DOCSLIB.ORG

Revisiting Spanish Memory: George Orwell's Homage to Catalonia

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Journal of Alternative Perspective s in the Social Sciences ( 2011 ) V ol 3, No 1 , 34 -56 Revisiting Spanish Memory: George Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia Dolores Martín Moruno , University of Geneva, Switzerland. Abstract: This article explores the way in which the Spanish Civil War has been traditionally shaped in the collective memory as a Manichean conflict fought between two well-defined sides, the Republicans and the Nationalists, in order to demythologise this common representation in contemporary Spanish society. According to the recent interest shown by Spanish population for recovering its national past, I consider the civil war as a “site of memory” that needs to be periodically relived in order to satisfy the changing needs of each generation. Therefore, this article aims at reviewing the legacy of the civil war from an unusual approach, a literary contribution can provide an alternative perception of this struggle: George Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia (1938). In this way, Orwell’s memories are analysed in order to understand the civil war as the beginning of a social revolution, which was crushed not only by fascist forces, but also by the policy exerted by the Soviet Union in Spain by means of the communist party. In conclusion, Orwell’s contribution is not only interpreted as an homage to the ordinary people who fought in order to create a new social order, but also to Georges Orwell, who led to posterity one of the most moving testimonies of the Spanish Social Revolution, an episode completely removed from Spanish memory . Keywords : Social Memory; Spanish Civil War; George Orwell; Homage to Catalonia. 1. The Legacy of the Spanish Civil War This essay explores the way in which the Spanish Civil War (1936-9) has been represented up to now as a clear-cut struggle between fascism and democracy from an unusual approach, i.e. through a literary contribution like Georges Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia (1938), because he provides an alternative model to shape Spanish memory in contemporary 34 Dolores Martín Moruno , Uni versity of Geneva, Switzerland society. With this aim in mind, I will first explain why it seems to me extremely reductionist to interpret the legacy of the civil war in terms of a savage discord throughout Spanish history, then to discuss after the relevance of Orwell’s writings to understanding this war as the beginning of a social revolution. In this way, this study should be considered not only an homage to the ordinary people, who fought in order to establish a new social order alternative to the injustices of Capitalism in 1936’s Spain, but also an homage to George Orwell, the man who left to posterity one of the most stirring testimonies of this period that is completely forgotten in Spanish collective memory. Wars are processes which are difficult to explain and often equally difficult to understand. No war can be forgotten, no social wound can be cured completely and this is even truer if we are speaking of a civil war, whose traumas continue to be a subject of disagreement in the current political affairs, such as in the case of the Spanish Civil War. The civil war broke out with an offensive led by right-wing officers of the Spanish Army against the Government of the Second Republic on the 18th July 1936 and finished with the victory of the rebel troops led by the General Francisco Franco on the 1st April 1939, indicating the beginning of Franco’s dictatorship (1939-75) that was supported abroad by Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany (Thomas, 2010). More than seventy years later, we can see how this tragic episode is far from perceived as a merely historical event belonging to the past, if we consider the recent controversy prompted by the unsuccessful initiative of the judge Baltasar Garzón to investigate the crimes perpetrated during the civil war and its aftermath at the hands of Franco’s supporters with regard to the context of international human rights laws (Martín, 2010). Garzón, who ironically has already played a central role in the prosecution of the Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet in 1998, has been finally suspended last May from his post in this trial, after being accused of perverting the Amnesty Law signed in 1977. i 35 Revisiting Spanish M emory: George Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia Indeed, Spain continues to be today the only one 20th century democratic regime, which has not adopted official policies aimed at establishing the truth and pursuing retroactive accountability like other countries that had suffered repression under authoritarian rules. Probably, this is why the civil war still seems to be already an underlying trauma in Spanish memory, because Franco’s Dictatorship imposed for almost forty years, a forced oblivion in relation to the testimonies of the defeated Republicans, which was reinforced by the so-called Pacto del Olvido (Pact of Forgetting ), when the different political parties agreed to not persecute Francoist repressors in order to achieve the stability of the Spanish democratic transition. As Madelaine Davis has observed what happened during the Spanish transition “was not that the Spaniards genuinely forgot the past but that a collective decision was made, for political purposes, to place a particular construction on the past to suppress or deemphasize those memories felt to be likely to endanger stability and consensus and to foreground those likely to promote reconciliation” (Davis, 2005: 27). In this social context, the majority of the population accepted a kind of collective amnesia in relation to the atrocities and crimes committed in the past, emphasising a new political account based on values, such as consensus and pardoning over justice and truth. It seems that the price to finish with violence and to get peace during the Spanish democratic transition was to erase the memories of the war and the repression exerted by the dictatorial regime. However, this way of dealing with the past was called into question during the last decade by a movement coming from civil society, which aims to put light on the fate of the 300,000 Republicans killed during the war, the 440,000 persons who went into exile and the 10.000 who died in Nazi concentration camps (Preston, 1990). In particular, this campaign has been led by the non-governmental Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory (ARMH) that was created in December 2000 with the aim of regulating the exhumation of corpses in mass graves and organising the relevant information in archives open to the general public. 36 Dolores Martín Moruno , Uni versity of Geneva, Switzerland After various unsuccessful petitions demanding governmental involvement, the ARMH succeeded in 2002, in getting Spain included in the list of countries made by the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances . Furthermore, in 2007, when José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero was elected as prime minister, the Spanish parliament approved the law of the Historical Memory recognising the right of those, who suffered violence or prosecution during the Civil War and Franco’s regime.ii According to this increasing interest for recovering Spanish memory, I will consider the Spanish Civil War as a lieu de mémoire , “a site of memory” that each generation has not only the right, but also the duty to appropriate in relation to the particularities of their present. Following Pierre Nora’s interpretation, a site of memory embodies a symbolic moment “where memory crystallizes (…) a turning point where consciousness of a break with the past is bound up with the sense that memory has been torn”. In contrast to the notion of history, which “is a secular reconstruction of what is no longer”, memory is in permanent evolution and needs to be periodically revived by means of remembering the crucial events, which give sense to the national past (Nora, 1989: 7). Therefore, I would like to discuss the representation of the Spanish Civil War as a summary confrontation between loyalists of the Second Republic (1931-9) and nationalists who supported the uprising of the Spanish Army, with the help of a novel that has also been silenced for a long time in Spain. I am speaking about Georges Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia , a book that had little success when it appeared for the first time in 1938 and, in particular, in Spain where it would be published during the 70’s after being completely distorted by the corrections imposed by Franco’s censorship regime. Even, in the 1978 edition, when the Spanish constitution was approved, Orwell’s work was judged as a poor literary contribution, which revealed the ignorance of the author “about the Spanish political history and of religious matters” (Lázaro, 2005: 121). Only in 2007, sixty- five years after Franco’s death and twenty-four after the first publication of Homage to Catalonia , a comprehensive 37 Revisiting Spanish M emory: George Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia Spanish edition would be published with the whole of Orwell’s political essays. Although Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia is not an historical document, but rather an autobiographical account written as kind of documentary when he joined the POUM militia (The dissident Marxist communist party) in the winter of 1937, this novel should not only be regarded as a fictional work. Indeed, Orwell wrote this novel in the first person with the aim of giving a testimony close to reality, beyond the image of the war popularised by the party propaganda of that time. In contrast to other books inspired by the civil war, which supported one or other of the ideologies taking part in this conflict, Orwell’s memories questioned the image of the conflict given, by both, the Fascist and the Republican side, when the Soviet Union imposed its policy in Spain by providing munitions and military support.
Recommended publications
  • Title Law and Race in George Orwell Author(S) Kerr, DWF Citation Law

    Title Law and Race in George Orwell Author(S) Kerr, DWF Citation Law

    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by HKU Scholars Hub Title Law and Race in George Orwell Author(s) Kerr, DWF Citation Law and Literature, 2017, v. 29 n. 2, p. 311-328 Issued Date 2017 URL http://hdl.handle.net/10722/236400 This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis Group inLaw and Literature on 08 Nov 2016, available online at: Rights http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1535685X.2016.1246 914; This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. 1 Abstract As Eric Blair, the young George Orwell served in the Indian Imperial Police in Burma from 1922 to 1929, a time of growing Burmese discontent with British rule. He wrote about Burma in a novel, Burmese Days, and a number of non-fictional writings. This essay considers the nature of the law-and-order regime Orwell served in Burma, especially in the light of racial self-interest and Britain’s commitment to the principle of the rule of law, and traces the issues of race and the law to his last novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four. Keywords Orwell – Burma – rule of law – police – Burmese Days – The Road to Wigan Pier –Nineteen Eighty-Four – British Empire – race Word count: 9529 including notes [email protected] 2 Law and Race in George Orwell Douglas Kerr Hong Kong University In October 1922, less than a year after leaving school, Eric Blair – who would take the name George Orwell ten years later – began his service with the Indian Imperial Police in Burma.
  • Shwe U Daung and the Burmese Sherlock Holmes: to Be a Modern Burmese Citizen Living in a Nation‐State, 1889 – 1962

    Shwe U Daung and the Burmese Sherlock Holmes: to Be a Modern Burmese Citizen Living in a Nation‐State, 1889 – 1962

    Shwe U Daung and the Burmese Sherlock Holmes: To be a modern Burmese citizen living in a nation‐state, 1889 – 1962 Yuri Takahashi Southeast Asian Studies School of Languages and Cultures Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences The University of Sydney April 2017 A thesis submitted in fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Statement of originality This is to certify that to the best of my knowledge, the content of this thesis is my own work. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or other purposes. I certify that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work and that all the assistance received in preparing this thesis and sources has been acknowledged. Yuri Takahashi 2 April 2017 CONTENTS page Acknowledgements i Notes vi Abstract vii Figures ix Introduction 1 Chapter 1 Biography Writing as History and Shwe U Daung 20 Chapter 2 A Family after the Fall of Mandalay: Shwe U Daung’s Childhood and School Life 44 Chapter 3 Education, Occupation and Marriage 67 Chapter ‘San Shar the Detective’ and Burmese Society between 1917 and 1930 88 Chapter 5 ‘San Shar the Detective’ and Burmese Society between 1930 and 1945 114 Chapter 6 ‘San Shar the Detective’ and Burmese Society between 1945 and 1962 140 Conclusion 166 Appendix 1 A biography of Shwe U Daung 172 Appendix 2 Translation of Pyone Cho’s Buddhist songs 175 Bibliography 193 i ACKNOWLEGEMENTS I came across Shwe U Daung’s name quite a long time ago in a class on the history of Burmese literature at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.
  • Orwellian Methods of Social Control in Contemporary Dystopian Literature

    Orwellian Methods of Social Control in Contemporary Dystopian Literature

    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Repositorio Documental de la Universidad de Valladolid FACULTAD de FILOSOFÍA Y LETRAS DEPARTAMENTO de FILOLOGÍA INGLESA Grado en Estudios Ingleses TRABAJO DE FIN DE GRADO A Nightmarish Tomorrow: Orwellian Methods of Social Control in Contemporary Dystopian Literature Pablo Peláez Galán Tutora: Tamara Pérez Fernández 2014/2015 ABSTRACT Dystopian literature is considered a branch of science fiction which writers use to portray a futuristic dark vision of the world, generally dominated by technology and a totalitarian ruling government that makes use of whatever means it finds necessary to exert a complete control over its citizens. George Orwell’s 1984 (1949) is considered a landmark of the dystopian genre by portraying a futuristic London ruled by a totalitarian, fascist party whose main aim is the complete control over its citizens. This paper will analyze two examples of contemporary dystopian literature, Philip K. Dick’s “Faith of Our Fathers” (1967) and Alan Moore’s V for Vendetta (1982-1985), to see the influence that Orwell’s dystopia played in their construction. It will focus on how these two works took Orwell’s depiction of a totalitarian state and the different methods of control it employs to keep citizens under complete control and submission, and how they apply them into their stories. KEYWORDS: Orwell, V for Vendetta , Faith of Our Fathers, social control, manipulation, submission. La literatura distópica es considerada una rama de la ciencia ficción, usada por los escritores para retratar una visión oscura y futurista del mundo, normalmente dominado por la tecnología y por un gobierno totalitario que hace uso de todos los medios que sean necesarios para ejercer un control total sobre sus ciudadanos.
  • The Anarchist Collectives Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939

    The Anarchist Collectives Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939

    The Anarchist Collectives Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939 Sam Dolgoff (editor) 1974 Contents Preface 7 Acknowledgements 8 Introductory Essay by Murray Bookchin 9 Part One: Background 28 Chapter 1: The Spanish Revolution 30 The Two Revolutions by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 30 The Bolshevik Revolution vs The Russian Social Revolution . 35 The Trend Towards Workers’ Self-Management by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 36 Chapter 2: The Libertarian Tradition 41 Introduction ............................................ 41 The Rural Collectivist Tradition by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 41 The Anarchist Influence by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 44 The Political and Economic Organization of Society by Isaac Puente ....................................... 46 Chapter 3: Historical Notes 52 The Prologue to Revolution by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 52 On Anarchist Communism ................................. 55 On Anarcho-Syndicalism .................................. 55 The Counter-Revolution and the Destruction of the Collectives by Sam Dolgoff ....................................... 56 Chapter 4: The Limitations of the Revolution 63 Introduction ............................................ 63 2 The Limitations of the Revolution by Gaston Leval ....................................... 63 Part Two: The Social Revolution 72 Chapter 5: The Economics of Revolution 74 Introduction ...........................................
  • The Social, Political and Humanitarian Impact of Burma's Cyclone Nargis

    The Social, Political and Humanitarian Impact of Burma's Cyclone Nargis

    Volume 6 | Issue 5 | Article ID 2763 | May 03, 2008 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The Social, Political and Humanitarian Impact of Burma's Cyclone Nargis Donald M. Seekins The Social, Political and Humanitarian where it is most needed. Impact of Burma’s Cyclone Nargis Donald M. Seekins Summary This report provides background information and analysis concerning the humanitarian crisis caused by Cyclone Nargis when it passed through the densely populated Irrawaddy Delta and Burma’s largest city Rangoon (Yangon) on May 2-3, 2008. One of the largest natural disasters in recent history, it caused the death Survivors of the cyclone of as many as 130,000 people (the official figure on May 16 was 78,000) and resulted in In the days following the storm, the SPDC between one and two million people losing placed major obstacles in the way of the rapid their homes and property. distribution of relief goods and services by the United Nations, foreign governments, international non-governmental organizations and local volunteer groups – a situation that has continued despite warnings from aid experts that a second, man-made disaster – the systematic neglect of people gravely weakened by thirst, hunger and disease and many more fatalities – is on the verge of occurring. On May 10, the SPDC carried out a referendum on a new military-sponsored constitution, though the vote was postponed to May 24 in the townships most affected by the cyclone. Observers wondered why the referendum was Fatalities are likely to rise both because of the considered so important by the SPDC, given the extremely unsanitary conditions in the disaster scale of the natural disaster and the need to area, and the slowness of the State Peace and commit resources immediately to its alleviation.
  • Nineteen Eighty-Four

    Nineteen Eighty-Four

    MGiordano Lingua Inglese II Nineteen Eighty-Four Adapted from : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nineteen_Eighty-Four Nineteen Eighty-Four, sometimes published as 1984, is a dystopian novel by George Orwell published in 1949. The novel is set in Airstrip One (formerly known as Great Britain), a province of the superstate Oceania in a world of perpetual war, omnipresent government surveillance, and public manipulation, dictated by a political system euphemistically named English Socialism (or Ingsoc in the government's invented language, Newspeak) under the control of a privileged Inner Party elite that persecutes all individualism and independent thinking as "thoughtcrimes". The tyranny is epitomised by Big Brother, the quasi-divine Party leader who enjoys an intense cult of personality, but who may not even exist. The Party "seeks power entirely for its own sake. We are not interested in the good of others; we are interested solely in power." The protagonist of the novel, Winston Smith, is a member of the Outer Party who works for the Ministry of Truth (or Minitrue), which is responsible for propaganda and historical revisionism. His job is to rewrite past newspaper articles so that the historical record always supports the current party line. Smith is a diligent and skillful worker, but he secretly hates the Party and dreams of rebellion against Big Brother. As literary political fiction and dystopian science-fiction, Nineteen Eighty-Four is a classic novel in content, plot, and style. Many of its terms and concepts, such as Big Brother, doublethink, thoughtcrime, Newspeak, Room 101, Telescreen, 2 + 2 = 5, and memory hole, have entered everyday use since its publication in 1949.
  • Text and Context: Another Look at Burmese Days

    Text and Context: Another Look at Burmese Days

    SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research, Vol. 3, No. 1, Spring 2005, ISSN 1479-8484 TEXT AND CONTEXT: ANOTHER LOOK AT BURMESE DAYS Stephen L. Keck National University of Singapore Students of colonial Burma inevitably turn to Burmese Days. The frequent pedagogical use of George Orwell’s (1903-1950) novel has meant that the text has become a part of the mythology of imperial experience not only for Burma, but for the British Empire as a whole.1 In fact, it is also possibly the most widely read book involving Southeast Asia. Burmese Days is often assigned to complement general service courses in world history, literature and political science. Since these classes aim to introduce students to liberal arts--less modestly referred to as `the humanities’-- they are basic staples of American university education. This means that thousands--if not tens of thousands--of students encounter the novel each year. In addition, Burmese Days is often assigned with texts such as Edward Said’s Orientalism and Kipling’s Kim in higher level courses which focus upon European imperialism or the British Empire. The novel’s popularity, naturally, is not confined to the United States. While the number of British students who are forced to read Orwell cannot match the mass dragooning of freshmen and sophomores which takes place across the Atlantic, it is clear that in Britain Burmese Days remains as one of the essential novels of the 20th century. With respect to Southeast Asia, it is also clear that a healthy number of Singapore undergraduates have read the novel before they matriculate; some even manage to encounter it during the course of study at the National University of Singapore.
  • Orwell George

    Orwell George

    The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell Volume II: My Country Right or Left 1940-1943 by George Orwell Edited by Sonia Orwell and Ian Angus a.b.e-book v3.0 / Notes at EOF Back Cover: "He was a man, like Lawrence, whose personality shines out in everything he said or wrote." -- Cyril Connolly George Orwell requested in his will that no biography of him should be written. This collection of essays, reviews, articles, and letters which he wrote between the ages of seventeen and forty-six (when he died) is arranged in chronological order. The four volumes provide at once a wonderfully intimate impression of, and a "splendid monument" to, one of the most honest and individual writers of this century -- a man who forged a unique literary manner from the process of thinking aloud, who possessed an unerring gift for going straight to the point, and who elevated political writing to an art. The second volume principally covers the two years when George Orwell worked as a Talks Assistant (and later Producer) in the Indian section of the B.B.C. At the same time he was writing for Horizon, New Statesman and other periodicals. His war-time diaries are included here. Penguin Books Ltd, Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England Penguin Books Australia Ltd, Ringwood, Victoria, Australia First published in England by Seeker & Warburg 1968 Published in Penguin Books 1970 Reprinted 1971 Copyright © Sonia Brownell Orwell, 1968 Made and printed in Great Britain by Hazell Watson & Viney Ltd, Aylesbury, Bucks Set in Linotype Times This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, re-sold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publisher's prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser Contents Acknowledgements A Note on the Editing 1940 1.
  • Year 8 English Extract Pack

    Year 8 English Extract Pack

    Year 8 English Extract Pack Extract 1- for Task 1 George Orwell George Orwell was the pen name of a man called Eric Blair. A pen name is a name used by a writer instead of their own name. Even though his real name was Eric Blair, he is known as his pen name, George Orwell. Early Life George Orwell was born in India in 1903. At the time, India was still one of Britain’s colonies. You may remember from The Tempest that a colony is a country that is controlled by a different country. At the time, India was a British colony, so many British people lived and worked in India. Orwell’s father worked as a civil servant in India. Even though he was helping to run India, he was employed by the British government as India was a part of the British Empire. When he was one, Orwell moved back to live in England with his mother. He did not see his father again until 1912, as his father had to stay in India for work. The young Orwell was very intelligent. He went to exclusive boarding schools as he was growing up. He only had to pay half the fees for his education because he was so smart. At these exclusive schools, Orwell spent a lot of time around the richest people in the country. But when he read the newspapers he saw that the majority of people around the world were not rich. He wanted to find out more about these people and their lives.
  • Report to UCL Octagon Small Grants Fund Sarah Gibbs 1 Conference: Rebel? Prophet? Relic? Perspectives on George Orwell in 2019

    Report to UCL Octagon Small Grants Fund Sarah Gibbs 1 Conference: Rebel? Prophet? Relic? Perspectives on George Orwell in 2019

    Report to UCL Octagon Small Grants Fund Sarah Gibbs 1 Conference: Rebel? Prophet? Relic? Perspectives on George Orwell in 2019 24-25 May 2019 University College London (UCL) Conference Programme Summary UCL’s first George Orwell conference, Rebel? Prophet? Relic? Perspectives on George Orwell in 2019, took place on May 24th and 25th. The event explored all aspects of the author’s oeuvre and presence in popular culture, from the continuing significance of his masterpiece, the political dystopia Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949), to his relationship to the British Empire and mid-century Fascism. Panelists discussed his reception history in different parts of the world, and adaptations of his work in a variety of media. The speaker list was international, and truly interdisciplinary. Presenters, who were academics, theatre directors, video game designers, authors, journalists, and members of the Armed Forces, traveled Report to UCL Octagon Small Grants Fund Sarah Gibbs 2 from Australia, Canada, Iraq, the United States, China, Germany, Scotland, and all parts of England to participate. The conference brought together a number of Orwell-focused organizations and institutions: the Orwell Foundation, the Orwell Society, and UCL Special Collections, holder of the Orwell Archive. Approximately forty members of the public also joined the event. The support of the Octagon Small Grants Fund not only allowed scholars to participate in a conference dedicated to Orwell, very few of which exist, but also enabled the University to positively engage with the community and publicize its projects and collections. Twitter: @UCL_Orwell_2019; #UCLOrwell2019 Report In 1945, George Orwell wrote of war-time rumours that American troops had come to England to thwart a communist revolution: “One has to belong to the intelligentsia to believe things like that.
  • Lights and Shadows in George Orwell's Homage to Catalonia

    Lights and Shadows in George Orwell's Homage to Catalonia

    Paul Preston Lights and shadows in George Orwell's Homage to Catalonia Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Preston, Paul (2017) Lights and shadows in George Orwell's Homage to Catalonia. Bulletin of Spanish Studies. ISSN 1475-3820 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2018.1388550 © 2017 The Author This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/85333/ Available in LSE Research Online: November 2017 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Lights and Shadows in George Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia PAUL PRESTON London School of Economics Despite its misleading title, Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia is almost certainly the most sold and most read book about the Spanish Civil War. It is a vivid and well-written account of some fragments of the war by an acute witness.
  • ISH 64 3 Book-Reviews 554..557

    ISH 64 3 Book-Reviews 554..557

    Book Reviews clearly defined. Stutje states that De Man collaborated in , without relinquishing the heritage of social democracy (p. ). This thesis can be doubted if we look at political ideol- ogy: the mainstream of Belgian social democracy defended parliamentary democracy in the s and distanced itself from fascism and Nazism. Likewise, one can question Stutje’s argument, based on a German source of September , that De Man had a considerable influence on some trade-union leaders since they had supported his corporatist ideas before the war. The socialist trade union was initially reluctant to adopt corporatist ideas (which were promoted by the Catholic competitor). It was only in that, at a special congress, a majority accepted a type of corporatism that left room for strikes and was compatible with parliamentary democracy; this was, of course, not the case under Nazi occupation. No single socialist trade-union leader had accepted in the s the kind of authoritarian corporatism advocated by De Man in . This biography shows that De Man was, in many respects, not in line with mainstream classic Belgian reformism. Striking in this respect is the absence of anti-clericalism (a feature of Belgian social democracy): this book shows that De Man was in close contact with many Catholics, but mostly with Catholics from the extreme right, not with the Catholic labour movement. This was in line with De Man’s general political orientation to count on the elites, not on mass organization, to achieve political and societal change. Dirk Luyten State Archives of Belgium/CegeSoma Luchtvaartsquare, , Brussels, Belgium E-mail: [email protected] doi:./SX NEWSINGER,JOHN.