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Approval of George W. Bush: Economic and Media Impacts Gino Tozzi Jr
Wayne State University Wayne State University Dissertations 1-1-2011 Approval of George W. Bush: Economic and media impacts Gino Tozzi Jr. Wayne State University, Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/oa_dissertations Part of the Mass Communication Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Tozzi Jr., Gino, "Approval of George W. Bush: Economic and media impacts" (2011). Wayne State University Dissertations. Paper 260. This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@WayneState. It has been accepted for inclusion in Wayne State University Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@WayneState. APPROVAL OF GEORGE W. BUSH: ECONOMIC AND MEDIA IMPACTS by GINO J. TOZZI JR. DISSERTATION Submitted to the Graduate School of Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 2011 MAJOR: POLITICAL SCIENCE Approved by: _________________________________ Chair Date _________________________________ _________________________________ _________________________________ © COPYRIGHT BY GINO J. TOZZI JR. 2011 All Rights Reserved DEDICATION To my Father ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want to thank my committee chair Professor Ewa Golebiowska for the encouragement and persistence on only accepting the best from me in this process. I also owe my committee of Professor Ronald Brown, Professor Jodi Nachtwey, and Professor David Martin a debt of gratitude for their help and advisement in this endeavor. All of them were instrumental in keeping my focus narrowed to produce the best research possible. I also owe appreciation to the commentary, suggestions, and research help from my wonderful wife Courtney Tozzi. This project was definitely more enjoyable with her encouragement and help. -
The Constitution and War Leyland C
The Constitution and War Leyland C. Torres, University of Louisville SBS, 2018 The Congress shall have Power... To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water; - The Constitution, Article I, Section 8 Clause 11 While Article I of the U.S. Constitution states that Congress has the power to declare War, Article II, Section 2 grants the President the authority as Commander-in-Chief. This is significant because as of December 2018, the United States will mark 17 years of military operations in Afghanistan—becoming the longest period of US military intervention. Since the founding of the United States over 240 years ago, Congress and the President have enacted 11 separate formal Declarations of War against foreign nations in five different wars. The last official declaration occurred after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and was against the Axis Powers: 6 separate Declarations against the nations of Japan, Germany, and Italy in 1941 and against Romania, Hungary and Bulgaria in 1942. Some have argued that the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF) approved by Congress in 2001 and again in 2002 grants the President the ability to conduct the overall Global War on Terror which accounts for the size and scope of military operations in Afghanistan and around the world. But that argument seems to ignore the fact that the US has been at war for close to 17 years. When there is a formal Declaration of War, it “creates a state of war under international law and legitimates the killing of enemy combatants...” whereas an Authorization uses military “force against a named country or unnamed hostile nations” (Elsea & Wood, 2014). -
The Resolutions Committee Was Called to Order by Co-Chair Jim Zogby at 10:15 A.M
The Resolutions Committee was called to order by Co-Chair Jim Zogby at 10:15 a.m. on Friday, August 22, 2014. The Committee considered 27 new Resolutions, which were a combination of message and commemorative Resolutions. 1. The Resolution Highlighting President Obama’s Accomplishments and Agenda Moving Forward was amended with the addition of co-sponsors and passed unanimously. 2. The Resolution Highlighting the Clear Contrast between Democrats and Republicans was amended with the addition of co-sponsors and passed unanimously. 3. The Resolution on the President’s and Democrats’ Continued Commitment to Passing Comprehensive Immigration Reform was amended with the addition of language and the addition of co-sponsors and passed unanimously. 4. The Resolution Supporting the Expansion of Voting Rights was amended with the addition of language and the addition of co-sponsors and passed unanimously. 5. The Resolution Honoring Hispanic Heritage Month was amended with the addition of co- sponsors and passed unanimously. 6. The Resolution Honoring Women’s Equality Day was amended with the addition of co- sponsors and passed unanimously. 7. The Resolution Supporting Equal Rights for the LGBT Community was amended with the addition of co-sponsors and passed unanimously. 8. The Resolution Commemorating the 50th Anniversary of Freedom Summer and Honoring the Victims was amended with the addition and deletion of language and the addition of co-sponsors and passed unanimously. 9. The Resolution Honoring Gospel Music Heritage Month was amended with the addition of co-sponsors and passed unanimously. 10. The Resolution to Urge Congress to Provide the Residents of the District of Columbia with Statehood and Full Democracy was amended with the addition of co-sponsors and passed unanimously. -
WIIS DC Think Tank Gender Scorecard – DATASET 2018 Index/Appendix: American Enterprise Institute (AEI) Foreign and Defense
• Nonresident Fellow, Rafik Hariri Center for the WIIS DC Think Tank Gender Scorecard – Middle East: Mona Alami (F) DATASET 2018 Index/Appendix: • Nonresident Senior Fellow, Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center: Laura Albornoz Pollmann (F) • Nonresident Senior Fellow, Rafik Hariri Center for American Enterprise Institute (AEI) the Middle East: Ali Alfoneh (M) Foreign and Defense Policy Scholars in AEI: • Associate Director for Programs, Rafik Hariri Center • Visiting Scholar: Samuel J. Abrams (M) for the Middle East: Stefanie Hausheer Ali (F) • Wilson H. Taylor Scholar in Health Care and • Nonresident Senior Fellow, Cyber Statecraft Retirement Policy: Joseph Antos (M) Initiative: Dmitri Alperovitch (M) • Resident Scholar and Director of Russian Studies: • Nonresident Fellow, Rafik Hariri Center: Dr. Hussein Leon Aron (M) Amach (M) • Visiting Fellow: John P. Bailey (M) • Nonresident Fellow, Brent Scowcroft Center on • Resident Scholar: Claude Barfield (M) International Security: Dave Anthony (M) • Resident Fellow: Michael Barone (M) • Nonresident Senior Fellow, Global Energy Center: • Visiting Scholar: Robert J. Barro (M) Ragnheiður Elín Árnadóttir (F) • Visiting Scholar: Roger Bate (M) • Visiting Fellow, Brent Scowcroft Center on • Visiting Scholar: Eric J. Belasco (M) International Security/RUSI: Lisa Aronsson (F) • Resident Scholar: Andrew G. Biggs (M) • Executive Vice Chair, Atlantic Council Board of • Visiting Fellow: Edward Blum (M) Directors and International Advisory Board; Chair, • Director of Asian Studies and Resident Fellow: Dan Atlantic Council Business Development and New Blumenthal (M) Ventures Committee; Chairman Emerita, TotalBank • Senior Fellow: Karlyn Bowman (F) (no photo) • Resident Fellow: Alex Brill (M) • Atlantic Council Representative; Director, Atlantic • President; Beth and Ravenel Curry Scholar in Free Council IN TURKEY and Istanbul Summit: Defne Enterprise: Arthur C. -
OUR VISION for TAX REFORM Pursue a Bipartisan Process | Address the Debt | Prioritize the Middle Class | Create Jobs | Invest in Infrastructure
OUR VISION FOR TAX REFORM Pursue a Bipartisan Process | Address the Debt | Prioritize the Middle Class | Create Jobs | Invest in Infrastructure October 4, 2017 THE BLUE DOG COALITION The Blue Dog Coalition is an official caucus in the U.S. House of Representatives comprised of 18 fiscally-responsible Democrats, who are leading the way to find commonsense solutions. They represent the center of the political spectrum, appealing to the mainstream values of the American public. The Blue Dogs are dedicated to pursuing fiscally-responsible policies, ensuring a strong national defense, and transcending party lines to get things done for the American people. [COALITION LEADERSHIP] Rep. Jim Costa (CA-16) Co-Chair for Administration Rep. Henry Cuellar (TX-28) Co-Chair for Communications Rep. Daniel Lipinski (IL-3) Co-Chair for Policy [POLICY TASK FORCE LEADERSHIP] Rep. Charlie Crist (FL-13) Co-Chair, Task Force on Economic Growth Rep. Lou Correa (CA-46) Co-Chair, Task Force on Economic Growth Rep. Josh Gottheimer (NJ-5) Co-Chair, Task Force on Fiscal Responsibility Rep. Stephanie Murphy (FL-7) Co-Chair, Task Force on Fiscal Responsibility Rep. Tom O’Halleran (AZ-1) Co-Chair, Task Force on Government Reform and Accountability Rep. Kurt Schrader (OR-5) Co-Chair, Task Force on Government Reform and Accountability Rep. Vicente Gonzalez (TX-15) Co-Chair, Task Force on National Defense Rep. Brad Schneider (IL-10) Co-Chair, Task Force on National Defense [MEMBERS] Rep. Sanford Bishop (GA-2) Rep. Jim Cooper (TN-5) Rep. Collin Peterson (MN-7) Rep. David Scott (GA-13) Rep. Kyrsten Sinema (AZ-9) Rep. -
Politics and the Constitution: a Review of Judge Malcolmwilkey's Call for a Second Constitutional Convention Charles D
McGeorge Law Review Volume 27 | Issue 3 Article 6 1-1-1996 Book Review - Politics and the Constitution: A Review of Judge MalcolmWilkey's Call for a Second Constitutional Convention Charles D. Kelso University of the Pacific; cGeM orge School of Law R. Randall Kelso South Texas College of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Charles D. Kelso & R. R. Kelso, Book Review - Politics and the Constitution: A Review of Judge MalcolmWilkey's Call for a Second Constitutional Convention, 27 Pac. L. J. 1213 (1996). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/mlr/vol27/iss3/6 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals and Law Reviews at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in McGeorge Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Book Review Politics and the Constitution: A Review of Judge Malcolm Wilkey's Call for a Second Constitutional Convention Is IT TIME FOR A SECOND CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION? BY JUDGE MALCOLM R. WILKEY. The National Legal Center for the Public Interest, Washington, D.C. 1995. Pp. viii, 214. Reviewed by Charles D. Kelso* and R. Randall Kelso** This book, an expanded version of lectures given by Judge Wilkey in 1993 at Brigham Young University, calls for a second Constitutional Convention.' The book also includes comments by seven accomplished persons and a reply to each comment by Judge Wilkey.2 I. JUDGE WILKEY'S THESIS Judge Wilkey opens with his conclusion that our current constitutional system has failed because of three fundamental problems of modem American politics: gridlock, near perpetual incumbency, and unaccountability of our representatives to the electorate.3 Gridlock, says Judge Wilkey, is "the inability to pass con- structive legislation because of conflicting, neutralizing forces built into the system. -
("DSCC") Files This Complaint Seeking an Immediate Investigation by the 7
COMPLAINT BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION CBHMISSIOAl INTRODUCTXON - 1 The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee ("DSCC") 7-_. J _j. c files this complaint seeking an immediate investigation by the 7 c; a > Federal Election Commission into the illegal spending A* practices of the National Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee (WRSCIt). As the public record shows, and an investigation will confirm, the NRSC and a series of ostensibly nonprofit, nonpartisan groups have undertaken a significant and sustained effort to funnel "soft money101 into federal elections in violation of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended or "the Act"), 2 U.S.C. 5s 431 et seq., and the Federal Election Commission (peFECt)Regulations, 11 C.F.R. 85 100.1 & sea. 'The term "aoft money" as ueed in this Complaint means funds,that would not be lawful for use in connection with any federal election (e.g., corporate or labor organization treasury funds, contributions in excess of the relevant contribution limit for federal elections). THE FACTS IN TBIS CABE On November 24, 1992, the state of Georgia held a unique runoff election for the office of United States Senator. Georgia law provided for a runoff if no candidate in the regularly scheduled November 3 general election received in excess of 50 percent of the vote. The 1992 runoff in Georg a was a hotly contested race between the Democratic incumbent Wyche Fowler, and his Republican opponent, Paul Coverdell. The Republicans presented this election as a %ust-win81 election. Exhibit 1. The Republicans were so intent on victory that Senator Dole announced he was willing to give up his seat on the Senate Agriculture Committee for Coverdell, if necessary. -
Executive Power, Drone Executions, and the Due Process Rights of American Citizens
Fordham Law Review Volume 87 Issue 3 Article 13 2018 Executive Power, Drone Executions, and the Due Process Rights of American Citizens Jonathan G. D'Errico Fordham University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Military, War, and Peace Commons, and the President/ Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation Jonathan G. D'Errico, Executive Power, Drone Executions, and the Due Process Rights of American Citizens, 87 Fordham L. Rev. 1185 (2018). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol87/iss3/13 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EXECUTIVE POWER, DRONE EXECUTIONS, AND THE DUE PROCESS RIGHTS OF AMERICAN CITIZENS Jonathan G. D’Errico* Few conflicts have tested the mettle of procedural due process more than the War on Terror. Although fiery military responses have insulated the United States from another 9/11, the Obama administration’s 2011 drone execution of a U.S. citizen allegedly associated with al-Qaeda without formal charges or prosecution sparked public outrage. Judicial recognition that this nonbattlefield execution presented a plausible procedural due process claim ignited questions which continue to smolder today: What are the limits of executive war power? What constitutional privileges do American citizens truly retain in the War on Terror? What if the executive erred in its judgment and mistakenly executed an innocent citizen? Currently, no legal regime provides answers or guards against the infringement of procedural due process the next time the executive determines that an American citizen must be executed to protect the borders of the United States. -
Joe Crowley (D-Ny-14)
LEGISLATOR US Representative JOE CROWLEY (D-NY-14) IN OFFICE CONTACT Up for re-election in 2016 Email Contact Form LEADERSHIP POSITION https://crowley.house.gov/ contact-me/email-me House Democratic Caucus Web crowley.house.gov 9th Term http://crowley.house.gov Re-elected in 2014 Twitter @repjoecrowley https://twitter.com/ repjoecrowley Facebook View on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/ repjoecrowley DC Office 1436 Longworth House Office Building BGOV BIOGRAPHY By Brian Nutting and Mina Kawai, Bloomberg News Joseph Crowley, vice chairman of the Democratic Caucus for the 113th Congress and one of the party's top campaign money raisers, works for government actions that benefit his mostly middle-class district while keeping in mind the needs of Wall Street financial firms that employ many of his constituents. He has served on the Ways and Means Committee since 2007. He was a key Democratic supporter of the 2008 bailout of the financial services industry -- loudly berating Republicans on the House floor as an initial bailout bill went down to defeat -- as well as subsequent help for the automobile industry. In addition to his post as caucus vice chairman -- the fifth-ranking post in the Democratic leadership -- Crowley is also a finance chairman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the political arm of House Democrats, and serves on the Steering and Policy Committee. He has a garrulous personality to match his burly, 6-foot-4 frame. He's been known to break into song and is generally well-liked by friend and foe alike. Crowley has been a solid supporter of Democratic Party positions, as illustrated by the ratings he has received from organizations on opposite ends of the political spectrum: A lifetime score of 90 percent-plus from the liberal Americans for Democratic Action and 8 percent, through 2012, from the American Conservative Union He favors abortion rights, gun control and same-sex marriage. -
College of the Holy Cross Archives & Special Collections P.O
College of the Holy Cross Archives & Special Collections P.O. Box 3A, Worcester, MA 01610-2395 College of the Holy Cross Archives and Special Collections Collection Inventory Accession Number: 2014- Collection Name (Title): Moran, James P., Congressional Papers Dates of Material: Size of Collection: Arrangement: Restrictions: Related Material: Preferred Citation: James P. Moran, Congressional Papers Processed on: Dec. 2014 - June 2016 Biography/History: James P. Moran was born in Buffalo, New York on May 16, 1945. He grew up in Natick, MA and attended the College of the Holy Cross on a football scholarship, graduating in 1967 with a BA in Economics. He went on to attend the University of Pittsburgh, where he received a Master’s of Public Administration in 1970. In 1979 Moran was elected to the city council of Alexandria, Virginia, which marked the beginning of a long career in politics. In 1985 and 1988 he was elected to serve as Mayor of Alexandria. He resigned in 1990 when he was elected to his first term in Congress. While a member of Congress, Moran served on the Committee of Appropriations and was a member of the LGBT Equality, Congressional Progressive, Animal Protection, Sudan, Sportsmen’s, International Conservation, Congressional Arts, Congressional Bike, Safe Climate, and Crohn’s and Colitis Caucuses. He was also co-founder of the New Democrat Coalition. He served as representative for Virginia’s 8th District until he retired at the end of his term in January 2015. After retiring from Congress Moran accepted positions as a Legislative Advisor at a D.C. area law firm, and accepted a faculty position in Virginia Tech’s School of Public and International Affairs. -
2021 Year Ahead
2021 YEAR AHEAD Claudio Brocado Anthony Brocado January 29, 2021 1 2020 turned out to be quite unusual. What may the year ahead and beyond bring? As the year got started, the consensus was that a strong 2019 for equities would be followed by a positive first half, after which meaningful volatility would kick in due to the US presidential election. In the spirit of our prefer- ence for a contrarian stance, we had expected somewhat the opposite: some profit-taking in the first half of 2020, followed by a rally that would result in a positive balance at year-end. But in the way of the markets – which always tend to catch the largest number of participants off guard – we had what some would argue was one of the strangest years in recent memory. 2 2020 turned out to be a very eventful year. The global virus crisis (GVC) brought about by the coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic was something no serious market observer had anticipated as 2020 got started. Volatility had been all but nonexistent early in what we call ‘the new 20s’, which had led us to expect the few remaining volatile asset classes, such as cryptocurrencies, to benefit from the search for more extreme price swings. We had expected volatilities across asset classes to show some convergence. The markets delivered, but not in the direction we had expected. Volatilities surged higher across many assets, with the CBOE volatility index (VIX) reaching some of the highest readings in many years. As it became clear that what was commonly called the novel coronavirus would bring about a pandemic as it spread to the remotest corners of the world at record speeds, the markets feared the worst. -
Who Is the Attorney General's Client?
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\87-3\NDL305.txt unknown Seq: 1 20-APR-12 11:03 WHO IS THE ATTORNEY GENERAL’S CLIENT? William R. Dailey, CSC* Two consecutive presidential administrations have been beset with controversies surrounding decision making in the Department of Justice, frequently arising from issues relating to the war on terrorism, but generally giving rise to accusations that the work of the Department is being unduly politicized. Much recent academic commentary has been devoted to analyzing and, typically, defending various more or less robust versions of “independence” in the Department generally and in the Attorney General in particular. This Article builds from the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Co. Accounting Oversight Board, in which the Court set forth key principles relating to the role of the President in seeing to it that the laws are faithfully executed. This Article draws upon these principles to construct a model for understanding the Attorney General’s role. Focusing on the question, “Who is the Attorney General’s client?”, the Article presumes that in the most important sense the American people are the Attorney General’s client. The Article argues, however, that that client relationship is necessarily a mediated one, with the most important mediat- ing force being the elected head of the executive branch, the President. The argument invokes historical considerations, epistemic concerns, and constitutional structure. Against a trend in recent commentary defending a robustly independent model of execu- tive branch lawyering rooted in the putative ability and obligation of executive branch lawyers to alight upon a “best view” of the law thought to have binding force even over plausible alternatives, the Article defends as legitimate and necessary a greater degree of presidential direction in the setting of legal policy.