Cyprus Can Burning Bridges Be a Step Towards Peace
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Dick Leonard April 2006 a Rare Chink of Light in the Gloomy Cyprus
Progressive Thinking for a Global Age Cyprus – a way out of the stalemate? Dick Leonard April 2006 A rare chink of light in the gloomy Cyprus situation is the agreement, just reached, between Tassos Papadopoulos, the President of the Republic of Cyprus, and his Turkish Cypriot counterpart, Mehmet Ali Talat to meet in Nicosia. Their talks will be confined to talks to discussing the fate of more than 2,000 Greek and Turkish Cypriots missing since the 1974 Greek Cypriot coup and the subsequent Turkish invasion. Could this act as an ice-breaker to persuade both sides to resume meaningful negotiations on bringing an end to the division of the island? Hopes for this are not very high, and a new report by the International Crisis Group, entitled The Cyprus Stalemate: What Next? concludes that the short- term prospects of a constitutional settlement are not good. For this it places the primary blame on the Greek Cypriots and their hard-line government. Papadopoulos has consistently declined to respond to the request of the UN Secretary-General to indicate what changes to the Annan plan would be acceptable to his government, a refusal he maintained when the two men met in Paris on 28 February. The Greek Cypriots defend their position by saying it is unreasonable to ask them to disclose their negotiating position before any new talks are convened. The Crisis Group responds by saying that all recent experience, from the Balkans and elsewhere, is that negotiations never get anywhere unless both sides are willing, at least, to indicate their opening bids in advance. -
If I Were Talat*
If I were Talat* ■ by Zeynel Lüle**1 ast time around, I started off as “if I were Christofias,” then went Lon to point out that by attaching significance to his “conciliatory” character, Mehmet Ali Talat, with whom Christofias sat down around a table for a solution, is “the only person on the island”. I concluded by saying that “if I were Christofias, I would shake hands with Talat sooner rather than later, and I would not include the EU in the talks all the time.” Right after my piece of writing, the EU left Christofias stranded, did not throw its weight behind him, and his expectations of Turkey being sanctioned turned out to be anything, but empty. Christofias wasted his energy in the corridors of Brussels, and went back to his meeting with Talat a drained man and with his mind back in Brussels. In this particular respect, what would I do if I were Mehmet Ali Talat? Let me tell you... I could not deliver on two promises First thing, I would not even dare to consider running for presidency in April 2010. At least when I sit down around a table with Christofias, I would not think about the upcoming election while I negotiate a long- lasting solution, so that I would have the upper hand. The people of my community elected me for two reasons. I should al- ways be acutely aware of that. Firstly, I was to re-unite Cyprus; secondly I was to have made all Turkish Cypriots EU citizens. But I could not ac- complish both. -
M.Ali TALAT President
56.qxd 10/17/2007 10:56 AM Page 1 M.Ali TALAT President H.E. Mr. Mehmet Ali Talat is President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. He was born on 6 July 1952 in Kyrenia. He completed his secondary education in Cyprus. Het continued his further education in Turkey. He gained his M.Sc. degree in Electrical Engineering from the Faculty of Electrical Engineering Middle East Technical University in 1977. Mr. Talat also completed his M.A. degree in International Relations at the Eastern Mediterranean University in Cyprus. He was assigned as the Minister of Education and Culture in the first Democrat Party (DP) – Republican Turkish Party (CTP) Coalition Government, formed after the Parliamentary Elections held in December 1993. He continued in the same position during the second DP-CTP coalition Government. In the third DP-CTP coalition Government he was assigned as the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of State. He was elected as a Member of Parliament from Nicosia in the 1998 Parliamentary Elections. He became the prime minister of the RTP-DP Coalition Government formed “The EU has not done what it was supposed to do about the Cyprus issue” following the 14 December 2003 Parliamentary Elections. Winning a victory in the February 20, 2005 Parliamentary Elections, Talat formed the second RTP-DP coalition, serving as Prime Minister until his election as the TRNC President on April 17, 2005. He is married and has a son and a daughter. M.Ali Talat said that the growth of the economy that, direct flights to Northern Cyprus from in Northern Cyprus would help resolve the England and other European countries are not Cyprus issue to great extent: "The solution to allowed. -
Cyprus: Time for a Negotiated Partition? (WP)
Cyprus: Time for a Negotiated Partition? (WP) William Chislett Area: Europe Working Paper 21/2010 5/7/2010 Elcano Royal Institute Madrid – Spain http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/wps/portal/rielcano_eng 1 Cyprus: Time for a Negotiated Partition? (WP) William Chislett * Contents (1) Summary (2) Background and Current Situation (3) Property: No Headway (4) Direct Trade Directive: A Ray of Hope (5) Turkey’s Position (6) Missing People: Public Broadcasting Breaks a Taboo (7) Spain’s Efforts to Resolve the Cyprus Problem during its EU Presidency (8) Conclusion Appendices (a) Timelines (b) Letters by Demetris Christofias, President of the Republic of Cyprus, and Derviş Eroğlu, President of the TRNC, to Ban Ki‐Moon, the UN Secretary General, in April 2010 (c) Basic Statistics of the Republic of Cyprus and of the TRNC (d) Representative Offices Abroad of the TRNC Selected Bibliography (1) Summary The Greek‐ and Turkish‐Cypriot leaders renewed negotiations in May for reunifying Cyprus, the only divided country in the EU. Little progress of substance was made during 19 months of talks between Demetris Christofias, the Greek‐Cypriot President, and Mehmet Ali Talat, the former President of the internationally unrecognised Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), who was defeated in April by the more hard‐line Derviş Eroğlu. The international community is becoming increasingly frustrated by the lack of progress on a settlement and the idea of a negotiated partition is gaining credence. * Journalist and writer, author of one Working Paper on Cyprus -
Heading Towards the Defining Moment in Cyprus: Public Opinion Vs Realities on the Ground
HEADING TOWARDS THE DEFINING MOMENT IN CYPRUS: PUBLIC OPINION VS REALITIES ON THE GROUND Heading Towards the Defining Moment in Cyprus: Public Opinion vs Realities on the Ground AHMET SÖZEN* ABSTRACT ince the landing of the UN Peace- This paper compares what the two keeping force in Cyprus – UN- Cypriot leaders have been trying FICYP (UN Force in Cyprus) to accomplish through the peace S –in 1964 the Cyprus issue continues to negotiations with what public be unresolved. Many scholars as well opinion on both sides of the island as journalists are weary of the endless view as acceptable and tolerable. This analysis lays the groundwork in discussions on Cyprus. It has become a assessing just how far we are from a real headache for many diplomats and a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus good number of politicians. Yet, it con- conflict. The author first evaluates the tinues to occupy the busy agenda of the progress accomplished by the two international community. It is common leaders in the peace negotiations knowledge that there has been virtually since 2008 when the current round of no violence between the two communi- negotiations started. Second, he looks at how far they are today in finalizing ties of the island - the Greek Cypriots a comprehensive peace plan. Third, and the Turkish Cypriots – since 1974. he assesses where the public opinion In other words, this is the date when a on both sides of the UN divide stand Turkish military operation prevented vis-à-vis a comprehensive solution the attempted unification of the island to the Cyprus problem. -
Regional Potential, Challenges Ahead, and the 'Hydrocarbon-Ization'
Eastern Mediterranean Hydrocarbons: Regional Potential, Challenges Ahead, and the ‘Hydrocarbon-ization’ of the Cyprus Problem Hayriye KAHVECİ ÖZGÜR* Abstract Introduction Natural gas discoveries in the offshore Eastern The discoveries of hydrocarbon Mediterranean have been the source of resources in the Eastern Mediterranean regional geopolitical reshuffling. The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of have raised the question of whether it implications of those changes on the Cyprus will be a game changer in the region problem. The paper is composed of two main or not. According to the United States parts. The first part provides an exploration Geological Survey (USGS), the region of historical development of hydrocarbon could hold up to a total of 122 Tcf exploration activities in the offshore Eastern natural gas.1 According to BP’s 2015 Mediterranean. While doing so, a special emphasis has been given on the cases of data, global proven gas reserves are 2 Israel and South Cyprus. Furthermore, an approximately 186.9 Tcm. When analysis of the possible export options for the compared at the global scale, on the regional potential is provided. The second one hand it can be seen that the region part of the paper dwells on the implications has a limited global impact. On the of all these developments on the negotiation process towards the resolution of the Cyprus other hand, for the regional countries problem. It is argued that during the last such as North and South Cyprus decade hydrocarbon exploration activities by and Lebanon, which are primarily the Greek Cypriot Administration have had a dependent on imported hydrocarbons negative effect at the negotiation table. -
SWP Comments 2005/18, May 2005, 8 Pages
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs A New President in Northern Cyprus The End of an Era but No Solution in Sight Heinz Kramer / Kirstin Hein SWP Comments The long presidential reign of Rauf Denktaş came to an end with the election of April 17, 2005. After almost thirty years in the highest office of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), Denktaş—a resolute opponent of reunification of the divided island—has been succeeded by the prime minister, Mehmet Ali Talat. Does Talat’s rise from head of government to become the leader of his ethnic community give grounds for new hope of reopening negotiations on the island? The rigid line taken by Greek Cypriot President Tassos Papadopoulos suggests not. The change in leadership in the north will not end the impasse in the Cyprus question and the conflict will remain an obstacle on Turkey’s path to European Union membership. Mehmet Ali Talat, a supporter of Cypriot The Rise of Mehmet Ali Talat reunification, was elected president of The Turkish Cypriots have expressed this northern Cyprus in the first round on April wish repeatedly since summer 2003, when 17, with a majority of 55.6 percent of the significant numbers of Turkish Cypriots vote. Derviş Eroğlu of the National Unity first started protesting against Denktaş and Party (UBP), Talat’s main rival and an op- his policies, which stood in the way of an ponent of the Annan plan, drew less than accommodation with the Greek Cypriots. 23 percent. After almost three decades in Mehmet Ali Talat became the spokesman office, Rauf Denktaş did not stand again in for the protests and embodied the hopes for this election. -
Cyprus After the Referenda of April 24: What Next?
CYPRUS AFTER THE REFERENDA OF APRIL 24: WHAT NEXT? Thanos Veremis and Philippos Savvides Abstract Since April 2004 and Cyprus's accession into the EU, important developments have been taking place on the island. In addition, there have been noticeable changes in the ways in which the international community is now approaching the two communities of Cyprus. There is generally a more positive attitude towards the Turkish Cypriot community and a more sceptical one towards the Greek Cypriot one. These developments have created a new climate in the island and have influenced international perceptions significantly. The current state of affairs and the prospects for a solution must, therefore, be reassessed. This paper offers an evaluation of current developments as well as an assessment of the prospects for a solution in the near future. It concludes with some proposals for action in order to keep the prospects for a solution alive. On 24 April 2004 the two communities of Cyprus, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, were asked to determine via two separate and simultaneous referenda whether or not they would accept the comprehensive solution presented to them by the Secretary General of the UN, Kofi Annan. The Greek Cypriot community rejected the proposed plan, by a majority of 76%, whereas the Turkish Cypriot community accepted it by a majority of 65%. In the meantime, the Turks made efforts to meet the Copenhagen criteria in order to secure the agreement of the European Council in December 2004, to the opening of accession negotiations between Turkey and the EU. Turkey's European orientation has been the single most important factor that led to the domestic reforms of the last two years.1 Tayyip Erdogan's decision to demonstrate that his government was ready to accept the solution to the Cyprus problem presented by Kofi Annan in March 2004, improved Turkey's credibility in Europe and strengthened its case for opening accession negotiations. -
International Law and Cyprus Problem 65
Mira Lulić, Davor Muhvić (Croatia): INTERNATIONAL LAW AND CYPRUS PROBLEM 65 INTERNATIONAL LAW AND CYPRUS PROBLEM Mira Lulić, LL.M., Ph.D. Assistant Professor Josip Juraj Strosmayer University of Osijek Faculty of Law in Osijek Croatia E-mail: [email protected] Davor Muhvić, LL.B. Research Assistant Josip Juraj Strosmayer University of Osijek Faculty of Law in Osijek Croatia E-mail: [email protected] Abstract Th e question of a partitioned Cyprus after World War II has become an especially sensitive and complex question of the modern international community. Th e paper analyses the history of Cyprus, starting from the time the Republic of Cyprus attained independence, the covering the Turkish invasion of the island and the declaration of independence of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) to the present day. It gives an overview of relevant United Nations resolutions with special reference to United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP). Th e whole problem of the Republic of Cyprus and the self-proclaimed and by International Law not recognised Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and illegal occupation that lasts for more than three decades is analysed from the aspect of International Law. Some of the most important plans regarding a solution to the Cyprus problem are also presented and their advantages and shortcomings are commented. Keywords: Cyprus, International Law, intervention, human rights, United Nations, independence, secession I. Introduction Due to its specifi c geographic position, Cyprus has always been interesting to various conquerors throughout its history. Th e Ottoman Empire conquered the island in 1571 and kept it as late as the year 1878 when, fearing the expansion of Russia after the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878), the Turks ceded the 66 Contemporary Legal and Economic Issues II administration of Cyprus to the British. -
The Green Line, Cyprus: a Space of Exception Or an Exceptional Space?
The Green Line, Cyprus: a Space of Exception or an Exceptional Space? Hannah Verena Odenthal, MA Master’s Thesis Radboud University Nijmegen Hannah Verena Odenthal Student Number: 0706388 Radboud University Nijmegen Human Geography Master Specialization: Conflicts, Territories and Identities Prof. Dr. H.J. van Houtum Research Professor Geopolitics, University of Bergamo Associate Professor Geopolitics and Political Geography, Nijmegen Centre for Border Research, Radboud University Nijmegen April, 2012 – January, 2013 Nicosia, Cyprus/Nijmegen, the Netherlands To those who can dream there is no such place as far away. – Unknown Acknowledgements With a laughing and a crying eye I finally make it to this point. However, the amazing research and writing process of this thesis would not have been possible without the support, assistance, and friendship of a lot of people, who I would like to thank at this point… First and foremost to Henk, for your supervision and guidance throughout the entire time. To Kyriakos, I will forever be in debt for your hospitality, knowledge, and help both throughout my stay in Nicosia as well as after my return to the Netherlands. I would like to express my gratitude to the Cyprus Center for European and International Affairs and Prof. Andreas Theophanous for giving me the opportunity to use the facilities of the University of Nicosia for my research. Also, to the entire staff for making my stay on Cyprus as unforgettable as it was. It was a pleasure to meet you all and I will make sure to visit again. Many thanks to all interviewees. Without your time and extensive answers, this research would not have been possible. -
1. a New Approach to an Old Conflict
1. A new approach to an old conflict – identifying the problem and imagining a solution Michális S. Michael and Yücel Vural While at first sight the incipient Cyprus–Israel–Greece alliance, natural gas exploration and Turkey’s capricious internal–external deportment appeared to have eclipsed the long-standing efforts of Cyprus’s peace process to reconcile the divided island, upon closer inspection the peace process, as a matter of fact, revealed the paradoxical predicament that engulfs the Cyprus conflict. The quick collapse of financial certainty in 2013 exposed an ephemeral tempestuous prosperity that in effect concealed the contradictory combustions of a ‘frozen’/‘dormant’ conflict.1 It came after four years of manoeuvring and tension over gas exploration in the Republic of Cyprus’s Exclusive Economic Zone, implicating Greek, Turkish, Russian, American and Israeli interest and involvement.2 Cyprus has also, once again, reminded the United Nations (UN) – and the rest of the international community – of the nagging persistence and capacity of its conflict to reach beyond its narrow territorial confines. The resolution of the Cyprus conflict has been a centrepiece of UN peacemaking for successive secretariats. Secretary-Generals Kurt Waldheim, Perez de Cuellar, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Kofi Annan, Ban Ki-moon and António Guterres have all sought to resolve what remains a major source of instability in the region, yet a way forward has routinely proven elusive. The previous UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, in particular, in his early assessment -
I PERFORMING SOCIAL FORGETTING
PERFORMING SOCIAL FORGETTING IN A POST-CONFLICT LANDSCAPE: THE CASE OF CYPRUS by Rabia Harmanşah BS, Public Administration, Hacetttepe University, 2000 MS, Middle East Studies, Middle East Technical University, 2006 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2014 i UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH THE DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Rabia Harmanşah It was defended on September 9, 2014 and approved by Andrew J. Strathern, Professor, Anthropology Nicole Constable, Professor, Anthropology Bryan Hanks, Associate Professor, Anthropology Clark Chilson, Associate Professor, Religious Studies Dissertation Advisor: Robert M. Hayden, Professor, Anthropology ii Copyright © by Rabia Harmanşah 2014 iii anneme ve babama, daima. iv PERFORMING SOCIAL FORGETTING IN A POST-CONFLICT LANDSCAPE: THE CASE OF CYPRUS Rabia Harmanşah, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2014 This dissertation examines social practices of memory-making and forgetting in Cyprus after the partition of 1974, based on analysis of Orthodox Christian and Muslim religious sites in the Greek/Southern and the Turkish/Northern parts of the island. The central contribution of the dissertation is the development of the concept of social forgetting as a corollary of social memory. I consider forgetting to include selective remembering, mis/disremembering, and omitting, distorting, or silencing past events and experiences, in order to shape collective memory. In the literature, remembering is usually privileged over forgetting, which is taken as negation, neglect, failure to remember, or unintended social amnesia in which people are considered passive actors. This study, however, shows that forgetting can be a desirable goal and positive process for some social actors, accomplished by obscuring material evidence of what another community wishes remembered.