 2.50 8.00 - 63.00 600 Non-migrant 25.00 6.08 0.68 2.03 - 74.32 444 Jalalabad In-migrant 50.00 50.00 25.00 25.00 - 50.00 12 Total 25.66 7.24 1.32 2.63 - 73.68 456 Non-migrant 45.11 12.03 4.51 12.78 - 52.63 399 Shahjahanpur In-migrant 57.14 14.29 14.29 14.29 - 42.87 21 Total 45.71 12.14 5.00 12.86 - 52.14 420 Non-migrant 38.26 7.31 3.42 10.58 - 59.41 1929 All In-migrant 70.27 21.62 24.32 43.24 5.41 21.62 111 Total 40.00 8.09 4.56 12.35 0.29 57.35 2040 PS - pumpset; TW - Tube-well Source: Table is based on sample survey by author. 219 TABLE 7.5 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF USE OF MODERN AGRICULTURE INSTRUMENTS BY RELIGION AND MIGRATION STATUS OF FARMING HOUSEHOLDS Religion Type of Modem agriculture instruments Number population psnw Thresher Tractor Harrow Harvesters No modern of farming instrument households Non-migrant 37.59 6.29 2.70 8.99 - 60.07 1668 Hindu In-migrant 42.86 21.43 14.29 21.43 - 50.00 42 Total 37.72 6.67 2.98 9.30 - 59.82 1710 Non-migrant 32.89 11.84 5.26 17.11 - 59.21 228 Muslim In-migrant 33.33 - - 33.33 - 16.67 18 Total 32.93 10.98 4.88 18.29 - 56.10 246 Non-migrant 100.00 36.36 27.27 45.45 - - 33 Sikh In-migrant 100.00 29.41 41.58 70.59 11.76 - 61 Total 100 00 32.14 35.71 60.71 7.14 - 84 PS - pumpset; TW - Tube-well Source Table is based on sample survey by author. 220 It would be seen from the Table 7.5 that the application ol modem instruments in agriculture is greater among Sikh farmers than among Hindu and Muslim farmers. The proportion of migrant and non-migrant farmers having no modem instruments of agriculture has been recorded 59.21 and 16.67 per cent respectively among Muslim farmers while among Hindus the corresponding figures have been 60.1 and 50.00 per cent. But all farmers have been found having modem agriculture instruments in Sikh population. The tube-well/ pump sets that are an important source of assured irrigation, are ovmed by all Sikh farmers, while in Hindu population 37.59 per cent non-migrant and 42.86 per cent in-migrant farmers have their own tube-well/pump sets. The corresponding figures in Muslim population have been recorded 32.89 per cent for non-migrant and 33.33 per cent for in-migrant farmers. Among Sikhs, 11.76 per cent in-migrant farmers have their own harvesters while no non-migrant Sikh farmer possesses any harvester. But in Hindu and Muslim population both migrant and non-migrant farmers do not have any harvester. Tahsilwise percent distribution of production of wheat by migration status of farmers is given in Table 7.6. An examination of Table 7.6 shows that the ratio of farmers producing 10 quintals of wheat in an acre of land is higher among non-migrant farmers than migrant farmers while reverse is tme above 10 quintals/acre of wheat production, except of Jalalabad tahsil in which the trends have been reversed. The percentage of farmers who produced wheat 16 quintals and above it/acre of land has been comparatively higher among migrants than non-migrant farmers. The farmers who produced wheat 16 quintals or above it in an acre of land have the maximum ratio in Powayan tahsil (18.08 per cent) and the minimum in Tilhar tahsil (0.50 per cent). But in Jalalabad tahsil no farmer has been recorded producing wheat 16 quintals or above it in an acre of land. Table 7.7 presents data on percent distribution of wheat production by religion and migration status of farmers. 22' TABLE 7.6 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF FARMING HOUSEHOLDS BY WHEAT PRODUCTION AND MIGRATION STATUS Name of Type of Wheat production per acre in quintals Total Tahsil population Upto5 6-10 11-15 16+above Non-migrant 3.01 49.40 31.33 16.27 100.00 (498)* Powayan In-migrant 27.27 40.91 31.82 100 00 (66) Total 2.66 46.81 32.45 18.09 100.00 (564) Non-migrant 12.24 72.96 14.80 100.00 (5881 Tilhar In-migrant 75.00 25.00 100 00 (12) Total 12.00 73.00 14.50 0.50 100.00 (600) Non-migrant 5.41 68.24 26.35 100.00 (444) Jalalabad In-migrant 25.00 50.00 25.00 100.00 (12) Total 5.92 67.76 26.32 . 100.00(456) Non-migrant 6.77 47.37 45.11 0.75 100.00 (399) Shahjahanpu^ In-migrant 42.86 14.29 4286 100.00 (21) Total 6.43 47.14 43.57 2.86 IOC.00 (420) Non-migrant 7.15 60.50 27.99 4.35 100 00 (1929; All In-migrant 2.70 37.84 29.73 29.73 10C,00(111) Total 691 59.26 28.09 5.74 100.00 (2040) 'Figures in brackets indicate the numt)er of wheat producing farming households. Source Table is based on sample survey by author. TABLE 7.7 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF WHEAT PRODUCTION BY RELIGION AND MIGRATION STATUS OF FARMING HOUSEHOLDS Religion Migration Wheat production per acre in quintals Total status UptoS 6-10 11-15 16+above Non-migrant 7.73 61.51 26.26 4.50 100 00 (1668)* Hindu In-migrant 7.14 64.29 14.29 14.29 100.00 (42) Total 7.72 61.58 25.96 4.74 100 00 (1710) Non-migrant 3.95 57.89 36.84 1.32 100.00(228) Muslim In-migrant - 33.33 50.00 16.67 103.00 (18) Total 3.66 56.10 37.81 2.44 100.00 (246) Non-migrant - 27.27 54.55 1818 100.00 (33) Sikh In-migrant - 17.65 35.29 47.06 100,00 (51) Total - 21.43 42.86 35.71 100.00 (84) •Figures in brackets indicate the number of wheat producing farming households. Source: Table is based on sample survey by author. Oni, An analysis of the data given in Table 7.7 clearly shows that per acre production of wheat is comparatively higher among in-migrants than non-migrant farmers and it is much higher among Sikh farmers than Hindu and Muslim farmers. The relatively higher production of wheat among Sikh farmers has been due to adoption of advanced level of modem technology in agriculture m the form of assured water supply by pump sets/tube-wells, high-yielding varieties of seeds, heavy doses of chemical fertilizers, insecticides and pesticides, and various other new scientific methods of agriculture applied by them in comparison to Hindu and Muslim farmers whose emphasis is still on traditional methods of cultivation. Table 7.8 shows the tahsilwise percentage distribution of paddy production by migration status of farmers. The data given in Table 7.8 exhibit that in the district the maximum proportion is of the farmers who produce 11 to 15 quintals of paddy in an acre of land and per-acre production is the highest in Powayan tahsil. The percentage of in-migrant farmers who produced paddy 16 quintals or above it/acre of land is higher than non-migrants in all the tahsils of the district. In Powayan tahsil, 43.78 per cent of in-migrants and 24.10 per cent of non-mi grant farmers produced paddy 16 quintals and above it/acre of land, and in Jalalabad tahsil their proportion has been recorded only 25.00 per cent and 2.70 per cent respectively. The corresponding figures in Tilhar tahsil are 25.00 per cent and 7.73 per cent respectively, while in Shahjahanpur tahsil the ratio among in-migrants is 28.57 per cent and among non-migrant farmers it is only 12.03 per cent. The ratio of farmers who do not grow paddy is the highest (12.12 per cent) in Tilhar tahsil followed by Jalalabad tahsil (10.53 per cent), and it is the lowest (1.43 per cent) in Shahjahanpur tahsil followed by Powayan tahsil (1.59 per cent). Their proportion is greater among non- migrants than in-migrants but in Powayan tahsil the reverse is true. However, there has not been recorded any in-migrant farmer who does not grow paddy in Tilhar, Jalalabad and Shahjahanpur tahsils of the district. 224 TABLE 7.8 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF FARMING HOUSEHOLDS BY PADDY PRODUCTION AND MIGRATION STATUS Name of Type of Paddy production per acre in quintals Total Tahsil population UptoS 6-10 11-15 16+above No PC Non-migrant - 16.27 58.43 '24.10 1.20 100.00 (4S8)* Powayan In-migrant - 27.27 27.27 45.45 100 00 (65) Total - 17.55 54.79 26.60 1.06 -00.00 (564) Non-migrant 5.61 32.65 40.82 7.65 13.27 100 00 (588) Tilhar In-migrant - 25.00 50.00 25.00 - iOO.OO (12) Total 5.60 32.50 41.00 8.00 13.00 100,00 (600) Non-migrant 2.03 18.92 65.54 2.70 10.81 100,00 (444) Jalalabad In-migrant 25.00 50.00 - 25.00 - 00,00 (12) Total 2.63 19.74 63.82 3.29 1053 130 00 (456) Non-migrant 34.59 16.54 35.34 12.03 1.50 100 00 (399) Shahjahanpur In-migrant 28.57 28.57 14.29 28.57 - 100,00 (21) Total 34.29 17.14 34.29 1286 1.43 130 00(420) Non-migrant 9.33 21.93 49.92 11.66 7,15 100,00 (1929) All In-migrant 8.11 29.73 24.32 37,84 - 100 00(111) Total 9.26 22.35 48.53 13.09 6,76 100 00 (2040i PC - Paddy cultivation •Figures in brackets indicate the number of paddy producing farming housetiolds. Source: Table is based on sample survey by author. 225 Table 7.9 provides information about the percentage distribution of paddy production by religion of in-migrant and non-migrant farmers. An examination of data given in Table 7.9 reveals that the production of paddy in an acre of land cultivated by Sikh farmers is higher than Hindu and Muslim farmers. The ratio of farmers producing paddy 16 quintals or above it/acre of land has been found comparatively higher among in-migrants than non-migrants in all types of farmers. Its production is the lowest among Muslim farmers. Among them 33.33 per cent migrants and 46.05 non-migrant farmers produce only 5 quintals of paddy/acre of land but the corresponding figures among Hindus have been recorded only 7.14 and 4.09 per cent respectively, while among Sikhs no farmer has been reported producing wheat upto 5 quintals in an acre of land. Percent distribution of money invested and use of modem instruments in agriculture, and production of wheat and paddy by in-migrant households based on distance category has been given in Appendix D. The data contained in Appendix D show that banks are an important source of money invested in agriculture by inter-state and inter-district migrants while the self earned money and the money borrowed from money lenders are the main sources of money investment in agriculture of the intra-district migrants. The use oi" modem agriculture instmments is more in practice among the inter-state migrants than inter-district and intra-district migrants. Moreover, the per acre production of wheat and paddy which are basic crops produced in the district, is comparatively much higher among inter-state migrants than inter-district and intra-district migrant farmers. It indicates that the farmers who migrated from states beyond Uttar Pradesh to the district (long-distance migration) are better off in respect of technological innovations in agriculture than the farmers migrated from other districts of Uttar Pradesh to Shahjahanpur district (medium-distance migration) and those who migrated within the district after crossing the block boundaries (short-distance migration). It may have been due to great volume of migration of Sikh 226 TABLE 7.9 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF PADDY PRODUCING HOUSEHOLDS BY RELIGION AND MIGRATION STATUS Religion Migration status Paddy production per acre in quintals Total Upto5 6-10 11-15 16+above Non-migrant 4.90 26.47 55.10 13.53 100 00 (1530)* Hindu In-migrant 7.14 50.00 21.43 21.43 100.00 (42) Total 4.96 27.10 54.20 13.74 100 00 (1572 Non-migrant 46.05 7.89 44.74 1.32 100.00 (228) Muslim In-migrant 33.33 50.00 - 16.67 100.00 (18) Total 45.12 10.98 41.46 2.44 IOC.00 (246) Non-migrant - - 54.55 45.45 100.00 (33) Sil Total - 3.57 42.86 53.57 100.00 (84) •Figures in brackets indicate the number of paddy producing farming households. Source: Table is based on sample survey by author. 227 farmers from Punjab to the district in inter-state migration stream. Majority of the Sikh farmers settled down on the northern sandy, 'tarai' and sparsely populated parts of Powayan tahsil of the district. They levelled the surface irregularities and reclaimed the swampy land. The Sikh farmers use scientific methods of cultivation and give heavy doses of chemical fertilizers, insecticides and pesticides to increase the productivity of land. The adoption of 'Green Revolution' technology by Sikh farmers on a large extent has greatly helped in diffusion of modem agriculture techniques in the whole district. However, as a corollary, it may be stated that heavy influx of Sikh migrants in the catchment area of the Gomti River lying in the northern parts of Powayan tahsil of the district has badly affected the ecological balance in the area. The large scale use of insecticides, pesticides, herbicides and chemical fertilizers in agriculture has led to the pollution of Gomti waters because during the rainy season a good deal of these chemicals gets dissolved into the water and enters the Gomti river alongwith the surface run off. The process of clearing the forests, with which the Sikh migrants started reclaiming the lands allotted to them for agriculture use, has not ended and is still continuing steadily. Now, hankering after enlarging the size of their landholdings and on the instigation of forest employees they are still encroaching upon the forest areas by giving bribe to the rangers. It has adversely effected the wildlife. Having compelled, some of the species of animals have out-migrated from the region. It has disturbed the existing eco-system of the 'tarai' region of the district. REFERENCE I. Gosal, G.S., and Krishan, G., Patterns of Internal Migration in India in L. A. Kosinski and R.M. Prothero (eds.j. People on the Move: Studies on Internal Migration, Methuen and Co. Ltd., London, 1975, p. 199. CHAPTER VIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Besides fertility and mortality, population mobility is the only source of population change and thereby it is very important owing to its impact on demographic, economic and social conditions of a region or country. Migration is not merely the shift of people from one place to another but also is most ftindamental to the understanding of ever changing 'space-content' and 'space-relations' of an area. Migration of people brings tremendous changes in population distribution and exerts a pervasive influence on the socio-economic and demographic structure of population both at the sending and receiving areas. These changes may create as well as solve a number of socio-economic and political problems in a country depending upon its magnitude, direction of movement and socio-economic characteristics of migrants. In the cognizance of the fact that migration in its universal role is involved in redistribution of spatial patterns of population distribution, and with all its differentials, it also brings significant demographic changes in the population composition, eonomic activities and to social customs and behaviours of the populations of a region or country. Therefore, in the present work an indepth study of such socio-economic impacts of internal migration in Shahjahanpur district has been made. The present research work is based on the primary data generated in two comprehensive surveys in the Shahjahanpur district carried out during 1998. The rural survey consisted of 2220 households in 106 villages, and the urban survey, which followed immediately, comprised 873 households in 11 towns. The study period selected for this study is seventeen years (from 1981-1997), while for the data collection one year period has been taken as migration defining period, and the blocks (Vikas Khand) boundaries have been considered as migration defining boundaries. On the basis of migration defining period and migration defining ^29 boundary, the respondents were categorized into in-migrants, out-migrants, return-migrants and non-migrants. Having identified the type of respondents, the separate individual slips were used to ease the task of survey. The analysis of the data on the spatial patterns of migration flows in Chapter three shows that the number of male and female in-migrants is greater than out-migrants in all the tahsils of Shahjahanpur district except those of Tilhar and Jalalabad where net-migration of male population has been recorded in negative. In all the tahsils the number of female net-migrants exceeds the number of male net-migrants but in Powayan tahsil the reverse trend has been observed. The female return-migrant population also exceeds to the male return-migrant population in the district. There is dominance of females among migrants and of males among non-migrants. However, return-migrant population is more masculine than the population of in-migrants and out-migrants. The out-migration from the district is also more feminine than in-migration to the district. The data based on settlement status of the place of origin and destination of in-migrant and out-migrant population indicate that the proportion of rural to rural migration-stream is comparatively greater than other migration-streams and it is the least in urban to rural migration-stream. In all the migration-streams, the females predominate over males except in rural to urban migration-stream in which the ratio of males exceeds that of females. The data according to socio-economic determinants of in-migration of members of principal groups reveal that migration of Sikhs has been distinctly more economic motivated than that of either Hindus or Muslims. Similarly Muslim migration has been more economic motivated than the Hindu migration. The highest percentage of Sikh migrants under the social and economic categories has been in Powayan tahsil, while the highest percentages for Muslims and Hindus have been recorded in Shahjahanpur tahsil. Jalalabad tahsil presented a notable exception for having not a single Sikh migrant. 230 The data regarding the socio-economic causes of out-migrants categorized on the basis of their reHgion show that Tilhar tahsil has the maximum share (38.61 per cent) in the total economic migration and in social migration the highest share (30.06 per cent) has been of Shahjahanpur tahsil. The ratio of Hindu and Muslim migrant population is 84.16 per cent and 15.84 per cent respectively in the total economic migration in the district, and the percentage share of Hindu, Muslim and Sikh population in the total of social migration is 79.00. 19.46 and 1.54 per cent respectively. However, not a single migrant in Sikh population has been identified as an economic motivated out-migrant in the district. The data on educational-status of migrant and non-migrant population show that in the district as a whole the literacy is highest among the return-migrants and lowest among the non-migrants and in-migrants. Though the range is not very large yet it is quite substantial at being about 10 per cent points. The distribution of data on step-migration by community of origin and destination and by socio-economic causes of in-migration reveal that in all types of migration-streams the intensity of step-migration due to economic causes is greater than those due to social causes and the number of moves is largest in rural to rural migrations and smallest in urban to rural migration. The data on number of movements of in-migrants based on the type of migration-defining boundaries crossed at migration reveal that the number of movements in the process of migration has been greatest among the inter-state migrants and the least among intra-district migrants. The data regarding the number of movements in return-migrant population based on their socio-economic causes of migration indicate that economic migration among males is upto four steps or more but among females it is exclusively confined to the second step. However, female migration caused by social factors has been upto four steps or more while it has been only upto three steps among males. ,231 An analysis of the data on distance, socio-economic causes and educational status of in-migrants shows that the economic motivated migration has been over much longer distances than that caused by social factors. The illiterate migrants have come from longer distances than the literate ones. The distances covered by migrants having low level of literacy are also longer than the migrants of high level of literacy. The breakdown of in-migrants to Shahjahanpur district from outside of Uttar Pradesh by sex-composition and the state of origin shows that Punjab is, by far, the greatest supplier of migrants. Migrants from this state constitute no less than 68.32 per cent of the total migrants from outside of Uttar Pradesh. Other states from where migrants have come in notable numbers (i.e., more than 2.0 %) are Bihar 13.20 per cent, Madhya Pradesh and Haryana 3.63 per cent each, West Bengal 2.97 per cent and Union Territory of Delhi 2.64 per cent. Migration from Punjab and West Bengal has been male dominated and it has been female dominated from other states. The data on out-migrant population that migrated from Shahjahanpur district to the states of India beyond Uttar Pradesh show that the bulk of out-migrants (36.72%) have gone to the Union Territory of Delhi. Next to Delhi come Maharashtra, Punjab and Gujarat receiving respectively 14.98, 11.11 and 6.76 per cent of the total interstate migrants from Shahjahanpur district. Males have been dominant among the migrants to all the states except Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan where to females have dominated. The purpose of Chapter four was to analyse the socio-economic characteristics of migrant and non-migrant population. An analysis of the data regarding various categories of non-workers shows that the maximum proportion of non-workers among migrants is that of domestic servants who are engaged in non-economic household duties, and in non-migrant population the highest percentage is of juvenile dependents. 232 The data on age-sex structure of non-migrant and migrant population indicate that the percent of non-migrant population exceeds that of migrant population in 0-14 age-group. But the position is reversed in the age-group 15-29, in which the percentage of migrants is higher than that of non-migrants. The data about the comparative picture of the age-sex distribution of in-migrant population based on religion shows that in the age-group 15-34 the proportion of Hindu female migrants is 81.00 per cent and that of Muslims is also quite high (61.58 per cent) but of the Sikhs it is only 42.42 per cent. In the superannuated age-group (60 and over) the Sikh males and females dominate with 14.00 and 12.12 per cent respectively while the respective figures for Muslims are only 3.13 and 5.07 per cent. The corresponding percentages for the Hindus are the lowest being only 2.35 and 0.62. The data regarding marital status of migrants and non-migrants by age and sex show that the ratio of married migrants is nearly double of that of the non-migrants. However, among the non-migrants the distribution of married males and females is almost even but among the migrants the ratio of married female migrants is much higher than that of males. The highest percentage oi" widowed, divorced and separated persons is in the return-migrant population and the least in out-migrant population while the non-migrant population stands in between. Moreover, the proportion of widowed persons in all categories of population has been found greater among the females than among the males. The ratio of widowed, divorced and separated persons in female return- migrant population is comparatively much higher than other types of population. An analysis of the data regarding age at the time of marriage by religion of migrant and non-migrant population shows that the incidence of early marriages is more common among females than among males. The marriages are held earlier among Hindus and Muslims than among Sikhs; and that the practice of early marriages is more common in Hindu families than in Muslim ones. The data about the age at marriage in male and female in-migrant population based on the type of settlement status of the community of origin and destination reveal that in all types of community based migration-streams females are married earlier than males, and in rural to rural migration-stream the marriages both in male and female population have been held earlier than the migrants in other types of migration-streams. The analysis of the data on distribution of literacy in migrant and non-migrant population reveals the fact that the literacy rates and level of education in rural non-migrant and in-migrant populations are lower than those in their urban counterparts. The male and female literacy rates and standards are in conformity with the normal trend of higher indices for males than for females. The highest rates of illiteracy are among the non-migrant and in-migrants. The illiterates account for 70.05 per cent of the non-migrant population and 70.04 per cent of the in-migrant population. Among out-migrants, the illiterates account for 65. 26 per cent. However, the lowest rate of illiteracy (60.31 per cent) has been recorded among the return-migrants. The rural-urban breakup of the data shows that illiteracy rates in urban population are the lowest among out-migrants and the highest among in-migrants. In rural population the highest proportion of illiteracy is among in-migrants and lowest among the return-migrants. The urban female out-migrants have the lowest illiteracy ratio not only among all types of female population but also among all types of male population except the urban male out-migrants and return-migrants. The data on educational attainment of in-migrant population categorized on the basis of distance reveal that the proportion of illiterates is higher among short-distance migrants than among medium and long-distance migrants. In short-distance migration, the illiteracy ratio is 74.17 per cent while in medium and long-distance migrations the ratios are 65.91 and 62.88 per cent respectively. However, the level of literacy is relatively high in medium-distance migration while the short and long-distance migrations occupy the second and third place. 234 The breakdown of in-migrants by their community of origin and destination shows that the rate of literacy and level of education in the total population of urban to urban migration-stream is comparatively higher than the total population in other types of migration-streams. The lowest literacy rate has been recorded in rural to rural migration which works out to be 17.08 per cent. The data on occupational structure of migrant and non-migrant main workers indicate that the majority of workers are in primary activities. However, the ratio of primary workers in non-migrant working population is much higher than that in the migrant working population. The main workers engaged in primary activities accounts for 71.84 per cent of the non-migrant working population, while among out-migrants, in-migrants and return-migrants the corresponding percentages are 63.83,43.87 and 48.72. As regards secondary activities, the data show that the proportion of workers engaged in secondary occupation is much higher in urban population than in rural population. In rural population the highest percentage (16.66) is among in-migrants and the lowest (6.63 per cent) in non-migrant working population. But in urban working population, the highest percentage (46.15 per cent) is among the out-migrants and the lowest (18.75 ) among the return-migrants. Tertiary occupations enjoy almost the same relative significance in all types of urban population as do the primary ones in rural working population. The ratio of tertiary activities in urban main workers amounts to 62.50 per cent for return- migrants, while the percentages for out-migrant and in-migrant workers are 53.84 and 53.14 respectively, whereas the urban non-migrant population has the lowest percentage of 49.83 engaged in tertiary activities. The data on distribution of occupations based on the migration status of main workers show that in all types of population the majority of workers is engaged in agricultural activities either as a cultivator or as an agricultural labourer. The percentage of cultivators is higher among the non-migrant workers than among the migrant ones. The reverse trend is found in respect of agricultural labourers but with the exception of return-migrant workers who have the lowest proportion of agricultural labourers. However, the maximum ratio of agriculture labourers is 33.33 per cent that has been registered in the rural out-migrant working population. A further analysis of the data reveals that in urban areas of the district, the ratio of in-migrant workers engaged in construction works, transport, storage and communication is higher than those of non-migrant, out-migrant and return-migrant workers. Moreover, manufacturing, processing and servicing carry the highest percentage of workers among the urban out-migrants. It amounts to 46.15 per cent which is also the highest proportion in any economic activity of urban out-migrants. The data about the occupational structure of the in-migrant main workers at their places of origin and destination based on settlement status of the place of origin and destination reveal that the share of primary workers have a higher percentage at the place of origin than at the place of destination, whereas an opposite trend is witnessed in secondary and tertiary activities. Primary activities account for 69.46 per cent of migrant workers at the place of origin and only 44.23 per cent at destination. The percentages of secondary and tertiary workers are 11.97 and 18.56 at origin and 23.84 and 31.92 at destination respectively. A remarkable change in the occupational structure has been identified in rural to urban migration-stream. The percentage of workers engaged in primary activities at their rural origin reduced from 77.58 to a mere 20.75 at the urban destination. In secondary activities, the corresponding figures have been recorded as 1.72 per cent and 23.58 per cent respectively. The ratio of workers engaged in tertiary activities which has been 20.69 per cent at origin rose to 55.60 per cent at urban destination. In respect of urban to urban migration-stream, the data show that at the place of destination the proportion of workers in secondary and primary activities has decreased, and in tertiary activities it has increased. 236 The objective of Chapter five was to examine the socio- economic causes of migration. The data regarding the determinants of in-migration show that majority of in-migrants (83.48 per cent) arrived in the area due to social factors. The distribution of this percentage is highly unequal between males and females. The latter is having a distinctly dominant share. In fact male migration has been more economic motivated than female migration that has been mainly caused by social factors. The economic motivated migration accounted for 44.44 per cent of the male migrants and, in contrast, only 1.80 per cent of female migrants. Marriage is dominant cause of female migration and it accounts for as such as 75.00 per cent of total volume of female migration. The rural to urban migration is more economic motivated (23.38 per cent) than that from urban to urban (19.85 per cent), rural to rural (13.13 per cent) and urban to rural (3.13 per cent) migration. The most important economic causes of rural-urban migration are search for work, better jobs/wages/income and services as they constitute 22.30 per cent of this category of migrants. The combined share of these factors is 95.38 per cent of the economic motivated rural to urban migration. Among social factors, family migration has been the dominant factor, followed by marriage, casteism /communalism and the migration for education. Relatively less dominance notwithstanding, the migration due to casteism and communalism is certainly a matter of great concern and deserves a serious cognizance. This caste and communal factor accounts for 10.07 per cent of the total volume of rural-urban in-migration. The rural to rural migration is more social in nature than the rural to urban migration. The dominant economic cause of rural to rural migration is to seek cheap agricultural land or to get land on patta. It accounts for 58.67 per cent of economic motivated rural to rural migration. In the district, the volume of urban to rural migration is very insignificant and has been mainly caused by marriages which account for 90.62 per cent, while family migration and services respectively account for 6.25 and 3.13 per cent. With regard to urban to urban migration, the 1J I data indicate that 80.15 per cent moved under social compulsions and the remaining 19.85 per cent for economic betterment. Among the economic motivated migrants, 29.63 per cent came for obtaining better jobs, good wages or income, 25.93 per cent for work, 37.04 per cent for services and 7.41 per cent to look after landed property. The data on distribution of reasons of in-migration categorized on the basis of religion show that Sikh migration is more economic motivated than is the Muslim or Hindu migration. Among Sikhs 48.24 per cent migrants moved for economic motivations, while among Hindus and Muslims the percentages are found to be 9. 80 and 20.51 respectively. The dominant cause of Sikh migration to the district is to acquire cheap agricultural lands. It alone constitutes 43.53 per cent of the Sikh migration to the district. Hindu migration is more marriage motivated (63.20%) in comparison to that of Muslims (27.12%) and Sikhs (9.41%).The migration induced by communal feeling is greater among Muslims than Hindus, while among Sikhs it is zero. An analysis of the data on temporal changes in the strengths of the reasons of in-migration shows that with the passage of time migration has become more social than economic in nature. In the period 1981-87, the proportion of economic motivated migration was 20.81 per cent, but it gradually declined to become 14.75 per cent in 1988-92, and 11.85 per cent during 1993-97, while the percentages of migration induced by social stimulants have been 79.19, 85.25 and 88.15 in the respective periods. A considerable temporal changes have also taken place in the relative proportions of the social factors of migration. During 1981-87, the migration due to castetism and communalism, and fighting and tension had been only 5.09 per cent of the social migration but it rose to 15.05 per cent during 1988-92, and 17.59 per cent during 1993-97. The proportions of in-migration due to different factors and classified on the basis of types of migration defining boundaries indicate that the migration to 2.^^ 8 Shahjahanpur district from other states of India is distinctly more for economic reasons than are inter-district and intra-district migrations. However, the position of migration under social factors is just the reverse. The ratio of migration provoked by casteism, communalism, fighting and tension is higher in intra-district migration than in either inter-district migration from within the state or without the state. In fact, no person has migrated to the district due to these compulsions from outside of the state. The data on socio-economic causes of out-migration show that more than half (52.75 per cent) of the male migration has been for economic motivations. In the economic motivated migration of males, 31.13 per cent has been due to unemployment, underemployment or non-availability of enough work. Better prospects of job, income and business accounted for 13.53 per cent of the economic motivated male migration, while 12.50 per cent migrated under the push of low wages or hard labour at their places of origin. Within the social factors of out-migration, the migration of members accompanying the head of household amounted to 41.86 per cent of social male migration, followed by 24.42 per cent for getting higher or specialized education. Moreover, fighting and tension compelled 16.28 per cent male to out-migrate while casteism and communalism drove out 4.65 per cent of them. With regard to female out-migration the data reveals that it has been almost totally due to social factors as only 0.95 per cent of female migrants moved out under economic motivations. Of the economic motivated out-migration, 75.00 per cent migrated to take the property of the relatives and 25.00 per cent for services. Among social factors marriage has been the dominant cause as it accounted for 80.05 per cent of the total volume of female out-migration. An analysis of the data about causes of out-migration by settlement status of the places of origin and destination indicates that the rural to urban migration is more economic motivated than are the rural to rural, urban to urban and urban to rural migrations. The economic motivations have been responsible for 39.38 per _ J^ cent of rural to urban migration, 13.95 per cent of urban to urban, 6.59 per ceni of rural to rural and only 4.76 per cent of urban to rural migrations. The marriages have been the cause of nearly four-fifths ( 79.64 per cent) of the rural to rural migration, more than three-fifth (76.19 per cent) of urban to rural, 41.86 per cent urban to urban, and 11.88 per cent of rural to urban migrations. The data on reasons of out-migration categorized on the basis of religion of migrants show that social causes of migration are the dominant factors of out migration, and Hindu out-migration is more economic motivated than Muslim migration, while no economic motivated out-migration has been recorded among the Sikhs. The important inference regarding social factors of out-migration is that the volume of migration due to fighting, tension, casteism and communalism is high among Muslims than Hindus. Of the total Muslim social migration, 17.00 per cent has been induced by fighting and tension, and 5.00 per cent by fear psychosis due to communalism. But in case of Hindus, fighting and tension accounted for 1.94 per cent of social migration while casteism and communalism has been responsible for a mere 0.48 per cent. The analysis of the data on causes of out-migration categorized by period since migration shows that with the passage of time tremendous changes have occurred in the relative proportions of some of the socio-economic factors of out- migration. Among economic factors, the non-availability of jobs and insufficient work continued to increase steadily its significance as a determinant of out- migration. Duringl981-87, it accounted for 15.39 per cent but the percentage rose to 20.00 during 1988-92 and ultimately to 36.96 per cent in the period 1993-97. However, the reverse trend has been observed in the migration for services. The migration caused by low wages or arduous job has kept increasing with the passage of time. As regards the social factors of out-migration, the data unfolds the fact that the migration for education has tremendously increased with the passage of time. 240 No movement for getting education has been recorded for tiie period 1981-87, but in 1988-92 it reported a share of 1.12 per cent of social migration which suddenly shot up to become 12.32 per cent during 1993-97. The migration caused by negative forces of casteism, communalism and groupism has also increased with the passage of time. These factors pushed out 3.22 per cent migrants in 1981-87 period and accounted for 3.85 per cent during 1988-92. But the respective figure rose to 8.03 per cent during 1993-97. A comparative picture of data on out-migration by causes based on the type of migration defining boundaries crossed in the act of migration shows that out migration from district under economic motivations has been more to the states beyond Uttar Pradesh than either within the district or that to other districts of Uttar Pradesh. The proportion of economic motivated migration within the district boundaries has been found 10.40 per cent, and without the district but within the state 13.22 per cent whereas to the other states of India as high as 54.84 per cent. In long-distance migration (migration to the states beyond Uttar Pradesh) 50.00 per cent of the economic motivated migration has been due to the unemployment or insufficient work while in case of migration within the district, the dominant cause of migration has been to take the possession of the property of relatives. It accounts for 30.77 per cent of the economic motivated intra-district migration. The migration for services dominates the inter-district migration caused for economic motivations. It constitutes 43.59 per cent of the economic motivated inter-district migration. The data in respect of social factor of out-migration show that marriages have been responsible for 65.20 per cent of intra-district migration, while in inter-district and long-distance migrations the percentages have been recorded as 57.97 and 4.84 respectively. The ratio of familial migration (to join husband / relatives, and movement with the head of household) has been 89.28 per cent of the social long-distance migration, while in intra-district and inter-district movements it respectively amounted for 14.29 per cent and 16.79 per cent. The data on reasons of return migration show that one-fourth of male (25.86 per cent) and female (25.00 per cent) migrants returned to their places of origin for economic reasons and the remaining 75.00 per cent returned due to social causes. Under the economic factors, 46.67 per cent males and 80.00 per cent females returned to take possession of the property of their relatives or to look after landed property. The completion of education has not only been a dominant cause of social return migration of males but has also been a very significant contributor to the total male return migration. Of the social return migration of males, 41.86 per cent has been due to completion of education. Incidentally, it accounted for 31.03 per cent of the total male return migration. Retirement from services is another cause of return migration. It accounted for 5.17 per cent of male migrants. Moreover, 5.17 per cent of male migrants reported their failure to adjust to the socio-cultural environment of the place of destination as the cause of their return migration. As regards, the social factors of female return migration, 45.00 per cent accompanied their families or husbands. Fighting and tension accounted for 11.67 per cent of their social migration, while 8.33 per cent returned due to death of their husbands or parents, and 6.67 per cent due to their marriages at their places of origin. Divorce and separation from husband accounted for 15.00 per cent of their social return migration. Some 5.00 per cent decided to return because ol~ absorption and adjustment problems at the places of destinations. Chapter six has been an attempt to examine the extent to which migrants have access to housing, electricity, water and other amenities on arrival in the cities, and whether they eventually achieve levels of living comparable to those of natives. The chapter also contains a categoric exposition of the nature of problems faced by migrant and non-migrant population. The data on the availability of housing, among the migrants and non-migrants indicate that a great majority of the non-migrant households 242 (84.15%) have their own houses while among the migrants only 53.50 per cent own a dwelling. The percentage of in-migrant families staying in rented, rent free or slum type of accommodation is about three times greater than that for the non-migrant households. The proportion of in-migrant families having kuchcha house is about three and half times larger as compared to non-migrants. The non-migrants also have better position than in-migrants in respect of the size and value of dwelling. As regards the type of facilities available in the dwelling, the data show that in case of drinking water, electricity, telephone, generator/ dynamo, latrine, kitchen, bathroom, the position of non-migrant households is better than in-migrant households. The proportion of households having durable goods has been also recorded higher among non-migrants in comparison to in-migrants. The data in respect of above mentioned aspects also indicate that return migrants are not only comparatively better off than that of the in-migrants but they have also better position as compared to the non-migrant population. The rural-urban break-up of the data in respect of types of dwelling by construction, various facilities available in the dwelling and durable goods used in the family indicates that the access of urban to urban migrants is much better than rural to urban migrants. The data regarding the prevailing problems faced by the urban population based on migration status, show that the main problems of rural to urban migrants are water and housing while electricity, income, employment, prices of commodities have been recorded the main problems faced by non-migrants, urban to urban migrants and those whose duration of residence was more than five years preceding the survey. The return-migrant households have no problem of housing, employment and prices of commodities. Their main problems are electricity and water. Chapter seven was concerned with the analysis of the impact of rural to rural in-migration on production and technological innovations in agriculture. The 24: results indicate that the ratio of non-migrant farmers investing money in agriculture after borrowing it from money lenders is higher than migrant farmers, and in case of money borrowed from banks, the proportion of migrant farmers has been greater than non-migrant farmers. Among Hindu and MusHm farmers the main sources of money invested in agriculture are money lenders and their own resources but among Sikh farmers banks are important source of money investment in agriculture. The data regarding the use of modem agriculture instruments show that the level of technological irmovations in agriculture is much higher among the migrant farmers than among the non-migrant farmers. The application of modem instruments in agriculture is more common in Powayan tahsil than in other tahsils of the district. Moreover, the Sikh farmers use the modem instmments in agricultural operations at a large scale in comparison to Hindu and Muslim farmers. An analysis of data on production of wheat and paddy which arc the basic crops produced in the district, indicate that per acre production of these crops is comparatively higher among migrant farmers than non-migrant farmers. The production of these crops is an acre of land cultivated by Sikh farmers has been recorded much higher than Hindu and Muslim farmers. However, the per acre production of wheat and rice is the highest in Powayan tahsil. The data on distribution of money invested and use of modem instruments in agriculture and production of wheat and paddy by in-migrant households based on distance category show that banks are the main source of money invested in agriculture by inter-state and inter-district migrants while the self eamed money and the money borrowed from money lenders are the basic sources of money investment in agriculture of the intra-district migrants. The use of modem agriculture instmments is more in practice among the inter-state migrants than inter-district and intra-district migrants. Moreover, the per acre production of wheat and paddy is also comparatively much higher among inter-state migrants 244 than inter-district and intra-district migrant farmers. It indicates that the farmers who migrated from states beyond Uttar Pradesh to the district (long-distance migration) are better off in respect of technological innovations in agriculture than the farmers migrated from other districts of Uttar Pradesh to Shahjahanpur district (medium-distance migration) and those who migrated within the district after crossing the block boundaries (short-distance migration). Based on the overall assessment of the study the following important inferences may be drawn pertaining to the flows and characteristics of the migrants, determinants of migration and impact of migration on agriculture development in rural areas and availability of housing and other amenities in urban areas: (A) CHARACTERISTICS OF MIGRANTS AND SPATIAL PATTERNS OF MIGRATION (i) There is dominance of females among migrants and of males among non-migrants. However, return-migrant population is more masculine than the population of in-migrants and out- migrants. (ii) The proportion of rural to rural migration-stream is comparatively greater than other migration-streams and it is the least in urban to rural migration-stream. In all the migration-streams, the females predominate over males except in rural to urban migration-stream in which the ratio of males exceeds that of females. (iii) The percent of non-migrant population exceeds that of migrant population in 0-14 age-group. But the position is reversed in the age-group 15-29, in which the percentage of migrants is higher than that of non-migrants. (iv) The ratio of married migrants is nearly double of that of the non-migrants. However, among the non-migrants the distribution of married males and females is almost even but among the migrants the ratio of married female migrants is much higher than that of males. The highest percentage of widowed, 245 divorced and separated persons is in the return-migrant population and the least in the out-migrant population while the non-migrant population stands in between. (v) In all types of community based migration-streams, females are married earlier than males, and in rural to rural migration-stream the marriages both in male and female population have been held earlier than the migrants in other types of migration-streams. (vi) The rural-urban break-up of the data shows that illiteracy rates in urban population are the lowest among out-migrants and the highest among in-migrants. In rural population the highest proportion of illiteracy is among in-migrants and lowest among the return-migrants. (vii) In the district as a whole the literacy is highest among the return- migrants and lowest among the non-migrants and in-migrants. Though the range is not very large yet it is a quite substantial being about 10 per cent points. The variation among the tahsils is relatively more marred and the distribution trend is also little different. Nevertheless, generally the non-migrants have a lower literacy than that among the migrants and the return-migrants. (viii) The majority of migrant and non-migrant main workers are in primary activities, However, the ratio of primary workers in non-migrant working population is much higher than that in the migrant working population. (ix) A comparison between the distribution of types of occupation of in-migrant main workers at their places of origin and destination based on the settlement status of the place of origin and destination reveals that the share of primary workers have a higher percentage at the place of origin than that at the place of destination, whereas an opposite trend is witnessed in secondary and tertiary activities. Primary activities account for 69.46 per cent of migrant workers at the place of origin and only 44.23 per cent at destination. The percentages of secondary and tertiary workers are 11.97 and 18.56 at origin and 23.84 and 31.92 at destination respectively. As a matter of fact the movement into primary occupation is generally lesser than that into secondary and tertiary activities, so 246 that any occupational mutation that takes place goes in favour of secondary and tertiary occupations. A remarkable change in the occupational structure has been identified in rural to urban migration-stream. The percentage of workers engaged in primary activities at their rural origin reduced from 77.58 to a mere 20.75 at the urban destination. In secondary activities, the corresponding figures have been recorded as 1.72 per cent and 23.58 per cent respectively. The ratio of workers engaged in tertiary activities which has been 20.69 per cent at origin rose to 55.60 per cent at urban destination. (x) In urban areas of the district, the ratio of in-migrant workers in construction works, transport, storage and communication is higher than those of non-migrant, out-migrant and return-migrant workers. (xi) The intensity of step-migration due to economic causes is greater than those due to social causes and the number of moves is largest in rural to rural migrations and smallest in urban to rural migration. (xii) Economic motivated migration has been over much longer distances than that caused by social factors. The illiterate migrants have come from longer distances than the literate ones. The distances covered by migrants having low level of literacy are also longer than the migrants of high level of literacy. (B) DETERMINANTS OF MIGRATION (a) In-migration (i) The majority of in-migrants (83.48 per cent) arrived in the area due to social factors. In fact male migration has been more economic motivated than female migration that has been mainly caused by social factors. The economic motivated migration accounted for 44.44 per cent of the male migrants and, in contrast, only 1.80 per cent of female migrants. Marriage is dominant cause of female migration and it accounts for as much as 75.00 per cent of total volume of female migration. 247 (ii) The rural to urban migration is more economic motivated (23.38 per cent) than that from urban to urban (19.85 per cent), rural to rural (13.13 per cent) and urban to rural (3.13 per cent) migration. (iii) The most important economic causes of rural-urban migration are search for work, better jobs /wages/income and services as they constitute 22.30 per cent of this category of migrants. The combined share of these factors is 95.38 per cent of the economic motivated rural to urban migration. (iv) The Sikh in-migration is more economic motivated than is the Muslim or Hindu migration. Among Sikhs 48.24 per cent migrants moved for economic motivations, while among Hindus and Muslims the percentages are found to be 9.80 and 20.51 respectively. The dominant cause of Sikh migration to the district is to acquire cheap agricultural lands. It alone constitutes 43.53 per cent of the Sikh migration in the district. Hindu migration is more marriage motivated (63.20%) in comparison to that of Muslims (27.12%) and Sikhs (9.41%). (v) The in-migration induced by communal feeling is greater among Muslims than Hindus, while among Sikhs it is zero. (vi) An analysis of the data on temporal changes in the strengths of the reasons of in-migration shows that with the passage of time migration has become more social than economic in nature. In the period 1981-87, the proportion of economic motivated migration was 20.81 per cent, but it gradually declined to become 14.75 per cent in 1988-92, and 11.85 per cent during 1993-97, while the percentages of migration induced by social stimulants have been 79.19, 85.25 and 88.15 in the respective periods. (vii) A considerable temporal changes have also taken place in the relative proportions of the social factors of in-migration. During 1981-87, the migration due to casteism and communalism, and fighting and tension had been only 5.09 per cent of the social migration but it rose to 15.05 per cent during 1988-92, and 17.59 per cent during 1993-97. 248 (viii) The migration to Shaiijahanpur district from other states of India is distinctly more for economic reasons than are the inter-district and intra-district migrations. However, the position of migration under social factors is just the reverse. (ix) The ratio of in-migration provoked by casteism, communalism, fighting and tension is higher in the intra-district migration than in either inter-district migration firomwithi n the state or without the state. In fact, no person has migrated to the district due to these compulsions from out side of the state. (b) Out-migration (i) More than half (52.75 per cent) of the male out-migration has been for economic motivations, and nearly total out-migration of females has been caused by social factors of migration as only 0.95 per cent of female migrants moved out under economic motivations. (ii) Rural to urban migration is more economic motivated than are the rural to rural, urban to urban and urban to rural migrations. The economic motivations have been responsible for 39.38 per cent of rural to urban migration, 13.95 per cent of urban to urban, 6.59 per cent of rural to rural and only 4.76 per cent of urban to rural migrations. The marriages have been the cause of nearly four-fifths (79.64 per cent) of the rural to rural migration, more than three-fourth (76.19 per cent) of urban to rural, 41.86 per cent of urban to urban and 11.88 per cent of rural to urban migrations. (iii) The Hindu out-migration is more economic motivated than Muslim migration, while no economic motivated out-migration has been recorded among the Sikhs. (iv) An important reason of out-migration is the combination of negative forces of fighting, tension, casteism and communalism. The volume of migration due to this set of causes is high among Muslims than Hindus. Of the total Muslim social migration, 17.00 per cent has been induced by fighting and tension, and 149 5.00 per cent fear psychosis due to communalism. But in case of Hindus, fighting and tension accounted for 1.94 per cent of social migration while casteism and communalism has been responsible for a mere 0.48 per cent. (v) With the passage of time tremendous changes have occurred in the relative proportions of some of the socio-economic factors of out-migration. Among economic factors, the non-availability of jobs and insufficient work continued to increase steadily its significance as a determinant of out-migration. During 1981-87, it accounted for 15.39 per cent but the percentage rose to 20.00 during 1988-92 and ultimately to 36.96 per cent in the period 1993-97. (vi) The migration for education has tremendously increased with the passage of time. No movement for getting education has been recorded for the period 1981-87, but in 1988-92 it reported a share of 1.12 per cent of social migration which suddenly shot up to become 12.32 per cent during 1993-97. (vii) Casteism, communalism and groupism pushed out 3.22 per cent migrants in 1981-87 period and accounted for 3.85 per cent during 1988-92. But the respective figure rose to 8.03 per cent during 1993-97. (viii) The out-migration from district under economic motivations has been more to the states beyond Uttar Pradesh than either within the district or that to other districts of Uttar Pradesh. The proportion of economic motivated migration within the district boundaries has been found 10.40 per cent, and without the district but within the state 13.22 per cent whereas to the other states of India as high as 54.84 per cent. (c) Return migration (i) One-fourth of male (25.86 per cent) and female (25.00 per cent) migrants returned to their places of origin for economic reasons and the remaining 75.00 per cent returned due to social causes. Under the economic factors, 46.67 per cent males and 80.00 per cent females returned to take possession of the property of their relatives or to look after landed property. 250 (ii) The completion of education has not only been a dominant cause of social return migration of males but has also been a very significant contributor to the total male return migration. Of the social return migration of males, 41.86 per cent has been due to completion of education, it accounted for 31.03 per cent of total male return migration. Moreover, 5.17 per cent male migrants reported their failure to adjust to the socio-cultural environment of the place of destination as the cause of their return migration, while fighting and tension compelled 3.45 per cent of them to return. (iii) As regards the social factors of female return migration, 45.00 per cent accompanied their families or husbands. Fighting and tension accounted for 11.67 per cent of their social migration, while 8.33 per cent returned due to death of their husbands or parents, and 6.67 per cent due to their marriages at their places of origin. Divorce and separation from husband accounted for 15.00 per cent of their social return migration. Some 5.00 per cent decided to return because of absorption and adjustment problems at the places of destinations. The remaining 8.33 per cent returned due to long sickness or accident of their husbands and corruption etc. (C) IMPACT OF MIGRATION ON AVAILABILITY OF HOUSING AND OTHER AMENITIES IN URBAN AREAS (i) A great majority of the non-migrant households (84.15 per cent) have their own houses while among the migrants only 53.50 per cent own a dwelling. The percentage of in-migrant families staying in rented, rent free or slum type of accommodation is about three times greater than that for the non-migrant households. (ii) The percentage of in-migrant families having kuchcha house is about three and half times larger as compared to non-migrants. The rural-urban break-up of the data based on the previous place of residence indicates that the percentage 251 of pucca houses among migrants from urban areas is almost double the percentage among those from rural areas. (iii) Relatively larger percentage of households having durable goods have been recorded among non-migrants in comparison to in-migrants. The possession of durable goods has also been found to be higher among urban to urban migrants than rural to urban migrants. (iv) Return-migrants are not only comparatively better off in respect of access to housing, various facilities available in the dwelling and durable goods used in the family than that of the in-migrants but they have also better position as compared to the non-migrant population. (v) The data on prevailing problems faced by the urban population based on migration status, show that the main problems of rural to urban migrants are housing and water, while electricity, income, employment, prices of commodities have been recorded the main problems faced by non-migrants, urban to urban migrants and those whose duration of residence was more than five years preceding the survey. The return-migrant households have no problem of housing, employment and prices of commodities. Their main problems are electricity and water. (D) IMPACT OF MIGRATION ON AGRICULTURE DEVELOPMENT IN RURAL AREAS (i) The level of technological innovations in agriculture is much higher among the migrant farmers than among the non-migrant farmers. The Sikh farmers use the modem instruments in agricultural operations at a large scale in comparison to Hindu and Muslim farmers. (ii) The farmers who migrated from states beyond Uttar Pradesh to the district (inter-state migration) are better off in respect of technological innovations in agriculture than the farmers migrated from other districts of Uttar Pradesh to 25: Shahjahanpur district (inter-state migration) and those who migrated within the district after crossing the block boundaries (intra-district migration). SUGGESTIONS Taking into consideration the causes and consequences of rural-urban migration in the district, the following remedial measures may be adopted to regulate and contain the flow of rural-urban migration: (i) In rural areas, the major problem is unemployment, particularly underemployment. There would thus be a constant need for a package of labour intensive employment opportunities in villages. The disease of the masses is not want of money so much as it is want of work. (ii) Although agriculture would continue to play an important role, allied agriculture activities, such as animal husbandry, poultry, dairy, etc. can provide work to a large number of people, partially or wholly. If this is accompanied with processing of agricultural raw materials and manufactures of agricultural inputs, it would be possible to utilize leisure hours in rural areas. This implies local processing and avoidance of unnecessary transhipment of raw materials from the rural to urban areas. The flight of rural raw material to urban areas has to be stopped. It is the merchant community that alone gains by the movement of goods. If it is not possible to have manufacturing of finished products in rural areas, atleast initial processing should be done at the place of raw material. This implies rural orientation to an industrial activity. This is a major policy input required from the government. Most of the rural-urban migrants in the towns of Shahjahanpur district have engaged themselves in agro-based industries (i.e., sugar mills, rice plants, oil and flour mills). There should be decentralization of such industries from urban centres to rural areas. By establishing these units in rural areas, not only the problem of 253 rural employment may be solved but it may also bring down the prices of processed agricultural products. Moreover, it will decrease the intensity of environmental pollution in urban areas. (iii) A number of agriculture workshops, in which either the agriculture instruments are repaired or manufactured, have been developed in the towns of Shahjahanpur district. Such workshops should be shifted in rural areas. Moreover, the retail services of chemical fertilizers, seeds, insecticides and pesticides are provided by urban centres. These shops attract a number of villagers to migrate to the towns either for working in these shops or for establishing new ones. Therefore, the retail services providing agriculture materials may be shifted from the towns to rural areas. (iv) With the awakening of the people about education and establishment of primary and middle class schools in rural areas, a number of students migrate to urban centres for high and good education. After completing their education, it becomes difficult for them to return to rural areas where neither the government jobs nor the urban civic and social facilities are available. Therefore, it may be recommended that higher educational institutions may also be developed in rural areas to check the outflow of students from rural areas. Moreover, in educational institutions a greater emphasis should be pai^ on vocational education that rural students after completing their education may do their own jobs. (v) It may be easily observed at the District and Tahsil Courts that majority of litigants and lawyers are from rural areas. The low courts may be shifted to block headquarters to check the migration of lawyers from rural to urban areas and upto some extent, to control over the daily flow of passengers concerned with lawsuits in urban areas. (vi) The temporal analysis of the socio-economic causes of migration in Chapter five indicates that economic factors play a very dominant role in the 254 migration of people, but with the passage of time the ratio of social factors stimulating migration has substantially increased. Muslims inhabiting in Hindu dominated villages and Hindus residing in Muslim dominated villages, and caste prejudice among Hindus push a great number of people out towards urban areas or to the rural areas where people belonging to their own religion and caste are in majority. This, infact, is a sort of segregation process and is developing nodes of population of a particular religion and caste in towns and cities. With every new migration stream, these nodal points would grow in size and strength. It is an irony of the situation that those who migrated to escape from communal tension became instrumental in its development at places of destination. If the apprehensions of insecurity due to communal and caste hatreds are effectively eliminated, it will not only help to develop a tension free society but will also reasonabl) contain migration flows. (vii) Bright city lights, theaters, metalled roads, parks attract thousand of rural youths from rural areas to urban areas. This type migration may be checked by providing these amenities and facilities in rural areas. Moreover, the problems of urban migrants may be highlighted that potential migrants may change their perception about urban areas and may stay in rural areas. (viii) Notwithstanding, nothing could be achieved without reducing the high natural growth of population. Therefore, there is an urgent need to popularize the slogan of two child norm in the lower section of the society by raising the socio-economic standard of the rural people. (ix) It does not mean that rural-urban migration should be totally controlled. A static society cannot compete and develop in this modem and dynamic world without movement of some people from one region to another according to the needs of various regions and societies. Therefore, it may be suggested that before the formulation of migration policies at local, regional and national level the 255 micro-level analysis of the socio-economic and demographic attributes of migrants in various types of migration-streams may be made to assess the impacts of migration on the areas of origin and destination of the migrants. Besides, the thorough knowledge of the causes of migration is equally essential for framing rational policies and plans to check, modify or regulate migration flows. The analysis of the determinants of migration may be based on community types (both at origin and destination), period, age, sex, religion, caste, literacy, marital status, family size, employment status, size of landholdings, income, distance, boundaries crossed at the time of migration as the differentials. GLOSSARY Bhangar Old -alluvium Khadar New- alluvium Doab An alluvial tract of land between two adjacent rivers Tarai A strip of moist land extending along the foothills of the Himalayas, mostly in Uttar Pradesh (India) and Nepal. It is an ill-drained but heavily forested plain now extensively cultivated. Pardhan :An elected head of a village Lekhpal :A government employee who maintains the records of land and revenue of a village. Gramsewak :A government Village Level Worker (V.L.W.) who diffuses rural development programmes in villages. Chowpal :A place of villagers' gathering Jhala :A local term used for a Sikh isolated house constructed in the midst of the agriculture farm. Jhuggy :A term used for informal shelter of the lowest standard built by mud, grass, wood and other rapidly deteriorating materials in towns and cities of India. Patta :Lease APPENDIX A CONTENTS OF THE RURAL SURVEY (Non-migrant) Rural Village Serial No. Location Code No. SI. No. of household Block Slip No. 1. Name of the head of household 2. Number of members of household 3. Is there any in-migrant/out-migrant/retum-migrant in the household? - 4. Relationship with the householder 5. Place of birth. R/U, Block/Town Tahsil District State/Country 6. Sex Age Religion 7. Caste Mother tongue- 8. Literate/illiterate, Educational level 9. Marital status Age at marriage 10. Currently married/ever married 11. Worker/non-vvorker 12. Type of non-worker Desire of work 13. Principal Occupation —Subsidiary 14. Nature of employment, permanent/seasonal/casual 15. Working in private/public sector 16. No. of working days in a year Non-working days- 17. Working hours per day Wages per day (labourers)— 18. Annual income 19. Use of instruments in agriculture 258 20. No. of years since growing High Yielding Varieties of Wheat Rice Sugarcane 21. Sources of money invested in agriculture 22. Per acre production in quintals, Wheat Rice Sugarcane- 23. Are you planning to migrate? — Investigator (In-migrant) Rural Village Serial No. Location Code No. SI. No. of household Block - Slip No. 1. Name of the head of household 2. Number of members of household - • 3. Is there any in-migrant/out-migrant/retum-migrant in the household? 4. Relationship with the householder 5. Place of birth. R/U, Block/Town Tahsil District State/Country 6. Place of origin. R/U, Block/Town Tahsil District State/Country 7 .Sex Age- Religion 8. Caste Mother tongue — 9. Literate/illiterate, Educational level 10. Marital status Age at marriage 11. Currently married/ever married 12. Worker/non- worker 13. Type of non-worker Desire of work 14. Principal occupation Subsidiary -- 15. Nature of employment, permanent/seasonal/casual • 259 16. Working in private/public sector 17. No. of working days in a year Non-working days 18. Working hours per day Wages per day (labourers)— 19. Annual income 20. Use of instruments in agriculture 21. No. of years since growing high yielding varieties of Wheat Rice Sugarcane — 22. Source of money invested in agriculture — 23. Per acre production in quintals, Wheat Rice Sugarcane- 24. Are you planning to migrate? -- 25. Type of migration, primary/secondary/retum 26. Year of out-migration In-migration 27. Distance moved in km ~ 28. Source of information about job at destination 29. Perceived opportunities at destination before migration • 30. Migrated single or with whole family 31. Reasons of out-migration, (a) (b) (c) — 32. Reasons of in-migration. (a) (b) (c) 33. Reasons of migration, (a) (b) (c) 34. Age at out-migration In-migration 35. Marital status at migration 36. Duration of residence at destination No. of movements 37. Principal occupation at origin ~ Subsidiary 38. Literate/illiterate at origin. Educational level 39. Annual income at origin — 40. Size of remittances (annual) at origin 41. To whom remittances are sent Purpose 42. Use of remittances 43. Working hours at origin Wages per day (labourers)- — 260 44. Size of landholdings in acres at origin Destination- 45. Is there any problem of adjustment at destination? 46. Intervening obstacles, if any Investigator (Out-migrant) Rural Village Serial No. Location code No. SI. No. of household Block Slip No. 1. Relationship with the householder -. 2. Place of destination. R/U, Block/town Tahsil District State/country 3. Place of birth. R/U, Block/Town Tahsil— - District State/Country • 4. Sex Age (at migration) At present - 5. Religion Caste Mother tongue 6. Literate/illiterate, Educational level (at migration). At present 7. Marital Status Age at marriage 8. Currently married/ever married — 9. Worker/non-worker at origin Destination — 10. Principal occupation at origin Destination 11. Subsidiary occupation at origin Destination 12. Nature of employment, permanent/seasonal/casual 13. Working in private/public sector 14. Type of non-worker 15. Type of migration, primary/secondary/return 16. Year of out-migration — 17. Distance moved in km 18. Source of information about job at destination 19. Perceived opportunities at destination before migration 20. Migrated single or with whole family 21. Reasons of out-migration, (a) (b) ( c)- Investigator Return-migrant (Rural) Village Serial No. Location Code No. SI. No. of household Block Slip No. 1. Name of the head of household 2. Number of members of household • 3. Is there any in-migrant/out-migrant/retum-migrant in the household? 4. Relationship with the householder 5. Place of birth. RAJ, Block/town Tahsil District State/Country 6. Place of destination, R/U. Block/Town Tahsil District State/Country 7. Sex Age Religion- 8. Caste Mother tongue 9. Literate/illiterate, Educational level 10. Marital status Age at marriage 11. Currently married/ever married 12. Worker/non-worker - 13. Type of non-worker Desire of work— 161 14. Principal occupation Subsidiary 15. Nature of employment, permanent/seasonal/casual 16. Working in private/public sector 17. No. of working days in a year Non-working days 18. Working hours per day Wages per day (labourer) -- 19. Annual income 20. Use of instruments in agriculture 21. No. of years since growing high yielding Varieties of wheat Rice Sugarcane 22. Sources of money invested in agriculture 23. Per acre production in quintals Wheat Rice Sugarcane—- 24. Are you planning to migrate? - 25. Year of out-migration In-migration Retum-migration- 26. Distance moved in km 27. Source of information about job at destination 28. Perceived opportunities at destination before migration 29. Migrated single or with whole family — 30 .Reasons of out-migration. (a) (b ) (c) — 31. Reasons of in-migration. (a) (b) (c) 32. Reasons of migration, (a) (b) (c) 33. Causes of return-migration, (a) (b) (c) 34. Age at out-migration In-migration Return-migration 35. Marital status at origin Destination 36. Duration of residence at destination No. of movements 37. Principal occupation at origin Destination- 38. Subsidiary occupation at origin Destination 39. Educational level at origin Destination 40. Annual income at origin Destination 41. Size of remittances (annual) sent at origin ](^^ 42. To whom remittances were sent — -Purpose- 43. Use of remittances 44. Working hours at origin Destination 45. Wages per day (labourer) at origin Destination 46. Size of landholdings at origin Destination At present- 47. Was there any problem of adjustment at destination? 48. Intervening obstacles, if any 49. Period since returned 50. Any experience gained by migration Investigator APPENDIX B CONTENTS OF THE URBAN SURVEY (Non-migrant) Urban Town/City Location Code No. SI. No. of household- Mohallah Ward No. Block Slip No.-— 1. Name of the head of household 2. Number of members of household 3. Is there any in-migrant/out-migrant/retum-migrant in the household? — 4. Relationship with the householder 5. Place of birth. R/U, Block/Town Tahsil District State/Country • 6. Sex Age Religion 7. Caste Mother tongue 8. Literate/illiterate, Educational level 9. Marital status Age at marriage - 10. Currently married/ever married - 11. Worker/non-worker Skilled/unskilled • 12. Type of non-worker Desire of work 13. The main reason for not doing work — 14. Principal Occupation - Subsidiary 15. Nature of employment, permanent/seasonal/casual 16. Working in private/public sector 17. Are you doing your own work or on wages? 18. No. of working days in a year Non-working days- 19. Working hours per day wages per day (labourers)-— 20. Annual income 21. Housing Characteristics, kuchcha/semi-pucca 265 22. Living in owned/rented house or in slums 23. No. of rooms 24. Cost of dwelling in case of owned house — 25. Facilities in dwelling, electricity/telephone/ generator/dynamo 26. Drinking water source, well/hand pump/tap/running water 27 .Distance from the drinking water (in metres) 28. Have you separate bathroom, kitchen etc.? — 29. Type of latrine, flush/septic tank/service/ none 30. Location of latrine 31. Durable goods used in family: bicycle, wrist watch, alarm clock, sewing machine, radio, tape recorder, gas stove, cooker, fan, camera, gun., revolver, cooler, T.V., refrigerator, motorcycle, scooter, car, jeep, V.C.R. 32. Are you plarming to migrate? Where Why 33. Main problems faced in urban areas Invest! aat or (In-migrant) Urban Town/City Location Code No. SI. No. of household- Mohallah Ward No. Block Slip No. - 1. Name of the head of household - 2. Number of members of household - 3. Relationship with the householder 4. Place of birth. R/U, Block/Town Tahsil District State/Country -- 5. Place of origin. RAJ, Block/Town Tahsil District- State/Country - - 266 6. Sex Age Religion 7. Caste Mother tongue 8. Literate/illiterate, Educational level 9. Marital status Age at marriage —- 10. Currently married/ever married 11. Worker/non-worker Skilled /unskilled 12. Type of non-worker Desire of work - 13. The main reason for not doing work 14. Principal Occupation Subsidiary 15. Nature of employment, permanent/seasonal/casual 16. Working in private/public sector 17. Are you doing your own work or on wages? 18. No. of working days in a year Non-working days- 19. Working hours per day wages per day (labourers) 20. Annual income - 21. Housing Characteristics, kuchcha/semi-pucca 22. Living in owned/rented house or in slums - 23. No. of rooms 24. Cost of dwelling in case of owned house 25. Facilities in dwelling, electricity/telephone/ generator/dynamo - 26. Drinking water source, well/hand pump/tap/running water 27.Distance from the drinking water (in metres) — 28. Have you separate bathroom, kitchen etc.? 29. Type of latrine, flush/septic tank/service/ none 30. Location of latrine 31. Durable goods used in family: bicycle, wrist watch, alarm clock, sewing machine, radio, tape recorder, gas stove, cooker, fan, camera, gun., revolver, cooler, T.V., refrigerator, motorcycle, scooter, car, jeep, V.C.R. 32. Are you planning to migrate? Why Where 33. Type of migration primary/secondary/retum 267 34. Year of out-migration In-migration 35. Distance moved in km 36. Source of information about job at destination 37. Perceived opportunities at destination before migration 38. Migrated single or with whole family 39. Reasons of out migration, (a) (b) (c) 40. Reasons of in-migration. (a)- ( b) (c) 41. Age at out migration In-migration 42. Any information about step migration 43. Are you a circulatory mover Purpose Times Months 44. Marital status at migration 45. Duration of residence at destination No. of movements- 46. Principal occupation at origin Subsidiary 47. Working hours at origin Wages per day (labourers)— 48. Literate/illiterate at origin, Educational level ~ 49. Size of remittances (annual) sent at origin — 50. To whom remittances are sent Purpose 51. Use of remittances 52. Size of landholdings in acres at origin Destination 53. Main problems faced in urban areas at present 54. Time spent in securing first job at destination 55. Migrated single or with whole family 56. Migrated for manual job/white collar job 57. Intervening obstacles, if any Investigator !68 (Out-migrant) Urban Town/City Location Code No. SI. No. of household Mohallah Ward No. Block.. - Slip No. 1. Name of the head of household 2. Relationship with the householder ^ 3. Place of destination. R/U, Block/Town Tahsil District State/Country 4. Place of birth. RAJ, Block/town Tahsil —-- District. State/Country 5. Sex Age (at migartion) At present — 6. Religion Caste Mother tongue 7. Literate/illiterate, Educational level (at migration) At present 8. Marital Status Age at marriage 9. Currently married/ever married 10. Worker/Non-Worker (origin) Destination -— 11. Principal occupation at origin Destination 12. Subsidiary occupation at origin Destination - 13. Nature of employment, permanent/seasonal/casual 14. Working in private/public sector— 15. Type of non-worker 16. Year of out-migration — 17. Distance moved in km 18. Type of migration, primary/secondary/retum— — 19. Source of information about job at destination 20. Perceived opportunities at destination before migration - 21. Migrated single or with whole family 22. Reasons of out-migration. (a)~ (b) ( c) 23. Any information about step migration - Investigator 269 (Return-migrant) Urban Town/City Location Code No. SI. No. of household- Mohallah Ward No. Block Slip No.—- 1. Name of the head of household 2. Number of members of household 3. Relationship with the householder 4. Place of birth. R/U, Block/Town Tahsil - District State/Country 5. Place of destination, R/U, Block/Town Tahsil District State/Country 6. Sex Age Religion 7. Caste Mother tongue 8. Literate/illiterate, Educational level 9. Marital status Age at marriage 10. Currently married/ever married - 11. Worker/non-worker Skilled /unskilled 12. Type of non-worker Desire of work • 13. The main reason for not doing work 14. Principal Occupation Subsidiary - 15. Nature of employment, permanent/seasonal/casual 16. Working in private/public sector - 17. No. of working days in a year Non-working days—• 18. Working hours per day -— wages per day (labourers) 19. Annual income ~ 20. Housing Characteristics, kuchcha/semi-pucca 21. Living in owned/rented house or in slums - 22. No. of rooms 270 23. Cost of dwelling in case of owned house 24. Facilities in dwelling, electricity/telephone/ generator/dynamo- 25. Drinking water source-well/hand pump/tap/running water 26.Distance from the drinking water (in metres) - 27. Have you separate bathroom, kitchen etc.? 28. Type of latrine, flush/septic tank/service/ none 29. Location of latrine 31. Durable goods used in family: bicycle, wrist watch, alarm clock, sewing machine, radio, tape recorder, gas stove, cooker, fan, camera, gun., revolver, cooler, T.V., refrigerator, motorcycle, scooter, car, jeep, V.C.R. 31. Are you planning to migrate? Why ; Where -- 32. Year of out-migration In-migration Return-migration Distance moved in km - 33.Source of information about job at destination 34. Perceived opportunities at destination before migration - - 35. Migrated single or with whole family 36. Any information about step migration 37. Were you circulatory mover? Purpose ~ Times Months - 38. Reasons of out-migration, (a) (b) (c) 39. Reasons of in-migration. (a) (b) (c) - 40. Causes of return-migration .(a) (b) (c)— 41. Age at out-migration In-migration Return-migration 42. Marital status at origin Destination -— 43. Duration of residence at destination No. of movements 44. Principal occupation at origin Destination 45. Subsidiary occupation at origin Destination -— 46. Time spent in securing first job at destination 47. Migrated for manual or white collar job 48. Working hours at origin Destination - 27] 49. Wages per day (labourers) at origin Destination- 50. Educational level at origin Destination- 51. Annual income at origin Destination 52. Size of remittances (annual) sent at origin 53. To whom remittances were sent Purpose — 54. Use of remittances 55. Was there any problem of adjustment at destination? 56. Main problems faced at urban areas at present 57. Period since returned 58. Any experience gained by migration 59. Intervening obstacles, if any Investigator APPENDIX C PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLDS BY MIGRATION STATUS AND THE TYPE OF FACILITIES AVAILABLE IN THE DWELLING Facilities in the Migration status dwelling Short-distance Medium-distance Long-distance Return-migrants 1, Drinking wafer (a) Well 11.4 13.0 0.0 00 (b) Hand pump 59.1 43.5 16.7 33.3 (c) Private tap 22.7 41.3 16.7 66.7 (d) Public tap 6.8 2.2 66.7 0.0 2. Distance from the source of drinking water (a) On the premises 65.9 60.9 16.7 100.0 (b) Upto 50 mts 22.7 26.9 0.0 0.0 (c) 51 to 100 mts 9.1 10.9 33.3 0.0 (d) More than 100 mts 2.3 2.2 50.0 0.0 3. Electricity Yes 31.8 50.0 16,7 100.0 No 68.2 50.0 83.3 0,0 4. Telephone Yes 0.0 4.3 0.0 11,11 No 100.0 95.7 100.0 88.69 5. Generator/dynamo Yes 0.0 0.0 0.0 22.:^ No 100.0 100.0 100.0 77.8 6 Separate kitchen Yes 25.0 39.1 16.7 88,9 No 75.0 60.9 83.3 ir 7. Separate bathroom Yes 29.5 41.3 16.7 es, 9 No 70.5 58.7 83.3 11,1 8. Type of latrine (a) Flush/septic tank 25.0 21.7 16.7 77,£ (b) Service 47.7 43.5 0.0 22.2 (c) None 27.3 34.8 83.3 0,0 9. Whether latrine on the premises Yes 63.6 67.4 167 100,C No 36.4 32.6 83.3 0,0 Source: Table is based on sample survey by author. APPENDIX D PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF MONEY INVESTED AND USE OF MODERN INSTRUMENTS IN AGRICULTURE, AND PRODUCTION OF WHEAT AND PADDY BY IN-MIGRANT FARMING HOUSEHOLDS BASED ON DISTANCE CATEGORY Item Distance category Short distance Medium distance Long distance (30)- (33) (48) Sources of money Money Lender 60.00 36.36 31.2; invested in Mortgage 30.00 9.09 - agriculture Bank - 54.55 81.2') Self 80.00 45.45 62.50 psnw 30.00 72.73 93.75 Thresher - 36.36 25.03 Tractor - 27.27 37.50 Modern agriculture Harrow 20.00 45.45 62.50 instruments Harvester - - 12.eo No modern 40.00 27.27 6-25 Instrument Upto - 5 - 9.09 - Wheat production 6-10 50.00 4546 25,DC (quintals/acre) 11-15 40.00 9.09 37 50 16+Above 10.00 36.36 37.50 Total 100.00 100.00 100 00 Upto - 5 20.00 9.09 Paddy production 6-10 60.00 27.27 12 50 (quintals/acre) 11-15 10.00 18.18 37 50 16+Above 10.00 45.46 50 00 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 PS - Pump set; TW - Tube \Ne\i. •Figures in brackets indicate the number of in-migrant fanning households. 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