NEW WINSTON SUPER KINGS! FOREIGN SERVICEjnymgl AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE ASSOCIATION OCTOBER, 1970, VOLUME 47, No. 10 THEODORE L. ELIOT, JR., President JOHN E. REINHARDT, First Vice President C. WILLIAM KONTOS, Second Vice President 19 Plans and Prejudices Charles Frankel BOARD OF DIRECTORS CHARLES W. BRAY, III, Chairman 25 How We Do Our Thing: Innovation RICHARD T. DAVIES, Vice Chairman WILLIAM G. BRADFORD, Secretary-Treasurer John W. Bowling BARBARA GOOD, Assistant Secretary-Treasurer DONALD EASUM 28 Research Revisited WILLIAM HARROP ERLAND HEGINBOTHAM Anthony C. E. Ouainton GEORGE B. LAMBRAKIS PRINCETON LYMAN ROBERT NEVITT 39 Before Perry MICHAEL PISTOR Edgar E. Noel STAFF 44 Black Students and the Foreign Service THOMAS S. ESTES, Executive Director Frederick Ouinn MARGARET S. TURKEL, Executive Secretary CLARKE SLADE, Educational Consultant LOUISE H. FEISSNER, Personal Purchases 47 Poems William A. Sommers JOURNAL EDITORIAL BOARD DAVID T. SCHNEIDER, Chairman ARCHIE BOLSTER, Vice Chairman AMBLER MOSS OTHER FEATURES: The Pathway to Peace, by Senator Charles CLINT E. SMITH McC. Mathias, page 4; Communication Re: Exorcising that M. TERESITA CURRIE Hobgoblin, by Sanford S. Marlowe, page 8; Tea Trading on the JAMES D. CONLEY China Coast, by Enid S. Candlin, page 12; What This Country JOHN F. LIPPMANN Needs is a Good Five Dollar Concierge, by Robert J. Misch, page 53. JOURNAL SHIRLEY R. NEWHALL, Editor DONALD DRESDEN, Editorial Consultant DEPARTMENT MCIVER ART & PUBLICATIONS. INC., Art Direction 29 AFSA News ADVERTISING REPRESENTATIVES SASMOR AND GUCK, 295 Madison Ave., New York 48 The Bookshelf N.Y. 10017 (212) 532-6230 ALBERT D. SHONK CO., 681 Market St., San Francisco, Calif. 94105 (415) 392-7144 52 Editorials: JOSHUA B. POWERS, LTD., 5 Winsley Street, London Right on, Women! W.l. 01-580 6594/8. International Representatives. 60 Letters to the Editor ©American Foreign Service Association, 1970. The Foreign Service Journal is published twelve times a year by the American Foreign Service Association, PHOTOGRAPHS AND ILLUSTRATIONS: Ruth S. Prengel, ‘'Copen¬ 2101 E Street, N.W., Washington, D. C. 20037. hagen Canal,” Howard R. Simpson, cartoon, page 16; Marie Second-class postage paid at Washington, D. C. Skora, sketch, page 49; S. I. Nadler, “Life and Love in the Printed by Monumental Printing Co., Baltimore. Foreign Service,” page 62. I HE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL is the journal of professionals in foreign affairs, published twelve times a year by the American Foreign Service Association, a non-profit organization. Material appearing herein represents the opinions of the writers and is not intended to indicate the official views of the Department of State, the United States Information Agency, the Agency for International Development or the United States Government as a whole. Membership in the AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE ASSOCIATION is open to the professionals in foreign affairs serving overseas or in Washington, as well as to persons having an active interest in, or close association with, foreign affairs. Dues are $30 annually for members earning over $15,000; for those earning less, dues are $15.00. For subscription to the JOURNAL, one year (12 issues); $6.00; two years, $10.00, For subscriptions going abroad, except Canada, add $1.00 annually for over¬ seas postage. We must overcome the notion that Congressional military authority consists only of the crude instruments of declaration of war. Peace and War: a Joint Responsibility SINCE April 30 there has been an influx of mail addressed to the Congress in unprecedented volumes, originating from public concern over the deployment of United .States combat SENATOR CHARLES McC. MATHIAS JR. troops in Cambodia. The mail was so heavy at the peak volume that there was (Adapted front a speech delivered by Senator Mathias to a backlog of five to ten days’ unsorted letters in the the American Foreign Service Association, at the State basement of the Senate Office Building, waiting to be Department, Washington, May 27, 1970.) distributed to individual Senators’ offices. It has been truly a unique expression of opinion on a national issue. More than 50,000 letters, telephone calls, telegrams and other communications have been received from Marylanders at my office alone. The mail, of course, reflects varied viewpoints. One constituent wrote: Let me urge you to support the President on his decision and effort in Southeast Asia . The effort to limit his room for action by cutting off funds is nothing short of reprehensible. Talk of the President usurping In 1801, in a Supreme Court Case involving the seizure of Senate functions and causing a constitutional crisis is a ship, Chief Justice John Marshall concluded that the utter nonsense. “whole powers of war” were “vested in Congress.” Another letter, postmarked the same date and in the same Jefferson, in the midst of a dispute with Spain in 1805,' community, took a different view: wrote in a message to Congress: “Considering that Congress Our forefathers pondered and agonized over the best alone is constitutionally invested with the power of changing method of providing the balance of power, mainly to our condition from peace to war, I have thought it my duty avoid disasters they saw elsewhere. Has anyone found a to await their authority for using force in any degree which saner system than theirs: That Congress must declare could be avoided.” war and raise armies and then the President may direct At the end of the Mexican War, Congress was congratula¬ them? If the President feels free to go into Cambodia ting General Zachary Taylor on his meritorious service, but (only to wipe out pockets of resistance), what's to the House amended the resolution to refer to the recently prevent him from entering other countries for the same concluded conflict as “a war unnecessarily and unconstitu¬ purpose? Congress must reassert its proper power to tionally begun by the President of the United States.” Among make the decision and to be responsible to the elector¬ the members of the House who supported that amendment ate. were a former president, John Quincy Adams, and a future We must look closely at the background essential to an president, Abraham Lincoln. informed decision, and return to the bedrock of our system Lincoln apparently had a difference with his law partner, of government, the Constitution, which allocated the power Herndon, over this issue, and Lincoln wrote him: to commit American troops to battle between the President Let me first state what I understood to be your and Congress. The Constitution entrusts the President with position. It is that if it shall become necessary to repel the executive power and makes him commander-in-chief of invasion, the President may, without violation of the the armed forces, basically to insure that the final military Constitution, cross the line and invade the territory of command would be in civilian hands. another country, and that whether such necessity exists The Constitutional Convention of 1787 debated the ques¬ in any given case the President is the sole judge . tion of war power at some length. The intent of the Allow the President to invade a neighboring nation founding fathers was to reserve the power to initiate whenever he shall deem it necessary to repel an hostilities to the Congress, with the President participating invasion, and you allow him to do so whenever he may insofar as his signature was a necessary final act to complete choose to say he deems it necessary for such a purpose, the enactment of the Congress. and you allow him to make war at his pleasure. 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For full information: MONTEREY, MONTEGO, COUGAR, COMET in the Washington area, contact Diplomatic Sales, LINCOLN CONTINENTAL Ford Motor Company, 9th Floor, 815 Connecticut CONTINENTAL MARK III Use your diplomatic discount to advantage. Order now! FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, October, 1070 to see if you can fix any limit to his power in this the form of insurgencies, the preservation of meaningful respect, after having given him so much power as you congressional power requires that it be applied to this kind propose. of conflict. And we must overcome the notion that congres¬ The provision of the Constitution giving the war¬ sional military authority consists only of the crude instru¬ making power to Congress was dictated, as I under¬ ments of declaration of war and the use of the purse-strings stand it, by the following reasons: Kings had always which may be applicable only after the military commitment been involving and impoverishing their people in wars, has gone amuck. pretending generally, if not always, that the good of the Our experience with the new conditions of the nuclear people was the object. This our convention understood age—big wars, small wars, secret wars, and non-wars— to be the most oppressive of all kingly oppressions, and affirms rather than impugns the durability of the insights of they resolved to so frame the Constitution that no man the Founding Fathers.