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All Volumes (2001-2008) The sprO ey Journal of Ideas and Inquiry

2006 Looking Behind the Veil of an Idealized Past: The Useful Legacy of a False Prophet James Holeman University of North Florida

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Suggested Citation Holeman, James, "Looking Behind the Veil of an Idealized Past: The sU eful Legacy of a False Prophet" (2006). All Volumes (2001-2008). 62. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/ojii_volumes/62

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the The sprO ey Journal of Ideas and Inquiry at UNF Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Volumes (2001-2008) by an authorized administrator of UNF Digital Commons. For more information, please contact Digital Projects. © 2006 All Rights Reserved Looking Behind the Veil of nature of the primary source material renders such an undertaking as an an Idealized Past: The exercise in futility.3 While early Muslim Useful Legacy of a False scholars claimed that they only repeated Prophet the traditions concerning Musaylima’s “apostasy,” in practice they relied on a James Holeman redacted oral tradition, and included or excluded certain stories and details about Faculty Sponsor: Dr. Paul Halsall, Musaylima – depending on the purpose, Assistant Professor of History sponsor and intended audience of the author’s work. Although Ibn Ishaq and Traditional Muslim narratives al-Waqidi’s accounts of the legend of maintain that in 632 C.E., while the Musaylima provide certain limited Prophet Muhammad (c. 570-632) was on insights into Musaylima’s movement, his deathbed, several Arabian tribes the growth and evolution of the apostatized from Islam only to be Musaylima legend in early Islamic “recaptured” by Muslim armies during a historiography is a better indication of series of wars fought under the first the changing construct of heresy and the Caliph Abu Bakr.1 Muslim traditions evolving construct of communal attributed leadership of those “apostate” authority in the first three centuries of movements to a number of “false Islam. prophets.”2 The most notorious of these Muhammad’s preeminent title of “enemies of God” was Musaylima B. the “Seal of the Prophets” necessitated Habib, otherwise known as the “arch- that Caliphs take on at least the veneer of liar” and the “false prophet” of rule based on prophetic precedent. For Yamamah. Several scholars have this reason, a number of Abbasid attempted a historical reconstruction of Caliphs sponsored scholars in an effort Musaylima’s career, but the problematic to legitimize their policies, laws, and right to rule. Although these early

1 I will use the Common Era (C.E.) Muslims scholars claimed that they only dating system for most of this work, although I collected and transmitted traditions will occasionally reference the Muslim dating about the life of Muhammad, the system (A.H. or After Hijra, 622 C.E.), which editorial process played a significant bases year one on the date of Muhammad’s factor in the transmission of early pilgrimage from Mecca to Medina, and signifies the advent of the Muslim polity. biographical material for Islam’s 2 For an excellent analysis of the Prophet, as well as his arch-nemesis suppression of the so-called “wars of apostasy” Musaylima. In this case study, the in the Arabian Peninsula, see Elias Shoufani, Al- primary sources reveal that these Riddah and the Muslim Conquest of Arabia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973). Shoufani rightfully asserts that the “wars of 3 For a summary of Western scholarly apostasy”, or ridda, was a literary construct used analysis of Musaylima, see Dale F. Eickelman, by Muslim scholars to describe the expansion of “Musaylima: An Approach to the Social the early Muslim community. He asserts (as do Anthropology of Seventh Century Arabia,” the primary sources) that the Bedouin tribes that Journal of the Economic and Social History of accepted Medinan suzerainty during the Orient 10 (1967): 17-52. For a listing of the Muhammad’s lifetime, and shook off the Muslim Arabic source material for Musaylima, consult yoke after his death, only nominally accepted W. Montgomery Watt’s article “Musaylima,” in Islam during the lifetime of the Prophet. the Encyclopedia of Islam. editorial craftsmen tailored the legacy of important factor in determining one’s Musaylima to serve a number of social and economic status. However, as purposes. These purposes ranged from inequalities within the umma grew, a issues of theology and law to issues of number of questions persisted – how land ownership and taxation. Early should the wealth and tax burden be Muslim scholars operated under the distributed?5 Were Muslims not equal in illusion that they mechanically the sight of God? Periodic Umayyad transmitted the sacred history of early reform attempts reflected both pushes Islam. Through the purposeful selection for conversion of the non-Arab subject of information, these scholars painted population to Islam, and also attempts to detailed portraits of Muhammad and his mollify the economic grievances of the foes. non-Arab mawali converts to Islam.6 Scholars sponsored by the This trend from “Arab” governance to caliphal office, over a number of years, “Islamic” governance also reflected a produced a series of texts, which reflect concerted scholarly effort to articulate a a concerted propaganda campaign aimed universal interpretation of Islam. The at shaping the historical record in favor Umayyad failure to reform resulted in of ruling dynasties. As the needs of the periodic rebellions that culminated in the dynasty in power changed, the historical Abbasid revolution.7 Abbasid sponsored record reflected these changes. These changes were inspired by a variety of 5 The term umma is generally translated factors, including agitation from below as “nation” or “community,” and refers to the urging social reform, the direct financial Muslim polity created by Muhammad in the interests of the caliphate, defamation of constitution of Medina. Check R.B. Serjeant, “The Sunnah Jami’ah, Pacts with the Yathrib a host of potential political rivals, and Jews, and the Tahrim of Yathrib: Analysis and evolving definitions of orthodox belief. Translation of the Documents Comprised in the In addition to exploring the various ways so-called ‘Constitution of Medina’,” Bulletin of early Muslim authors used the legacy of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Musaylima, I hope this work will offer a University of London 41 (1978): 1-42. Also see the same author in “The Constitution of modest contribution to the ongoing Medina.” The Islamic Quarterly 8 (1964): 3-16. debate concerning methodological Also see Gil Moshe, “The Constitution of approaches to early Islamic history. Medina: A Reconsideration,” Israel Oriental Regardless of whether Studies 4 (1974): 44-66. For a monograph on the Muhammad claimed to be a Prophet sent topic, check Muhammad Hamidullah, The First Written Constitution in the World: An Important to the Arabs or to all of humanity, the Document in the Time of the Holy Prophet, 3d Umayyad leadership was slow to ed. (Lahore (Pakistan): Kashmiri Bazar, 1975). encourage conversion to Islam in their 6 For an in-depth discussion of the realms. After all, the Caliph Umar process by which non-Arabs entered into established the precedent of dividing the clientage (mawali) relationships with Arab patrons upon conversion to Islam, and the social spoils of war based on the order in which 4 structure that resulted there from, see Patricia families converted to Islam. Tracing Crone, Roman, Provincial and Islamic Law: The one’s genealogy became a very Origins of the Islamic Patronate (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). 7 Michael Morony, “Bayn al-Fitnatayn: 4 Gordon Darnell Newby, The Making Problems of Periodization in Early Islamic of the Last Prophet: A Reconstruction of the History,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 40, Earliest Biography of Muhammad (Columbia: no. 3 (1981): 247-51. My discussion of early University of South Carolina Press, 1989), 5. Islamic history utilizes Moroney’s suggested

scholars incorporated traditions about Muhammad’s exclusive claim to be the Prophet into historical accounts that God’s final and most authoritative explained the past and present for ruling Prophet ensured that the future discourse dynasties. As we shall see, these texts of the Muslim community would revolve say more about the consensus of the around the historical paradigm of his scholarly circles that produced them than revelations. After all, God’s truth was they do about the actual events they timeless. Muhammad taught that human attempted to portray. innovation had corrupted the revelations The basic outline of the history of God’s previous messengers to the of the early Muslim community is as Jews and Christians. follows: During the lifetime of His successors, the “rightly Muhammad, when social problems guided” caliphs, violently suppressed the arose, Muhammad simply called on God “apostasy” of the many Arabian tribes for divine prescription. Thus, over the that rejected the authority of the caliph period of about twenty-three years, upon the death of Muhammad, and Muhammad delivered a divinely embarked on one of the most rapid and ordained social program for the nascent successful military conquests in history.9 Muslim community. His revelations, These early caliphs enjoyed an codified in the Qur’an, must have enormous amount of authority based on provided brilliant answers to the social their personnel connection to the problems of early seventh century Prophet. At first, leadership passed Arabia. However, Muhammad had no smoothly from Abu Bakr (r. 632-34) to surviving sons, and made no provision Umar (r. 634-44). However, upon the for the leadership of the Muslim death of Umar, Uthman (r. 644-56) took community after his death.8 In addition, over the caliphate. At this point, Muslims began to disagree over how periodization of early Islamic history. Morony succession to the leadership of the calls for a redefinition of how historians divide Muslim community should proceed. Ali Islamic history. He argues that the traditional (r. 656-61) was the Prophet’s cousin, and divisions, which are based on dynastic rulers, and offer little insight into social and economic many thought that leadership of the trends. He insists, “…the Islamic empire was umma belonged to the family of the itself the political expression of an expanding Prophet. Many perceived the ascent of economy (p. 249).” He notes, “…the caliphate of the Umayyad clan as the usurpation of Mu’awiya may also be seen in social terms as the the caliphate by those who were political expression of a new, composite, post- conquest elite that provided local backing for it formerly Muhammad’s Meccan enemies. (p. 249).” During the early Umayyad period, important trends included the extension of the 9 Fred M. Donner, Narratives of Islamic state, and the divine legitimization of political Origins: The Beginings of Islamic Historical power. Morony asks that the new divisions of Writing (Princeton: The Darwin Press, 1998), Islamic history focus on a period of expansion, 200-203. Donner says, “…it is not clear when followed by a period of contraction (i.e. 620s this concept of ridda actually arose as a separate until the second decade of the eighth century) (p. historiographical category, distinct from futuh (p. 250). Morony prefers to see a period of 200).” Donner also references several important centralization (i.e. from the reign of ‘Uthman sources for the formation of ridda writings. He until the ninth century), followed by a period of says that ridda writings were developed between decentralization (p. 251). 150-206 A.H. for the “…justification of Muslim 8 M. J. Kister, “The Sons of Khadija,” rule over non-Muslims, stressing pride in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 16 participation by individuals or groups in early (1995): 59-95. battles, etc…”

Upon the assassination of authority and esoteric knowledge. The Uthman, the issue of succession became ‘Alid provoked frequent rebellions, and acute, culminating in a military presented themselves as the rightful showdown between Mu’awiyyah leaders of the Muslim community.12 (founder of the Umayyad dynasty, r. They portrayed the Umayyads as 661-80) and Ali. Based on his close usurpers who erred in basing their rule relationship with Muhammad, Ali held on royal authority (mulk), as opposed to the loyalty of many Iraqi Muslims from Islamic principles. In addition; other his base in Kufa. Mu’awiyyah had the branches of the Hashim family chaffed support of the battle-hardened, frontline under Umayyad rule because the Syrian troops, as well as his family’s Umayyads rewarded their kinsmen and Syrian merchant connections.10 Ali was those loyal to the dynasty with lucrative implicated in the assassination of government positions. The Ansar and the Uthman, which tarnished his religious Muhajirun of Muhammad’s Hashim clan credentials, and necessitated that did not enjoy the benefits of the Mu’awiyyah claim blood vengeance. expanding empire.13 They would The issue of who had the right to rule eventually champion a more pristine need not concern us, because version of Islamic governance based on Mu’awiyyah had the strength to rule – the words and deeds of the religion’s perhaps the best evidence for “divine” founder. As contenders for power, the sanction. Ali lost a considerable amount anti-Umayyad factions needed the of his support because he agreed to support of the non-Arab Muslim arbitration rather than a military population of the empire. Many of the solution. The Kharijites believed that a mawali converts to Islam did not enjoy military solution would have allowed the same social status, tax benefits, and God to decide between the contenders.11 economic advantage that their Arab Different interpretations of legitimate sponsors enjoyed. The anti-Umayyad political authority led to factionalism factions pointed to this aspect of that plagued the Arab state, and would Umayyad governance as evidence of continue to dominate future Muslim their impiety, and as further proof for the politico-religious discourse. Since God need to base the empire on a universal demanded unity (tawhid), each faction interpretation of Islam.14 This empire passed on traditions that reflected their would of course need the leadership of versions of the divisive struggle over the Prophet’s family. Nevertheless, the power – political challengers were often Arab Kingdom of the Umayyad dynasty cast into the mold of schismatic heretics. lasted nearly a century before chronic The ‘Alid, the descendants of Ali impiety disqualified them as leaders of and Fatima, claimed the right to rule the umma. The Abbasid revolution based on an apostolic succession that replaced the Umayyads with leadership involved the passing down of God given 12 Tayeb El-Hibri, Reinterpreting Islamic Historiography: Harun al-Rashid and 10 Erling Ladewig Petersen, ‘Ali and the Narrative of the Abbasid Caliphate Mu’awiya in Early Arabic Tradition: Studies on (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), the Genesis and Growth of Islamic Historical 4. E.g. Husayn at Kerbala in 661, Zayd B. ‘Ali at Writing until the End of the Ninth Century Kufa in 740, Yahya in Marw in 743, etc. (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1964), 9. 13 Petersen, 10. 11 Petersen, 11. 14 Petersen, 12.

based on a more universal interpretation society. It also provided the paradigm of Islam – one that harkened back to the for the elaboration of the limits and divine precedent of Muhammad’s expectations of political authority. Social lifetime. institutions, norms, definitions and Those who study the origins of punishments for delinquency would all Islam will recognize that the above be pursued in the context of description of the rise of Islam is based Muhammad’s life. A foundation myth on Sunni historiography – Qur’an, was born. When historical writing began hadith, akhbar, etc.15 One should also in earnest under the Abbasid caliphs, recognize that the above description scholars rarely wrote histories of their provided the framework for Muslims to own times and ruling dynasties. Instead, discuss the origins of the Muslim polity they retold the stories that related – and by association, God’s timeless contemporary issues to the paradigm of plan for history and the model for a just Muhammad’s lifetime – the model society – and adjusted their compilations 15 For an excellent and updated to reflect criticism and praise of monograph on Islamic historiography, see Chase contemporary events and power F. Robinson, Islamic Historiography struggles. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). Scholars disagree over how one For an excellent discussion on the origins of hadith, consult Alfred Guillaume, The Traditions should make use of the notoriously of Islam: An Introduction to the Study of the problematic primary source material for Hadith Literature (Beirut: Khayats, 1966). In the rise of Islam. Perhaps no other area this work, I will refer to the term “hadith” (from of research is as fraught with scholarly the Arabic verb hadatha, to inform) as a report disagreement over methodological concerning a saying or deed of Muhammad, which was traced by scholars through a chain of approaches as is early Islamic history. transmitters back to the Prophet or one of his Western scholars accepted the traditional close companions. A scholarly transmitter of Muslim explanations for the rise of hadith (muhadathun) studied under a reputable Islam until the precepts of Biblical transmitter of hadith until he was awarded a criticism were applied to Islamic history. certificate (ijaza), which provided him with the scholarly authority to transmit the hadith reports Scholars began to question the reliability of his teacher to future students. The systematic of the of the hadith records, which collection of hadith reports under the Umayyad provided the foundation of all early dynasts reflected the pro or anti-Umayyad bias of Muslim historical accounts. This the collector. The pro-Umayyad collections were approach is commonly referred to as the suppressed under the Abbasids, and replaced by pro-Abbasid collections, which were “source-critical” approach. I. Goldziher, subsequently challenged by pro-Shia collections in Muslim Studies, argues that the hadith (p. 44-54). One should note that the invention of reports divulged considerably more the isnad system of tracing the chains of information about the scholarly circles transmission was not invented until the second that wrote them down than they do about century A.H. By the third century A.H. the 16 corpus of hadith material had grown the events they claimed to portray. J. astronomically, and most scholars recognized Schacht’s works on the origins of that the majority of the existent hadith reports Muslim jurisprudence described the were forgeries (p. 66-67). Hadith reports were rated according to the reputation of the transmitter. Western scholars generally agree 16 Ignaz Goldziher, Muslim Studies, that the isnad system was an invention of Edited by S. M. Stern and translated by C. R. theological necessity and has very little historical Barber and S. M. Stern (Albany: State University value. of New York Press, 1966).

process by which the legal systems of the Qur’an.20 He asserts that both Ibn the conquered populations of the Ishaq and al-Waqidi used the structural Umayyad Empire were adopted by the and narrative framework of the popular Umayyad dynasty, and subsequently street preachers (qass).21 He claims that Islamicized over the following dogma crystallized “as the result of centuries.17 Since Muhammad was the recurring points of dispute in sectarian divinely inspired lawgiver, it became polemic.”22 Since the Qur’an never stood increasingly important to pious Muslim alone as a source of authority, a theologians to bring the law of the state scholarly elite devised (isnad) chains of into harmony with the law of God. The transmission in order to properly first Muslim scholars to attempt the feat “express and transmit apostolic of articulating God’s law had only the authority…”, because scripture did not Qur’an and an ever-growing pool of oral have the same importance as the traditions about Muhammad to work example of the Prophet.23 Wansbrough with. claims that the identity of “orthodoxy” According to J. Wansbrough, changed with the changing definition of “Both the quantity and quality of source communal authority. He says, “…the material would seem to support the earliest formulation of Muslim identity proposition that the elaboration of Islam is contained in the sira-maghazi was not contemporary with but posterior literature.” “The theology of Islam is to the Arab occupation of the Fertile likely to have been formulated in a Crescent and beyond.”18 This quote pluralist and cosmopolitan society…” sums up his thesis in The Sectarian and a sectarian scholarly elite cast the Milieu. Wansbrough proposes that the past into the mold of monolithic unity.24 early writers of Islamic history (few in This sectarian scholarly elite explained number) interpreted the career of the fragmentation of a mythic early Muhammad by creating a lens of divine period of Islam (theophany) as the result causality through which the profane of heresy (i.e. the first 150 years of Islam aspects of the Prophet’s career were through the early Abbasid period). made holy (e.g. Badr).19 He claims that According to the standard the sira and maghazi literature formed a Muslim narrative, Muhammad restored sub-canonical “prophetic logia”, in which the story narrative was 20 constructed around extracted Quranic Wansbrough, 2, 7, 10. The terms “sira” and “maghazi” signify the earliest genres verses – thereby historicizing the text of of Islamic historical writing. The sira genre organized hadith reports into a biography of Muhammad, whereas the maghazi genre organized the hadith reports into accounts of the Prophet’s raids and expeditions. The term qass is 17 Joseph Schacht, An Introduction to used to signify both a “storyteller” and a Islamic Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964). “popular preacher.” The Arabic verb qusas Also see the same author in, The Origins of literally means to tell or relate. Much of the Muhammadan Jurisprudence (Oxford: chronological and narrative framework of the Clarendon Press, 1953). sira-maghazi genre of early Islamic history was 18 John Wansbrough, The Sectarian directly borrowed from the stories of the qass. Milieu: content and composition of Islamic 21 Wansbrough, 29. salvation history (New York: Oxford University 22 Wansbrough, 50. Press, 1978), 99. 23 Wansbrough, 78-80. 19 Wansbrough, 27. 24 Wansbrough, 124-125.

Abrahamic monotheism in Arabia. In on the part of the Muslim scholars. contrast, many modern Western scholars Instead, he argues that they may have favor the notion that Muhammad taken the polemical charges of represented part of a general “polytheism” literally, misunderstanding evolutionary trend towards monotheistic the original, polemically charged, creeds in the medieval world.25 G. context of the accusation of shirk.30 Hawting reasserted Goldziher’s thesis In a similar fashion, Musaylima that the hadith reports say more about represented a historical figure, whose the circles that wrote them down than legend was incorporated into the matrix they do about the early history of of hadith literature as the result of Islam.26 He argues that Qur’anic Qur’anic exegesis. Over a period of exegesis and hadith reports provided the time, scholars continued to draw upon an origin of the “polytheist” motif in the evolving oral tradition about Musaylima. standard Muslim account of early Islam. This oral tradition provided an image of Hawting asserts that the charge of shirk Musaylima’s heresy that morphed (association) most likely originated according to contemporary politics and between two or more monotheistic the political leanings of the storyteller. groups, in which one group (in this case By analyzing the Musaylima legend as Islam) claimed to have a purer early Muslim historians recorded it over monotheistic (i.e. Muslim tawhid) creed a period of three hundred years, certain than another monotheistic group, thereby insights emerge into the evolving accusing the “insufficient” monotheistic construct of heresy and communal creed of polytheism.27 For instance, he authority. points out that the word shirk in the Wansbrough’s theories have Qur’an is often associated (E.g. Surah come under considerable scrutiny by 112) with ritual or dietary prohibitions, Islamicists, who assert that many of the which indicates that the charge was oral traditions recorded in the hadith leveled at Jews and Christians.28 collections of the second and third Hawting also argues that Muslim centuries A.H., actually date to the first scholars essentially created a historical century A.H. or earlier.31 This author context for Qur’anic verses, based on agrees that many of the broad outlines of scholarly consensus during the time in Muhammad’s religious teachings (i.e. which they wrote. However, he doubts prayer rituals, prohibition of donkey that the historical context created by meat, etc.) were preserved through oral Muslim scholars for a given Qur’anic transmission. However, like Hawting, verse (concerning polytheism) was based this author proposes that the historical on “…historical memory or…secure context of Islam’s Prophet underwent a knowledge of the circumstances of its major revision during the first three revelation.”29 He does not imply malice centuries A.H., as the result of theological debates, state formation and 25 G. R. Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry politico-religious feuding. and the Emergence of Islam: From Polemic to This case study represents a History, Cambridge: Cambridge University refinement of Wansbrough’s theories, Press, 1999, 32. 26 Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry, 8-9. 27 Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry, 18, 62. 30 Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry, 150. 28 Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry, 49. 31 Sadeghi, Behnam (Princeton 29 Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry, 33. University). Personal correspondence.

based on an attempt to answer two generations, but that the generations that questions. First, what does the followed the Prophet had no such Musaylima legend in the written record luxury. The need to adapt stories about of Abbasid scholarly elites tell us about the Prophet to changing social Abbasid society and scholarly consensus circumstances heavily influenced the at the time a particular compilation of transmission of early stories.33 Robinson hadith was written down? Second, to says that a “culture of documentation” what extent can we trust these sources to emerged as a function of the state, which reveal the historical context of Islam’s gave rise to a literary and chronological Prophet? This case study is based on the consciousness among the Arab elites.34 assumption that oral history has a The origins of much of the source tendency to evolve according to the material for Islamic historical writing needs of each new generation, but began during this period as scholars such without leaving any evidence of the as Zuhri and Ishaq (Ibn Ishaq’s father) evolution. In contrast, texts act as systematically collected and transmitted thoughts, and in these case compilations sayings attributed to the Prophet and his – arrangements – of hadith reports, companions. For a variety of reasons, frozen in time. If scholarly consensus scholars only began to write down the concerning the arrangement of these hadith record in the early eighth century reports changed over time, this change – nearly a century after the death of should be reflected in the texts. Muhammad. The historians of early Islam did Why does a given society not write history as their primary pursuit. preserve certain stories and forsake Most were of non-Arab (mostly Persian) others?35 In the days before a written descent and served the Abbasid dynasty hadith tradition, Arab tribesmen in a variety of capacities. They all recounted the glories of their ancestors. excelled in careers as religious scholars After the advent of Islam – and the – qadis, Qur’anic exegetes, developers creation of an epic paradigm – of sunna and tafsir, religious advisors, storytellers used old modes of tutors to the royal family, etc. Early expression to relate the ancestors of their Islamic historiography went through tribes to the important events of three defining phases – oral (c. 610-c. Muhammad’s career. These tribal 730), origins of Islamic historical writing traditions were originally preserved as (c. 730-c. 830), and large scale historical poetic epics (i.e. ayam al-arab) about the works (c. 830-c. 925). C. Robinson says various raids led by the Prophet, in order that “[during the oral phase c. 610-c. for tribes to glorify their ancestors in 730]…the state’s apologists and critics poetic boasting competitions.36 They narrated contrasting accounts of civil wars and rebellions, and professional 33 Robinson, 10. (that is, paid) storytellers entered into the 34 Robinson, 21. mix, drawing on the past to criticize 35 For an excellent study of the those responsible for the present.”32 He transmission of oral traditions, and the asserts that, under stable circumstances, historicization of a foundation myth, see Thomas oral traditions can provide accurate Spear, “Oral Traditions: Whose History?” History in Africa 8 (1981): 165-181. transmission up to three or four 36 Goldziher, 46-52. Also see Ella Landau-Tasseron, “Processes of Redaction: The 32 Robinson, 20. Case of the Tamimite Delegation to the Prophet

would later be selected for politico- putting the empire on a universal religious purposes according to their footing.39 Thus, under the Umayyads we utility. see the stirrings of a shifting construct of These oral traditions were not communal authority, which culminated fixed tales, but were fluid stories that in the Abbasid revolution. often took on a contemporary Political views had a profound significance – especially if they carried influence on the process of redaction that the authority of a saying of the oral traditions underwent. Factional Muhammad.37 These traditions did not disputes played an influential role in carry the same weight as a Qur’anic why certain stories were told by tribal verse, but they were certainly used in poets.40 For instance, in the early juridical judgments, and therefore took struggles for the caliphate between the on the air of authority.38 It was after all Ansar and the Quraysh, the Ansar quite necessary to base just governance referred to the many false prophets that within the confines of the behavioral came from the Northern Arabian tribes – model set by the Prophet. As the policies the prototype was Musaylima of the of Abd al-Malik and al-Walid suggest Banu Hanifa.41 In addition, many of the (not to mention the protests of Christian conflicting versions of Ali’s Caliphate writers), the Umayyad government was originated in the highly politically beginning to consider the necessity of charged atmosphere of late seventh and early eighth century Kufa.42 Politico- religious strife insured that the legend of Muhammad,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental Musaylima – the false prophet par and African Studies 49 (1986): 255-70. Landau- excellence – would be told and retold in Tasserson claims that the story of the Tamimite delegation to the Prophet as told by Ibn Ishaq, the context of politico-religious feuding. differs on a number of points. She argues that The early eighth century is the earliest reason for their divergence is that “…the stories possible date when Muslims began are mostly family traditions, for each ‘Anbarite writing oral traditions down. Due to family preserved a version which glorified its regional variations, divergent political own forefather, sometimes also making accusations against the others (p. 259).” She views, and a host of socio-economic claims that conflicting account, while preserved factors, a wide variety of conflicting by Ibn Ishaq, were grafted into a combined narrative by al-Waqidi (p. 261). Also see Petersen, ‘Ali and Mu’awiya, 10. The ayam al- 39 Both caliphs instituted a building arab (days of the Arabs) poetic genre greatly program (i.e. the Dome of the Rock) that stressed influenced the type of material available to the the Islamic identity of the empire and challenged early collectors of sira-maghazi traditions. the visual imagery of Christian Byzantium. 37 J. N. Mattock, “History and Fiction,” 40 Goldziher, 166-68. Genealogists kept In Occasional Papers of the School of Abbasid track of the tribe’s ancestry, which was an Studies no. 1, 1986, by the School of Abbasid important affair for purposes of taxation, and Studies, University of St. Andrews, 80-97, since the division of the booty was determined Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1986. by when one’s family converted to Islam. Mattock proposes that historical writing in early 41 Goldziher, 94. Islam drew from a base of material that he likens 42 Petersen, 52. Recurring rebellion to epic poetry, which was tailored to suit a from Kufa proved to be a never-ending thorn in particular audience until it was codified, edited, the side of the Umayyad Caliphate. Abd al-Malik and crystallized into the forms we have today. sent Syrian troops to Iraq in response to a series 38 For an in depth discussion of the of ‘Alid revolts, which only further heightened formation of Islamic law, see Schacht, An tension between the ‘Alid and the Umayyad Introduction. dynasty.

reports made their way into the written scholars collected, sorted, and arranged traditions of regional scholastic the collective tribal memory of the centers.43 In essence, these pious second generation Muslims, creating the framework for the interpretation of the Qur’an, and the judicial system of the 44 43 Goldziher, 60. Poets continued to empire. compete publicly in defense of the honor of their Phase two (c. 730-c. 830) saw the tribe well into the Abbasid period. Therefore, it beginnings of a written historiographical is not surprising that conflicting reports abound record with authors such as Zuhri, and in the primary source material of this period. Also see Michael Cook, “The Opponents of the due to Abbasid patronage, later writers Writing of Tradition in Early Islam,” Arabica 44 like Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi. Robinson (1997): 437-530. Scholars generally agree that also notes that in the late eighth century the authoritative transmission of Muslim paper was used locally, contributing to Tradition was at some point oral, but disagree an explosion of written works on over the timing of the transition to a strictly written Tradition (p. 439). For instance, Schoeler theology, law and history. These dates the prohibition of the writing of Tradition historical works coincided with, and to the last quarter of the first century (p. 491). were influenced by the formulation of Cook claims that the prevailing attitude of early imperial law.45 From the time of Ibn Muslim scholars was hostile to the transmission Ishaq, knowledge (or the creation of a written Tradition (p. 441). In addition, Cook postulates the possibility that Muslim opposition thereof) of the early Muslim community to the writing of Tradition was originally a increased exponentially, necessitating Jewish influence (i.e. Rabbinic Judaism with the division of historical works into a reference to written and oral Torah, p. 442, 498), number of categories, many of which did which he supports by showing that the mid- not survive.46 second century compromise (oral and written) was based on the separation of the public and Muhammad may have started a private spheres of a scholars life (oral religious movement called Islam, but the transmission in public, with writing allowed in formulation of Muslim orthodoxy was to private, in order to aid the memory, p. 476). a large degree a product of what Cook argues that the early centers of Muslim Wansbrough calls the interconfessional scholarship shifted from hostility to acceptance of a written tradition (Kufa in the first half of the polemic of a sectarian milieu. Pious second century, p. 441, Basra in the second half “holy men” assumed a gradually of the second century, p. 458). He argues that increasing position of social power Medinese authorities prior to Zuhri were strictly through the medium of theology. Thanks oralists. Syrian scholars showed an abundance of to the literary cultures of Byzantium and arguments (hadith reports) for and against the writing of Tradition as late as the mid-second Persia, the descendants of Byzantine and century, possibly reflecting the Umayyad Persian administrators searched for their pressure to record the Tradition (p. 473-74). place in the ruling structure of the Reasons for the hostility to a written Tradition Umayyad caliphate. Although originally include: “…to avoid hampering the free holding subordinate positions of power development of law…(p. 492),” hostility toward personal opinion, “…opposition to Umayyad as merchants, teachers, administrators, attempts to codify Tradition…(p. 493),” written tax collectors, translators, and palace texts might fall into the wrong hands, but most importantly, “…to safeguard the unique status of Scripture (p. 491).” i.e. to prevent the responsibility of memorizing Tradition. introduction of a schismatic influence into Islam, Therefore, they wrote it down (p. 523). the polemical lesson of the “people of the Book.” 44 Schacht, The Origins. Cook concludes that Muslim scholars lacked a 45 Robinson, 27. formal and organized division of the 46 Robinson, 29-31.

scholars, these non-Arabs began to combining many traditions into a challenge the Arab identity of the connected simple narrative − preceded Islamic religion.47 Certain policies, as by the authorities − and thus making a well as access to the avenues of social significant contribution towards mobility, provided a strong impetus for connected historical narratives.”52 As many to adopt the Arabic language, and with all of the sources on early Islamic to convert to Islam. These non-Arab history, the stories of popular preachers Muslim administrators systematically (qass) left their mark on some of the collected and arranged much of the traditions attributed to Zuhri.53 Caliph earliest written material about the Yazid II (r. 720-24) appointed Zuhri as Prophet Muhammad.48 They traveled qadi, and he also served as the instructor throughout the Muslim world to a of Caliph Hisham’s (r. 724-43) son.54 variety of centers of learning in pursuit Zuhri’s works were composed under the of tribal traditions about Muhammad and Umayyad caliphs, and only survive in his companions (which grew up around traditions attributed to him by later the garrison cities). authors. Nevertheless, Zuhri figures Zuhri (b. circa 671 C.E., d. 742 prominently in the historical narratives C.E.), the first Medinese traditionist to of Ibn Ishaq, al-Waqidi, Baladhuri, and record hadith in writing, established the Tabari. chronological and narrative framework Unfortunately for those who of the sira literature, and began the sought the clearest insight into the life of school of history at Medina.49 He studied Islam’s Prophet, many of these traditions with Sa’id B. al-Musayyab, Abban B. were contradictory and reflected ‘Uthman, ‘Ubaidullah B. ‘Utba, and regional, doctrinal and political ‘Urwa B. al-Zubair, and his interests nuances.55 Some created a combined covered not only sira, but also maghazi and sunna.50 Zuhri’s informants were not exclusively scholars, but included any 52 Duri, 8. 53 trustworthy source.51 Duri also notes that Duri, 8. 54 Petersen, 51. “…Zuhri…took an important step in 55 Michael Lecker, “The Death of the introducing ‘the collective tradition’ by Prophet Muhammad’s Father: Did Waqidi Invent Some of the Evidence?” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 145, 47 For an more detailed discussion of the no. 1 (1995): 9-27. Lecker insists that by professions of the collectors of hadith, see H. comparing Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi’s narratives Cohen, “The Economic Background and the concerning the death of Muhammad’s father, that Secular Occupations of Muslim Jurisprudents he demonstrates the “continuing growth” theory and Traditionists in the Classical Period of of early Islamic historical writings. He proposes Islam,” Journal of the Economic and Social that during the seventh century, a number of History of the Orient 13 (1970): 16-61. Muslims collected the various traditions (written 48 Ibn Ishaq, al-Waqidi, Baladhuri, and oral) concerning early Islam, in order to Tabari, etc. trace family and clan involvement (p. 10). He 49 A. A. Duri, “al-Zuhri: A Study of the then asserts that in the eighth century, several Beginnings of Historical Writing in Islam,” compilers (i.e. Zuhri, Ibn Ishaq, al-Waqidi, etc.) Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African began to systematically compile these reports in Studies 19 (1957): 12. order to provide an authoritative biography of the 50 Sunna is the body of traditions Prophet (p. 12). He argues that, for the most part, attributed to Muhammad, which establish the they were reliable transmitters of the traditions ideal forms of behavior for Muslims. that they compiled (p. 20), and when their 51 Duri, 2. narratives differ from one another, it is probably

narrative, harmonizing and conflicting sponsored a sustained scholastic venture reports.56 Many, to their great credit, to prove the “Islamicness” of their preserved the conflicting reports. The governing institutions. This necessitated traditionists held a virtual monopoly on the demonstration of the pre-Islamic the “prophetic” hadith, and were thereby nature of the Umayyad dynasty, and the in the position to dictate social ideals – discrediting would-be rivals from the the hadith provided the connection to the displaced ‘Alid branch of the Prophet’s holy precedent of Muhammad. family.59 Ironically, Qur’anic exegesis most likely Ironically, the consolidation of gave birth to the corpus of prophetic Abbasid rule necessitated a propaganda hadith, which after the passing of time, campaign to downplay the very same was in turn used to interpret the Qur’an. messianic passions that brought them to All that these pious scholars needed was power. The Abbasids not only sought to a reformed caliphate – one based on a discredit their ‘Alid rivals, but also universal interpretation of Islam – that certain individuals that played a vital put all Muslims on equal economic role in the success of the revolution. For footing within the state. instance, Abu Muslim led the rebellion The descendents of the Prophet’s in the Khurasan province, and he gained family harnessed these divisive forces an enormous amount of prestige as a through a sustained propaganda result. He was eventually arrested and campaign. The Abbasids, one of many killed by the Abbasid authorities, and a contending factions, were able to assume group of his followers later raised the leadership of the Hashemite struggle for standard of revolt.60 Revolts in the the caliphate, but it took years to solidify Khurasan province, which were their claim to legitimacy.57 The characterized by messianic overtones, revolution itself unleashed a powerful proved to be a recurring theme of precedent of justified politico-religious Abbasid history.61 In this context, the dissent.58 Out of the need to restore a Musaylima legend provided an lasting political order, the Abbasids invaluable lesson of God given political authority, and the fate of “false prophet” the result of one compiler including information usurpers. that the other chose to omit (p. 26). For example, Abu Bakr’s 56 J. M. B. Jones, “Ibn Ishaq and al- suppression of the ridda became a Waqidi: The Dream of ‘Atika and the Raid to popular and useful motif for Abbasid Nakhla in Relation to the Charge of Plagarism,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African scholars. Just as Musaylima and the Studies 22 (1959): 41-51. other false prophets apostatized against 57 El-Hibri, 12. The Umayyad dynasty the nascent Muslim community, the fell from power in 750, but it took over a decade Abbasid caliphs presented themselves as for the Abbasid dynasty to stabilize their rule of rightfully suppressing apostate rebellions the empire. 62 58 El-Hibri, 4-6. The Abbasids came to within the empire. For instance, Al- power by employing a vigorous propaganda Ma’mun came to power through a civil campaign from the Khurasan province, which war against his kinsman al-Amin, and he called (da’wa) the faithful to revolt against Umayyad rule. The movement was messianic in nature, and although Abbasid involvement 59 Petersen, 53, 68. stretched back to the 720s, the Abbasids kept a 60 El-Hibri, 6. low profile until the movement gained force in 61 El-Hibri, 99. the 740s. 62 El-Hibri, 122.

presented himself as a champion of the sira genre. He points out that Ibn Muslim piety in order to justify his Hisham and Baladhuri’s compilations ascent to power. He instituted the mihna accentuate al-‘Abbas’ attendance and the in an attempt to impose caliphal important role he played at the authority over religious dogma. In 811, meeting.67 In contrast, Wahb’s account he adopted the title “Imam al-Huda” says that ‘Abbas was a pagan at that (Guide to Righteousness), and instituted time. Kister suggests that Wahb’s a series of laws designed to enforce account reflects the earlier tradition that Muslim piety (i.e. the prohibition of was compiled by Umayyad scholars [al- wine).63 In 816, he minted coinage that Sha’bi, al-Zuhri and ‘Aqil B. Abi Talib], presented him as “God’s caliph.”64 In a while the account found in the sira genre conciliatory gesture, Caliph al- reflects the general narrative of the Mutawakkil abolished the mihna in 847, Wahb papyrus, but with considerable which conceded control of religious alteration concerning the role of dogma to the ulema.65 ‘Abbas.68 The Abbasids employed a In addition to political rivals, the number of scholars to write apologetic Musaylima legend was also used as a accounts of the Prophet’s life, which powerful example for theological rivals. showed the heroic role that the Abbasid Musaylima was often referred to as family played in God’s unfolding plan “Rahman of al-Yamamah.” The Jews for the umma. 66 For instance, M. Kister presented one of the most potent compares Wahb B. Munabbih’s papyrus theological rivals to early Muslim account of the ‘Aqaba meeting, to that of theology. Certain aspects of the Prophet’s career were retold with

63 El-Hibri, 102-04, 106. exaggerated emphasis on certain details 64 El-Hibri, 107. that had significant contemporary 65 The Arabic term ulema is the plural meaning. H. Rahman argues that of ‘alim, and refers to religious scholars and “Tendentious historians, writing a few teachers of Muslim law. generations after the Prophet’s death, 66 Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds, God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the First when the non-Jewish opponents, the Centuries of Islam (New York: Cambridge munafiqun and the pagans were merely a University Press, 1986). Since prophecy ended fading memory while the Jewish with Muhammad, the ulema gradually rose to a minority in the Muslim state was an position of authority by monopolizing the active theological rival, would lay a knowledge left behind by the Prophet. Crone and Hinds claim that the traditional title for the disproportionate emphasis on the caliph was khalifat Allah (deputy of God), and theological strife during Muhammad’s that due to a struggle between the caliphs and the lifetime in order to buttress their ulema over religious authority, was changed to arguments against the Jews.”69 Goitien khalifat rasul Allah (successor to the Prophet of God) by the Sunni ulema. Whereas religious and political authority was vested in the caliph, the 67 M. J. Kister, “Notes on the Papyrus ulema now assumed the role of religious Account of the ‘Aqaba Meeting,” Le Museon authority. The implication is that al-Ma’mun’s (1963): 406-10. attempt to preserve the religious authority of the 68 Kister, “Notes on the Papyrus,” 412. caliphate failed, and as a result “…al- 69 Hannah Rahman, “The Conflicts Mutawakkil abolished the mihna in 234/848…” Between the Prophet and the Opposition in (97). They conclude by noting that the Shia Medina,” Der Islam 42 (1985): 261. The interpretation of the caliphal office most likely munafiqun (hypocrites) were those in Medina resembles that of the early caliphal office. that openly criticized Muhammad.

claims that the Torah was translated into poets and pushed for a more rigorous Arabic as early as the second or third adherence to the strictures of prayer century A. H.70 In addition; Rahman is rituals. The wine poets mocked the the official name of God in the pursuits of the pious theologians who Babylonian Talmud.71 Muslim sources demanded that God’s prohibition of attest to “…an unbroken chain of Jewish wine be taken seriously.76 The traditions settlements stretched from the border of concerning Musaylima’s relaxation of Palestine to al-Medina...”72 Furthermore, certain Muslim rituals dealing with wine Jews lived in Yemen, and Muhammad’s and prayer were almost certainly revelations frequently refer to the inserted into the hadith record, perhaps “people of the book.”73 Concerning the by a moralizing theologian. These types resurrection of the dead, Muhammad of stories were most likely grafted into said that “…It comes like the blinking of the Musaylima legend by popular the eye…” This exact phrase was also preachers and later recorded as hadith by employed three times a day during traditionists in search of knowledge.77 prayer by the Jews of Muhammad’s We will now take a closer look at the lifetime.74 Of the many descriptions of historians that compiled and historicized Musaylima, one of them concerns the hadith traditions. Musaylima’s reduction of prayer from Non-Arab converts to Islam five times daily, to three times daily, found gainful employment under the which might be interpreted as either an early Abbasid rulers, and put their pens attempt by the qass to associate him with to the task of preparing historicizing the Jews, or a credible indication of a compilations of hadith reports. These Jewish influence on his movement. patchwork compilations provided moral Goitien implies that Jewish missionaries, lessons that explained the workings of perhaps a splinter group, promoted the God in history. The earliest histories idea of “local prophets” as a means of were essentially exercises in Qur’anic Judaizing local populations, but unlike exegesis, and told the story of God’s Yemen and Yamamah Muhammad umma from the vantage point of Abbasid succeeded in fulfilling that role.75 scholarly elites. These narratives not Many of the pre-Islamic ways of only created a mythic past for the ruling the Bedouins did not simply disappear regime and legitimized Abbasid upon the delivery of Muhammad’s authority, but also set the historical revelations. Many who had nominally standard for institutional reform. In this accepted Islam did not willingly follow all of the rituals and prohibitions demanded by Muhammad. In an ongoing 76 Goldziher, 36-37, 42-43. effort to Islamicize Abbasid society, the 77 Goldziher, 42-43. Like almost every early Abbasid caliphs imprisoned wine aspect of the Musaylima legend, contradictory accounts abound. While some popular preachers enhanced their message by stressing Musaylima 70 S. D. Goitien, “Muhammad’s as a “Judiazer,” others found it useful to endow Inspiration by Judaism,” The Journal of Jewish Musaylima with a strict program concerning sex, Studies 9 (1958): 150. wine and prayer. See Al-Tabari, The Conquest 71 Goitien, 151. of Arabia, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State 72 Goitien, 151. University of New York Press, 1993), 92-93. 73 Goitien, 153. “…You shall not come to women, nor drink 74 Goitien, 158. wine, but you are the company of the pious 75 Goitien, 161. fasting by day…”

context, the Musaylima legend provided including Zuhri.80 The majority of early a number of useful lessons.78 Muslim jurists (including al-Shaybani, Muhammad Ibn Ishaq was a al-Shafi’I, Abu ‘Ubayd and al-Mawardi) remarkably talented scholar whose life were familiar with the sira-maghazi personified an evolutionary and literature, and, with the exception of revolutionary phase of Islam. He not Malik B. ‘Anas, they considered Ibn only witnessed, but participated in the Ishaq to be a reliable transmitter of transformation of Islam from a loosely hadith.81 While working as a scholar in defined religion used to justify the socio- Medina, the famous jurisprudent Malik economic dominance of the Arab elite of B. ‘Anas feuded with Ibn Ishaq, which the Umayyad Empire, to a universal resulted in Ibn Ishaq’s expulsion from religion used to legitimize Abbasid rule. the city. The feud probably began as a The army of Khalid B. al-Walid result of Ibn Ishaq’s knowledge of the captured Ibn Ishaq’s Persian grandfather (dubious) lineage of many Medinan in 12 A.H. (634 C.E.), who at first families, and because Ibn Ishaq served his Arab master as a slave, and criticized Malik’s lineage.82 M. J. Kister later became a mawali convert to Islam. notes that, “Ibn Ishaq was indeed Ibn Ishaq’s father (b. 50 A.H. / 672 C.E.) accused of many faults like: shi’i participated in the Syrian campaigns and leanings, qadari beliefs, transmission of was a well-known collector and sifat traditions, playing with cocks, transmitter of hadith.79 Ibn Ishaq was tadlis in transmission, and of course born in Medina in 85 A.H. (707 C.E.), transmission of unreliable traditions, and as the descendent of a non-Arab especially traditions of the descendents convert to Islam, Ibn Ishaq pursued a of Jews who had embraced Islam.”83 At career in one of the few fields that any rate, in the early 760s, Ibn Ishaq promised some socio-economic traveled to Baghdad, where he found opportunity – the collection and gainful employment in the court of the transmission of hadith. In light of the Abbasid Caliph al-Mansur. He served as chronological proximity of the capture the tutor for the Abbasid Caliph al- of Ibn Ishaq’s grandfather and the defeat Mansur’s son al-Mahdi, and the Sirah of Musaylima (634 C.E.), Ibn Ishaq may have been sponsored for the probably had access to some accurate instruction of the latter.84 Ibn Ishaq died details about Musaylima’s movement. around 767 C.E. After all, Ibn Ishaq’s grandfather was Ibn Ishaq’s Sirah existed in at captured in the same year and by the least fifteen variants, and each variant same army that defeated Musaylima’s force. He traveled widely and studied 80 Newby, The Making, 5-7. 81 under a number of prominent and M. J. Kister, “The Massacre of the Banu Qurayza: A Re-Examination of a respected second generation traditionists, Tradition,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 8 (1986): 73, 79, 80. 82 Kister, “The Massacre,” 75-77. 78 Historical writing represented only 83 Kister, “The Massacre,” 76. one facet of Abbasid state propaganda. For 84 Newby, The Making, 4. Also see the instance, Abbasid caliphs took titles that same author in “The Sirah as a Source for emphasized their divine right to rule (i.e. al- Arabian Jewish History: Problems and Mansur, al-Mahdi, al-Hadi etc.). Perspectives,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and 79 Newby, The Making, 5. Islam 7 (1986): 123.

reflected the independent versions of his Nevertheless, the generation that students. Only fragments of a few of followed him no longer condoned the these variants survived into the modern use of non-Muslim sources (i.e. era. Ibn Hisham’s recension of the Sirah Israiliyat literature), and preferred preserved much of Ibn Ishaq’s original, strictly Muslim sources for the but with some noteworthy omissions. As reconstruction of such a legally pointed out by W. Montgomery Watt, important topic as the life of Ibn Hisham based his recension of Ibn Muhammad. Therefore, Ibn Hisham Ishaq’s Sirah on Ziyad B. ‘Abdallah al- heavily edited the Sirah, and purged the Bakka’i’s version, whereas Tabari document of its non-Muslim source quoted the versions of Ibn Ishaq’s Sirah material, including “…most of the Kitab as it was transmitted by Salamah B. al- al-Mubtada and some of the Kitab al- Fadl al-Abrash and Yunus B. Bukayr.85 Mub’ath...”88 Ibn Hisham’s omissions Originally the Sirah existed in three reflected a shift in the scholarly parts: Kitab al-Mubtada’ (Book of the consensus of his day that viewed sources Beginnings), Kitab al-Mab’ath (Book of external to the Muslim community as the Sending Forth), and Kitab al- untrustworthy for the purposes of Maghazi (Book of the defining the law.89 Expeditions/Raids). The three sections A. Guillaume reconstructed and respectively covered the periods from translated Ibn Ishaq’s Sirah based on Ibn the creation of the world to the birth of Hisham’s recension and Tabari’s quotes Muhammad, from the birth of of Ibn Ishaq.90 G. Newby attempted to Muhammad to the hijra, and from the reconstruct the first (missing) part of Ibn hijra to Muhammad’s death. Ishaq’s Sirah. Although both attempts Ibn Ishaq set out to place the life fall short of a flawless reconstruction of of Muhammad as the focal point of a Ibn Ishaq’s original Sirah, they provide universal history, presenting Muhammad enough of the Sirah’s pre-edited as the culmination of God’s revelation to narrative for one to draw some basic mankind through the prophets.86 He used conclusions about the consensus of al- a variety of sources to construct the Mansur’s court scholars. Sirah, including oral and written Muslim Newby suggests that in addition traditions, and stories from Jewish and to its pedagogical function, Ibn Ishaq’s Christian writings known as Isra’iliyat work targeted the Jewish and Christian literature.87 The Sirah, an immensely population of the Abbasid Empire.91 The popular work during the lifetime of its framework of the Sirah attempts to compiler, provided a chronological present Muhammad in the literary topoi framework and historical context for of the Christian Bible, “…all of which understanding the disjointed and timeless text of the Qur’an. 88 Newby, The Making, 8-9. 89 Newby, The Making, 4, 8. 85 See W.M. Watt’s excellent 90 Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of translator’s forward to al-Tabari, Muhammad at Muhammad, Edited and translated by Alfred Mecca, Edited and translated by W. M. Watt and Guillaume (Karachi: Oxford University Press, M. V. McDonald, Vol. 6, The History of al- 1955). Tabari (Albany: State University of New York 91 Newby, The Making, 1, 20-21. Press, 1988), xi-xlvi. Newby estimates that Muslims represented only 86 Newby, The Making, 2, 151. about 8% of the population of the Abbasid 87 Newby, The Making, 3. Empire during Ibn Ishaq’s lifetime.

themes fit the apologetic patterns law and the regulation of social adopted by Islam and current in Abbasid behavior. circles when Ibn Ishaq was writing and The Medinan scholar teaching.”92 Newby claims that the Sirah Muhammad B. 'Umar al-Waqidi (d. 823) conformed to literary forms and motifs traveled to Baghdad in 796 where he common to other contemporary literary worked for the vizir Yahya B. Khalid al- traditions. For instance, concerning Ibn Barmaki, and later served as a qadi Ishaq’s presentation of Christian under Caliph al-Ma’mun (r. 813-33).96 missionary activity in pre-Islamic He most likely synthesized the Medinan Arabia, he says, “we are dealing with a and Kuffan traditions to form a pro- type of wisdom literature that has Abbasid narrative.97 Al-Waqidi lived in examples throughout the Mediterranean the generation after Ibn Ishaq. His Kitab world but finds its best expression in that al-Maghazi reflected many of the same group of stories called the practices employed by Ibn Ishaq, heavily Apophthegmata Patrum, or Tales of the relying on the same written materials Coptic Fathers (which date from the and in the same literary genre as Ibn fourth and fifth century).”93 Newby Ishaq, and was primarily concerned with asserts “Hagiologic tales were adjusting minor chronological details in undoubtedly a part of the stock repertory order to “…generate a new interpretation of the storytellers, qussas, in Arabia as of the Prophet’s life.”98 they were in the rest of the Al-Waqidi’s work had a Mediterranean world.”94 He says, significant influence on Ibn Sa’d (d. “…one of the major functions of the 845), Baladhuri, and al-Tabari. He Sirah is to present a biography of followed much of Ibn Ishaq’s Muhammad that would fit into the chronological framework, but provided a already existent and revered patterns of much more detailed narrative, which has Christian hagiology.”95 led some scholars to propose the During Ibn Ishaq’s lifetime the “continuing growth” theory. According Abbasid caliph claimed to have authority to this theory, as the demand for hadith over religious dogma. In addition, material grew (due to legal necessities scholars like Ibn Ishaq pursued religious and general interest in the Prophet’s life) knowledge from a multitude of sources the supply of hadith material also grew as they sought to explain Muhammad’s as a result of popular preachers and prophetic career as the culmination of inventive tribal genealogists.99 God’s plan of salvation. Future scholars came under increasing pressure to insure 96 Petersen, 83. the accurate transmission of hadith 97 Petersen, 91. material, and Jewish and Christian 98 Rizwi S. Fraizer, “The Issue of source material became increasingly Authenticity Regarding the Traditions of al- Waqidi as Established in His Kitab al-Maghazi,” unfashionable for the development of Journal of Near Eastern Studies 58, no. 2 (1999): 98. 92 Newby, “The Sirah,” 123. 99 Michael Lecker, “The Death of the 93 Gordon Darnell Newby, “An Prophet Muhammad’s Father: Did Waqidi Invent Example of Coptic Literary Influence on the Some of the Evidence?” Zeitschrift der Sirah of Ibn Ishaq,” Journal of Near Eastern Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 145, Studies 31 (1972): 24. no. 1 (1995): 10, 12, 20, 26. Lecker insists that 94 Newby, “An Example,” 27. by comparing Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi’s 95 Newby, “An Example,” 28. narratives concerning the death of Muhammad’s

J. M. B. Jones, the editor of al- “collective isnad” (i.e. the established Waqidi’s Kitab al-Maghazi, points out and generally agreed upon traditions), that details not found in Ibn Ishaq’s but al-Waqidi employed the “collective Sirah, such as the precise chronological isnad” as “an essential part of the sequence and the dating of several conceptional framework of his Kitab al- events, are an integral part of al- Maghazi.”104 Jones concludes that Waqidi’s Maghazi.100 He also asserts “…the greater part of the sira was that no great confidence should be already formalized by the second placed in Ibn Ishaq’s chronology.101 In century A.H. and that the later writers fact, Jones implies that much of the shared a common corpus of qass and chronology for the less important raids traditional material, which they arranged of the Prophet was the creation of according to their own concepts and to Qur’anic exegetics, who added “…the which they added their own story necessary to explain the text of the researches.”105 Quran.”102 Jones points out that both Ibn In phase three (c. 830-c. 925), Ishaq and al-Waqidi “…drew freely large-scale collections replaced single upon qass material…” and that the topic monographs, and many of the similarities and differences between al- works that were considered unimportant Waqidi and Ibn Ishaq’s narrative are a were not copied and were subsequently result of both authors reliance of the lost.106 The third phase also reflected qass renditions of their respective changing theological norms. In the first lifetimes.103 He also proposes that Ibn three centuries of Islam, the corpus of Ishaq, al-Waqidi and Zuhri all used the hadith reports had grown astronomically, and legal scholars

readily admitted that many were father, that he demonstrates the “continuing 107 growth” theory of early Islamic historical forgeries and innovations. Legal writings. He proposes that during the seventh scholars such as Muhammad Buhkari (d. century, a number of Muslims collected the 870) compiled “authoritative” various traditions (written and oral) concerning compilations of hadith reports, and early Islam, in order to trace family and clan involvement. He then asserts that in the eighth eliminated thousands of reports that they century, several compilers (i.e. Zuhri, Ibn Ishaq, considered fraudulent. al-Waqidi, etc.) began to systematically compile Baladhuri (d. 892) was born in these reports in order to provide an authoritative Baghdad, but was of Persian ancestry. biography of the Prophet. He argues that, for the He wrote under the patronage of most part, they were reliable transmitters of the traditions that they compiled, and when their Abbasid Caliph al-Mutawakkil. narratives differ from one another, it is probably Baladhuri presented his material with a the result of one compiler including information special emphasis on the precedent set by that the other chose to omit. Muhammad and the early caliphs 100 J. M. B. Jones, “The Chronology of concerning issues of taxation and land the Maghazi: A Textual Survey,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 19 grants. In addition, a consistent theme in (1957): 259, 264, 277. Kitab Futuh al-Buldan is the manner in 101 Jones, “The Chronology,” 261. which a particular city or land area was 102 Jones, “The Chronology,” 264. 103 J. M. B. Jones, “Ibn Ishaq and al- Waqidi: The Dream of ‘Atika and the Raid to 104 Jones, “Ibn Ishaq,” 50. Nakhla in Relation to the Charge of Plagarism,” 105 Jones, “Ibn Ishaq,” 51. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African 106 Robinson, 34. Studies 22 (1959): 46. 107 Schacht, Origins, 3.

incorporated into the Muslim umma. He description of the early Meccan period, carefully distinguished the areas brought in the context of Muhammad’s struggle into the umma by force of arms, from with the Meccan authorities. Ibn Ishaq those that conceded and converted to chronologically placed Musaylima’s Islam, or agreed to pay the poll tax.108 movement prior to that of Muhammad. Scholars such as Abu Ja’far This issue has not gone unnoticed by Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari Western historians. D. Margoliouth incorporated large sections of earlier argues that the names ‘Muslim’ and works, like Ibn Ishaq’s Sirah, while not ‘hanif’ possibly originated as terms to including the information that no longer describe “…followers of Musaylimah, measured up to scholarly consensus. the Prophet of the Banu Hanifah.”110 He Tabari (d. 923) was born in Amul claims that Surah 26:61 provides (Tabaristan Province on the Southern evidence that Musaylimah [the shore of the Caspian) in 839.109 He diminutive version of Maslamah] traveled widely in search of traditions predated Muhammad as a prophet.111 about the Prophet, and was a prolific Ibn Ishaq’s first entries author whose works included concerning Musaylima are found in Part jurisprudence, Qur’an commentary, and II of Sirat Rasul Allah entitled history. In 855, he settled in Baghdad “Muhammad’s call and preaching in and embarked on a long and celebrated Mecca.” Ibn Ishaq’s first references to career as a Muslim scholar. Now that we Musaylima are located in a specific have established the historical context section of Part II, subtitled “Negotiations for the writers of the Musaylima legend, between the Apostle and the Leaders of we shall take a closer look at specific Quraysh and an explanation of the Sura examples of the legend, which of the Cave.”112 In this section, Ibn Ishaq underscore the basic thesis of this work. describes the growth of Muslims in We will first investigate the issue Mecca, and their subsequent persecution of chronology in the Musaylima legend. by the Meccan authorities. He describes Ibn Ishaq provided both a chronological Muhammad in typical saintly literary framework for Muhammad’s life, and topoi. The Quraysh offer Muhammad also a chronological framework for the money, honor, and power, if he would occasions of certain revelations. While only agree to stop preaching. his purpose was to compile the traditions Muhammad, like any saintly figure of an earlier generation in order to worth his salt, refuses the lure of worldly clarify the truth about the Prophet, Ibn vices. The Quraysh then proceed to Ishaq actually codified the historical challenge his claim to prophecy by context of, and hence the meaning of, asking him to perform a number of certain Qur’anic revelations. Ibn Ishaq miracles. Ibn Ishaq also mentions that first mentions Musaylima in his one of Muhammad’s accusers was a poet named al-Nadr B. al-Harith, who “…had 108 Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, Edited and translated by Phillip K. Hitti (New 110 D. S. Margoliouth, “On the Origin York: AMS Press, 1968), 5. and Import of the Names Muslim and Hanif,” 109 See Franz Rosenthal’s introduction Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great to The History of al-Tabari: General Britain and Ireland 35 (1903): 484. Introduction and from the Creation to the Flood, 111 Margoliouth, “On the Origin,” 484- Albany: State University of New York Press, 85. 1989. 112 Ibn Ishaq, p. 133-41, text 187-203.

been to al-Hira and learnt the tales of the never believe in him.”116 Muhammad kings of Persia…”113 al-Harith claimed responds with Surah 13:29, which reads, to be able to tell a better story about “Thus did we send you to a people ancient peoples than Muhammad. It is before whom other peoples had passed important to note the connection with al- away that you might read to them that Hira and Persia. Interestingly, in their which we have revealed to thee, while melee of verbal assaults on the Prophet, they disbelieved in the Rahman. Say, He the Quraysh accused him of learning his is my Lord; there is no other God but religion from Musaylima. “Information He. In Him I trust and unto Him is the has reached us that you are taught by this return.” Interestingly, in Surah 13, fellow in al-Yamama, called al-Rahman, “Thunder,” God revealed that He has and by God we will never believe in the provided a warner to every nation Rahman.” Ibn Ishaq then adds that this (munthiru likul qum had).117 was the occasions of the revelation of Muhammad, like other prophets and Surah 17:94, “We will not believe in you “warners” before him, was sent by God until you come to us with God and the to deliver his revelation to a specific angels.” It is important to note that Surah people − a message in Arabic to the 17, “The Night Journey,” is the same Arab people. This reference is striking. Surah in which God revealed to the Perhaps Musaylima led the local Muslims that they were allowed to call opposition to Persian rule in Yamamah. God either Allah or al-Rahman.114 Ibn Perhaps Muhammad followed his lead. Ishaq continues by relating that the Ibn Ishaq also includes an Quraysh then consulted the Jews of account about Musaylima that places Yathrib concerning Muhammad’s him as a politico-religious leader prior to prophecy.115 The Jews provide the Muhammad’s consolidation of power in Quraysh with a series of questions to ask Medina. Chronologically, Ibn Ishaq Muhammad in order to test him as a includes the story during the period prophet. After a two week delay, when Muhammad concluded the second Muhammad responded to these Pledge of ‘Aqaba with the tribes of questions with a number of revelations Medina (c. 622). Ibn Ishaq mentions from God. Musaylima as only as an explanatory Ibn Ishaq’s narrative then relates detail concerning one of the Medinan a story about Muhammad after his Arabs that pledged to support arrival in Yathrib. Ibn Ishaq places the Muhammad at ‘Aqaba. According to this occasion of the revelation of Surah 13:29 story, a certain Nusayba (the one who as a response to skeptical Jewish rabbis pledged at ‘Aqaba) had two sons. Her of Yathrib that accused Muhammad of son Habib was tortured by Musaylima learning his religion from Musaylima in for not recognizing him as a prophet the same fashion that the Quraysh did. equal to Muhammad. Ibn Ishaq’s Ibn Ishaq records that they said, “…We narrative also mentions that Nusayba have heard that a man in al-Yamama was present some years later at the called al-Rahman teaches you. We will Battle of Yamamah, and received a number of wounds.118 Al-Baladhuri

113 Ibn Ishaq, p. 136, text 191. 114 Surah 17:107. 116 Ibn Ishaq, p. 140, text 200. 115 Yathrib was renamed Medina after 117 Surah 13:7. Muhammad’s ascent to power. 118 Ibn Ishaq, 212, text 312-13.

relates a similar story concerning the during the battle of Badr. Tabari is torture of Nusayba’s son Habib, and her strikingly silent concerning traditions participation and wounds in the Battle of about Musaylima’s dealings with the Yamamah. However, Baladhuri Prophet during the Meccan and early mentions this story in the context of a Medinan periods. Al-Tabari frequently list of martyrs who fell at the Battle of quoted Ibn Ishaq and was undoubtedly Yamamah, leaving out the chronological familiar with those traditions. One has to position of the events described.119 wonder, why did he exclude the early Further evidence for the early dating of Musaylima’s movement from dating of Musaylima’s movement can be his compilation? A clue to this answer found in both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi. can be deduced from a comparison of Both accounts reveal that a certain Ibn Ishaq, Bukhari, and al-Tabari’s ‘Abdul ‘Amr changed his name to accounts of the “dream of the Rahman, during the Meccan period, after armbands.” becoming a Muslim.120 A pre-Islamic Ibn Ishaq reports that just after friend of his did not want to call him the treaty of Hudaybiyyah (c. 628 C.E.), ‘Abdul Rahman, because he did not Muhammad explained to his followers want to associate him with Musaylima, that they would fight a people of great so he called him ‘Abdul al-Ilah.’ ‘Abdul prowess. Ibn Ishaq reports that, “One Rahman ran into his friend after the whom I do not suspect from al-Zuhri Battle of Badr and took him and his son told me that ‘a people of great prowess prisoner.121 It is interesting to note that meant Hanifa with the arch-liar.”122 Ibn Ibn Ishaq implies that the friend did not Ishaq continues, call ‘Amr Rahman on account of Now the two arch-liars Musaylima, whereas al-Waqidi’s Musaylima B. Habib and al- account clearly states that ‘Amr’s friend Aswad B. Ka’b al-‘Ansi had did not want to associate ‘Amr with spoken during the apostles Musaylima. Additionally, Ibn Ishaq lifetime, the first in al-Yamama states that ‘Amr took his friend captive among the B. Hanifa, and the at Badr, whereas in al-Waqidi’s account, second in San’a. Yazid B. ‘Amr took both his friend and his ‘Abdullah B. Qusayt told me friend’s son captive at Badr. Thus, while from ‘Ata B. Yasar, or his Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi’s accounts are brother Sulayman, from Abu essentially in agreement, al-Waqidi’s Sa’id al-Khudri, saying: ‘I heard account notoriously provides more the apostle as he was addressing detail. Both stories support the idea that the people from his pulpit say ‘I Musaylima’s religious movement was saw in the night of al-qadr and active while Muhammad preached in then I was made to forget it; and Mecca, and Musaylima’s title “al- I saw on my arms two bracelets Rahman” was infamous enough to be the of gold which I disliked so I blew subject of dispute among old friends on them and they flew away. I interpreted it to mean these two liars, the man of al-Yamama and 119 Al-Baladhuri, 140. the man of al-Yaman.’ One 120 Ibn Ishaq, p. 302-03, text 448. 121 Muhammad b. 'Umar Al-Waqidi, whom I do not suspect on the Kitab al-Maghazi, ed. Marsden Jones (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), 82. 122 Ibn Ishaq, p. 506, text 750.

authority of Abu Hurayra said: ‘I the Yemen…125 Isnad: heard the apostle say: The hour ‘Ubaydallah [al-Zuhri] – his will not come until thirty uncle Ya’qub – Sayf [B. ‘Umar] antichrists come forth, each of – Talhah B. al-A’lam – ‘Irkimah them claiming to be a – Ibn ‘Abbas. 126 prophet.’123 Although the dream of the two The “dream of the armbands” in armbands might reflect something the Sahih al-Bukhari collection is shorn Muhammad said about Musaylima and of Ibn Ishaq’s original chronological al-Aswad, the story was most likely told position (c. 628), and Muhammad is and retold during the period of oral made to say, “…I interpreted the two transmission, taking on the character of bracelets as symbols of the two liars who the storyteller’s explanatory framework. would appear after me…”124 The several variants of the same story were likely copied down at different Tabari reports that, times and in different places, thus providing a large information pool for The Prophet had ordered the future editors and compilers. Based on expedition of Usamah, but it did Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi, Musaylima and not go well because of his illness al-Aswad’s movements were active for and because both Musaylima and some time before Muhammad’s illness, al-Aswad had renounced [his and they may have taken the opportunity authority]. The hypocrites did of his illness to consolidate and expand much [to criticize] Usamah’s their own positions. For our purposes I leadership. When [the criticism] would like to draw attention to Ibn reached the Prophet he went out Ishaq’s report, which places the dream to the people while his head was of the two armbands in the context of wrapped around because of the Hudaybiyyah (c. 628), prior to the pain, which had increased due to conquest of Mecca and the zenith of the dream he had seen [while he Muhammad’s power in the Arabian was] in A’ishah’s house, saying, Peninsula. Muhammad only entered ‘last night I saw what a sleeping Mecca in triumph in 630, and his success person sees, that in my two upper with the Bedouin tribes is said to have arms there were two golden followed his triumph over the Quraysh. armbands. I disliked them so I In contrast, al-Tabari reports that the blew on them and they flew away dream of the two armbands took place [in the air]. I interpreted the just prior to Muhammad’s death (c. 632), armbands to mean these two arch foreshadowing the wars of “apostasy.” liars, the possessor of al- In Tabari’s version, Muhammad had Yamamah and the possessor of 125 al-Tabari, The Last Years of the Prophet, trans. Ismail K. Poonawala (Albany: 123 Ibn Ishaq, p. 648, text 964. To date State University of New York Press, 1990), p. this hadith remains a very popular way of 165-66, text 1796. slandering Abd al-Wahab – the founder of 126 Petersen, 78-83. Sayf B. ‘Umar Wahabbi religious doctrine. notoriously fabricated the hadith record. The 124Muhammad Buhkari, Sahih al- chronology of the events described in this hadith Bukhari, vol. 4:56, no. 817. report clearly represents a late addition.

reached the pinnacle of power and his ill accompanied the delegation, but did not health had provided the opportunity for speak to Muhammad, and later claimed “apostate” movements to surface. that Muhammad recognized him as an Based on the numerous times equal in their prophetic gift. In addition, that Tabari cites Ibn Ishaq as a credible the second reports mentions that source, one can only conclude that Musaylima apostatized after returning to Tabari chose not to include Ibn Ishaq’s Yamamah, and “…began to utter rhymes narrative concerning the dream of the in saj’ and speak in imitation of the style armbands, because Ibn Ishaq’s of the Quran.” The second report also chronology did not fit into Tabari’s claims that Musaylima “…permitted interpretation of the sequence of them to drink wine and fornicate, and let Musaylima’s activities. The earliest them dispense with prayer, yet he was written scholarly consensus (i.e. Ibn acknowledging the apostle as a prophet, Ishaq and al-Waqidi) on the and Hanifa agreed with him on that.” Ibn chronological position of Musaylima’s Ishaq probably doubted the veracity of movement reflected the application of both reports since he added the phrase hadith reports to specific occasions of “But God knows what the truth was.”127 Qur’anic revelation. By the time Tabari Concerning the same delegation, wrote his universal history, scholarly Baladhuri repeats the same report consensus no longer supported the early provided by the shaykh from the Banu dating of Musaylima’s movement. The Hanifa, but in his account, a certain man evolution of the Musaylima legend was named al-Rajjal bears witness to shorn of its original chronological Musaylima’s claim to prophecy, and context, and was placed into the context Muhammad’s authorization of that of a new paradigm. The new paradigm claim. Without providing an isnad, chronologically positioned the formation Baladhuri reports that, of Muhammad’s model society first, and when the delegation of the banu- the schismatic example of apostasy Hanifah returned to al-Yamamah, followed the illness and death of Musailimah, the false Prophet, Muhammad. asserted his claim as a prophet, The Year of the Delegations (c. and al-Rajjal ibn-‘Unfuwah 631) as recorded by Ibn Ishaq, testified that the Prophet gave Baladhuri, and Tabari provide evidence him [Musailimah] a share in the for the “continuing growth” theory. Ibn authority with him. Banu- Ishaq includes two reports in his Hanifah and others in al- compilation. In the first report, Ibn Ishaq Yamamah followed him. cites a Medinese scholar as the source of his information. According this report Baladhuri’s explanatory detail Musaylima accompanied the delegation probably served as a warning to Muslim of the Banu Hanifa to Medina, and asked scholars who supported the claims of Muhammad for a “gift” (i.e. a claim to “false prophets” (i.e. ‘Alid rivals). land by the authority of Muhammad), Tabari quotes both of Ibn Ishaq’s which Muhammad promptly rejected. In accounts verbatim concerning the Banu the second report, Ibn Ishaq cites a shaykh of the Banu Hanifa of Yamama. According to this report Musaylima 127 Ibn Ishaq, p. 636-37, text 945-46.

Hanifa delegation to Medina.128 Thus, attempted to put the empire on an Ibn Ishaq seemed uncertain about the Islamic footing would have had to take details of the Banu Hanifa delegation to into account the ways in which Medina, and included two contradictory territories such as Yamamah were reports, one from a Medinese scholar, originally incorporated into the empire. and one from a shaykh of Musaylima’s These types of details were not likely to tribe. On the other hand, Baladhuri be forgotten by tribal genealogists, or confidently passes along the report from perhaps they were remembered in a way the Banu Hanifa shaykh, and he even favorable to the tribe’s contemporary adds the detail of al-Rajjal’s support for economic interests. Musaylima. Tabari simply transmits Ibn Muhammad’s revelations Ishaq’s two traditions. The differences in provided a finite number of solutions to Ibn Ishaq and Baladhuri’s account of the social problems. While these solutions Musaylima legend concerning the Year worked well for Arabian Bedouins and of the Delegations underscores the oasis towns, Muhammad was unable to flexibility that compilers had due to foresee the social structure needed to constantly evolving oral traditions. The rule an empire that stretched from Spain enormous pool of hadith material to the Indus valley. While stories about allowed compilers like Baladhuri to the Prophet remained the domain of an include explanatory detail that provided oral tradition, a certain built-in flexibility practical lessons for contemporary allowed the historical paradigm of the circumstances. Prophet to be adapted (knowingly and/or Baladhuri’s account of the Battle unknowingly) to the changing of Yamamah (634) provides this study’s circumstances of imperial growth. As the final example of the utility of the tribal Arab armies absorbed the ancient Musaylima legend. Baladhuri relates literary cultures of Persia and several specific details about the battle, Byzantium, Islamic principles were which regardless of their veracity clearly gradually articulated, written down, and had a specific purpose in shaping studied as a historical phenomenon – one Abbasid taxation policy. For instance, comparable to previous human Baladhuri says that after Musaylima was experience. The sophisticated cultures killed, the new leader of Yamamah, inherited by the Muslim polity provided Mujja’ah, tricked the Muslim the intellectual construct through which commander Khalid B. Walid into Islamic principals were articulated and conducting peace negotiations.129 Had applied to the administrative structure Yamamah been overcome by Muslim inherited by the state.130 arms; the women and children would From the first quarter of the have been sold into slavery and the men eighth century onwards, pious scholars put to the sword. Since the city entered were appointed as qadis who in turn the umma by means of a treaty, the attempted to harmonize legal practices residents were entitled to the economic with the teachings of the Qur’an.131 For benefits of entering the umma peacefully. The Abbasid tax reforms that 130 Schacht, An Introduction, 20. 131 Schacht, An Introduction, 26, 34, 40, 128 Al-Tabari, The Last Years, p. 95-96, 47. Several legal schools of thought emerged text 1737-38. (i.e. Kufa, Basra, Mecca, Medina, Syria, etc.) 129 Al-Baladhuri, 137. which attempted to bring the administrative

most of the Umayyad dynasty’s rule, provided useful stories to illustrate non-Arabs were not encouraged to politico-religious truths, as determined convert to Islam. The Umayyad dynasty by compilers, and directed by their remained an Arab oligarchy, and sponsors. Muslims only represented a fraction of The eighth century consensus of the population. For most of this period, the compilers of written hadith the non-Arab subject population collections (Ibn Ishaq and Waqidi) remained predominately Jewish and presented Muhammad and Musaylima as Christian, who practiced their religion in contemporaneous prophets. The late the midst of their new rulers. dating of Musaylima’s apostasy was Throughout the course of the seventh codified in the Sahih Hadith collections, and eighth centuries, the competing historicizing the theological consensus worldviews of Muslims, Christians and of ninth century Baghdadi scholars, and Jews, coupled with the political struggle obscuring the fact that Muhammad was between Byzantium and the Umayyad part of a regional phenomenon of Empire, provided the philosophical, localized politico-religious leadership. political and theological framework for Later compilations like those of the articulation of Islamic theology. Baladhuri and Tabari reflected the However, Muhammad played the idealized view that Muhammad’s role of statesman and prophet, and his preaching was a unique phenomenon, revelations delivered God’s plan for a which apostate opportunists imitated. just and divinely ordained society. The Musaylima’s movement probably had Prophet’s precedent insured that religion much more in common with and political organization would be Muhammad’s movement than late inextricably linked. It is therefore no Abbasid scholars were aware of. As P. wonder that the Abbasid revolution Crone implied, Islam, as well as the succeeded through the use of a brilliant movements of Musaylima and the other campaign of politico-religious “false prophets,” may have developed as propaganda – one that promised a return a “nativist movement” in reaction to to the pristine model of the early Muslim foreign domination” (i.e. Sasanid Persia community. The very nature of Islamic and Byzantium).132 While it is tempting history – oral, written and rewritten – to credit Muhammad and his provides insights into the changing Companions with the accomplishments politico-religious discourse of the of their Successors, it would be a Muslim umma. Islamic history mistake to minimize the vital role that represented an outgrowth of this hadith reports played in the invention politico-religious discourse, and and articulation of an Islamic identity and communal creed. Hadith reports, prior to their crystallization into an practices of the state into harmony with the Qur’an, thereby creating Islamic Law. Although idealized past, provided the flexible Islamic law was originally formulated according structure of an imperial ideology, which to judicial precedent and scholarly consensus and evolved according to the changing individual reasoning, traditionists claimed that construct of communal authority. hadith reports held authority in establishing legal precedents. By the advent of the Abbasid period, traditionists claimed that hadith reports were the 132 Patricia Crone, Meccan Trade and proper medium for interpreting the Qur’an and the Rise of Islam (Princeton: Princeton determining legal decisions. University Press, 1987), 247-49.

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