Abstracts of Papers Read

at the Fifty-second Annual Meeting of the

Arnerican Musicological Society

Cleveland, Ohio November 6-9, 1986

edited by

Douglas Johnson, Rutgers University CONTENT S

THURSDAY, 6 NOVEMBER, 2:00 _ 5:00 p.M. Topics in Spanish Music 1 Topics in Baroque Lute Music Haydn and Beethoven 4 Schumann and Bruckner 7 Twentieth-Century 10 Topics 13

FRIDAY, 7 NOVEMBER, 9:00 - 12:00 A.M.

Text and Mu.s i c Topics 1-6 in Catholic Music L9 Music in Society, Haydn to Schubert Mahler 22 Critical 25 Vocabularies 10

FRIDAY, 7 NOVEMBER, 2:OO 5:00 P.M. Chant and Liturgy Renaissance J.L Archival Studies JJ Performance Practices 35 Nineteenth-Century Theater 39 Stravinsky and Octatonicisn 4J

SATURDAY, 8 NOVEMBER, 9 : 00 _ 12 : 00 A. M. Chant 43 Some problems Attribution in Renaissance Music 45 B ach 48 LLszt 51 Anerican Music 54

SATURDAY,8 NOVEMBER,2:00 _ 5:00 p.M.

Topics in Renaissance Music 57 Topics in Italian Music 60 Eighteenth-Century Music Theory bJ Music and Society in the Early Twentieth Century 66 Genre: Implications for History and Criticism 68

SUNDAY, 9 NOVEMBER, 9:OO L2:00 A.M. Four Renaissance i^Iorks 7I Topics in Baroque Music 74 Ylozarx and Beethoven 78 Music and Literature 81 T

THURSDAY,5 NOVEMBER,2:OO - 5:00 P.M

TOPICS IN SPANISH MUSIC Alejandro E. Planchart, University of California, Santa Barbara, Chair

SPANISH MASS CYCLES AND THEIR MANUSCRIPTS Andrew Tornasello, Baruch Co11ege, CUNY The present assessment of late fourteenth-century collections of sacred polyphony is based prinarily on the French sources Apt 16bis, Ivrea 115, and a few peripheral documents. A close physical examination of several ners sources recently discovered in Barcelonars Bibl ioteca central has yielded much infornation that significantly alters our assumptions. MSS Barc E and F, containing a total of ten works (six unica), are not distinctly different manuscripts but rather two gatherings drawn from one large source. Neither is Barc D (with nine works) rhe haphazardly arranged sextern that published descriptions would have us believe. When properly reconstructed, the bifolios reveal themselves to have been extracted from two quaternions, each of which held a complece mass cycle. The con"clusions, based prirnarily on paleographic grounds, clearly show that these, as well as other collections fron Catalonia (Barc A, B, C , and Barc -Ger) , belong to either of tr,ro types : 1) the large- format source that groups works according to genre: and 2) the sma11er, somewhat later document of complete nass cycles. In spite of the fragmentary nature of nearly all of these sources, each document is shotrn to be a neatly arranged and 1ogically planned collection of sacred polyphony. It can also be demonstrated that most of these manuscripts were cornpiled or owned by "Spaniards." The evidence proves that northern Spain r^'as a nuch more important center in the dissemination of late fourteenth-century nusic than we have heretofore believed.

IN RENAISSANCE SPAIN Jane MorIet Hardie, NSW State Conservatorium, Sydney Known to have been a late medieval addition to Lauds on the last three days of Holy Week, the kyries tenebrarum, troped Kyrie, or ninefold kyrie Iitany as it was variously ca11ed, has hitherto been presumed to have been peculiar to some French liturgies, and to the Sarum rite. Surviving nanuscript and printed sources of this liturgical unit often contain elaborate -r-

ThursdaY afternoon Thursday afcernoon 2 ttrnT:t"rlt;: addition ro Torrij os's works, the copyists also worked performance instructions' suggest-t"t""t"l'"t. on mus ic sent to the EscoriaL by composers from functLoned as a mlniature drarnatic elsewhere in Spain, especially those at the CapilIa b;;k" paper shows examination of rititr;;"";" ' ' century-:l:' Real or one of the royal monasteries in Madrid. u"e^ it spain-this in the 1t enJoyed *ra"=pl-t?J of thirteen Torri j os's manuscripts demonstrate the characteristics the Tridentine reforms' A total of precedlng components are typical villancico sources, the dissemination of the verses, togecher with other textual ' genre, and aspects of performance practice. thi" liturgical unit but no found in books ' the. one source uses"o.iainl.g all thirteen verses' Racher' liturgical ordering' and choice of components, their HUMANISM AND ANTI -HUMANTSM performance directions vary from source to source ' A performance IN SPANISH MUSICAL THEORY AND PRACTICE of the variations i; text choices, Louise directions,"t*ay ordering of components, and chant melodies' K. Stein, University of Chicago leads to some hypoJheses regarding regional liturgical relationships in late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Humanisrn, character:ized by the rediscovery and Spain. elChough these hypotheses need to be tested revival of ancient learning, was undeniably of Italian further using a variety of Iiturgical moments, it is origin but spread to other parts of Europe . Mus ical expected thar this srudy will facilitace both the hurnanism was alive in sixteenth-century Spain, naking of geographical assignments for previously although, with some justification, it has been unidentified Spanish antiphonals and the identification routinely classified as a superficial phenomenon. The of locales for which the numerous perserved anonymous reflected g1-ory of Italian humanism in Spain has been polyphonic settings of werses for the kvries tenebrarum obscured by visions of the Inquisition, just as Spanish may have been composed. secular music has been viewed in the shadow of sacred polyphony. Spain' s seventeenth century is regarded as an anti-humanistic musical backwater, aS if the FRAY DIEGO DE TORRIJOS AND THE VILLANCICO counter-reformation zeaL of the Spanish Hapsburgs had AT SAN LORENZO DEL ESCORIAL, L669-I691. banished humanisrn from Hispania. Actually, humanism Paul R. Laird, University of exerted a lasting influence on Spanish mus ical theory North Carolina, Chapel Hill and practice during the seventeenth century, although its scrongest implications were realized only after c. Fray Diego de Torrij os was an organist, composer, 1650. Some extraordinary examples of and scribe who, from 1669 until his death in I69L, seventeenth-century Spanish secular music reveal a lived at San Lorenzo de1 Escorial, a royal monastery blend of practical and speculative humanism, a curious north of Madrid. Torrijos's largely unstudied musical mix of traditional and modern ideas. It is this fusion output includes twenty villancicos that are in the of disparate forces that best characterizes the

nonastery' s atchive . These works , in part autographs , development of Spanish mus ical hunanism. are worthy examples of the rich tradition of the The object of this paper is to reconsider musical seventeenth-century villancico, a Spanish vernacular humanism and anti -humanism in Spain in the s ixteenth religious genre used at matins and in processions on and seventeenth centuries, by (1) defining the areas of high feast days. This paper examines Torrij os as a humanist speculation and investigation that had the composer and scribe and places him within the larger greatest irnpact in Spain, (2) describing how imported picture of the villancico's cultivation at the Italian ideas were reinterpreted or transformed, and Escorial. ( 3 ) presenting ner.q evidence that certain theories were Torri j os's villancicos shor,r the diversiry that realized and given practical applications in secular marked the genre throughout the century; they range music. from intimate works for four voices and continuo to Iarge polychoral pieces for twelve voices arranged in three choirs. Texturally, the villancicos vary from homorhythmic writing- -a primary stylistic trait of the villancico- -to works with more imitative textures. Study of Torrij os's villancicos sheds ligtrt on their functi.on at the Escorial, a detailed picture of a genre that played a central role in Spanish niusic of the period. Torrijos was customarily assisted in his copying by another scribe who is as yet unidentified. In ThursdaY afternoon Thursdav afternoon 4 The evidence is as follows f) Italian lute tuning in contemporary manuscripts and prints sho\,J that rN BARoQuE roPlcs University'luTl-^"utt' Chair the traditional renaissance tuning, usually in g' , with Alexander srluiger' Duke several bass courses, persists in Italy to the end of the eighteenth century. 2) The physical DES DIEUX characteristics of the Ttalian baroque 1ute, as OF MODE IN LA RH6TqRIOUE CONCEPTS Northern rowa illustrated by surviving instruments and pictures, David J. Bt";;";t'itti!1"t-"r conform to the tuning above and provide no evidence for tl' the soprano lute. dlverse concepts of mode are exprest"g---PJ- 3) An examintion of the Italian lute some manuscrtl:. repertory from c. 1675 to c. 1750 reveals that Vivaldi creators of the ntd-seventeenth-century ^i' Rh6torioue des Dieux. containing perhaps the earllest was not unique in composing soloistic music for the systematic ordering of lute suites b1r an individual 1ute. It also shows that Italians switched to staff composer (there eleven suites grouped ax leasc notation while the French and Germans continued to use ostensibly according^1" to "mode" ) , this sumptuous tablature, 4) Vivaldi's lute parts are written in the manuscript is adorned with decorations by solne treble clef for soloistic passages, and in the bass well-known artists of the period, including eleven clef when the lute was required to reaLize the ink-wash drawings of the modes by Abraham Bosse, the continuo. leading engraver of the century. Mode is also touched This identification of the lute in Vivaldi's time upon in the literary text. This text consists of a demonstrates both the continuity of the Italian solo descriptiwe introduction, two sonnets modeled on a lute tradition from the Renaissance through the late famous sonnet by Malherbe, and emblematic inscriptions Baroque and the lute's adaptation to the requirements of a mythological and allegorical nature, appended to , some of Denis Gaultier's titled pieces. of newer mus ical styles , as shown in Vivaldi s The strange mode ordering in the music of the concertos and trios for lute. Rh5torique can be explained only through recourse to commentary in contemporary manuscript sources. THE COLASCIONE AND THE FoIIowing a discussion of this "mode" ordering will be COMMEDIA DELL'ARTE a review of the mode concepts suggested by Bosse's mode Victor CoeIho, University of Calgary illustrations, especially in regard to iconographic elernents and symbolic irnagery. Then the literary An interesting avenue of seventeenth-century themes of the inscriptions will be assessed in the research that cuts across the boundaries of many light of possible connections with mode concepts. disciplines of cultural activity is the study of the relationship between mus Finally some conclusions will be offered concerning the ic and the Commedia dell' arte . coordination of the arts in the manuscript and Croce and Pirrotta, among others, have already especially the role of mode as a unifying theme. established the importance of the Commedia in the evolution of intermedi and comic opera. yet fundamental questions remain concerning the actual role of mus ic r,rith perf VIVALDI AND THE ITALIAN BAROQUE LUTE Commedia ormances : What types of Jarnes Ty1er, University of Southern California music were used for these improvised comedies, and how did music operate in the scenario? What instruments The lute for which Antonio Vivaldi intended his were used by the actor-musicians? And, fina11y, was lute concerti and trios has never been definitively the style of this music as stock as the characters identified. Three different types of lute have been themselves? Many answers to these questions can be found in the seventeenth-century Italian repertory for proposed: a sma1I, renaissance-sty1e treble lute; a hypothetical soprano lute as described by Praetorius; long-necked 1utes, particularly those lutes that and the French d-minor lute. My research shows that adhered- - like the Commedia itself- - to the ex tempore or none of these is correct. "unwritten" performance tradition. The instrument most often The Italian baroque lute of Vivaldi (indicated as represented in the hands of Cornmedia actors paintings "Liuto" in the sources) was the same instrument known in and engravings of the in seventeenth-century Italy as the l3- or 14-course period is the colascione, a Iong two - string Neapolitan arciliuto or liuto attiorbaLo tuned in lute of Turkish origin. Its crude plectrum sound and E' Tt is its characteristic (and distinct in construction and tuning from its f'rench and at times vulgar) social German counterparts and frorn Praetorius' soprano lute. associations rnade it the ideal accompanying instrument Moreover, it has its own repertory which includes the for the Commedia's burlesque theater. In this paper, T chamber concertos and trios of Vivaldi. sha11 define the important musical and theatrical role of the colascione in the Commedia by drawing on a large ThursdaY afternoon Thursdav afternoon 4 The evidence is as follows f) Italian lute tuning in contemporary manuscripts and prints sho\,J that rN BARoQuE roPlcs University'luTl-^"utt' Chair the traditional renaissance tuning, usually in g' , with Alexander srluiger' Duke several bass courses, persists in Italy to the end of the eighteenth century. 2) The physical DES DIEUX characteristics of the Ttalian baroque 1ute, as OF MODE IN LA RH6TqRIOUE CONCEPTS Northern rowa illustrated by surviving instruments and pictures, David J. Bt";;";t'itti!1"t-"r conform to the tuning above and provide no evidence for tl' the soprano lute. dlverse concepts of mode are exprest"g---PJ- 3) An examintion of the Italian lute some manuscrtl:. repertory from c. 1675 to c. 1750 reveals that Vivaldi creators of the ntd-seventeenth-century ^i' Rh6torioue des Dieux. containing perhaps the earllest was not unique in composing soloistic music for the systematic ordering of lute suites b1r an individual 1ute. It also shows that Italians switched to staff composer (there eleven suites grouped ax leasc notation while the French and Germans continued to use ostensibly according^1" to "mode" ) , this sumptuous tablature, 4) Vivaldi's lute parts are written in the manuscript is adorned with decorations by solne treble clef for soloistic passages, and in the bass well-known artists of the period, including eleven clef when the lute was required to reaLize the ink-wash drawings of the modes by Abraham Bosse, the continuo. leading engraver of the century. Mode is also touched This identification of the lute in Vivaldi's time upon in the literary text. This text consists of a demonstrates both the continuity of the Italian solo descriptiwe introduction, two sonnets modeled on a lute tradition from the Renaissance through the late famous sonnet by Malherbe, and emblematic inscriptions Baroque and the lute's adaptation to the requirements of a mythological and allegorical nature, appended to , some of Denis Gaultier's titled pieces. of newer mus ical styles , as shown in Vivaldi s The strange mode ordering in the music of the concertos and trios for lute. Rh5torique can be explained only through recourse to commentary in contemporary manuscript sources. THE COLASCIONE AND THE FoIIowing a discussion of this "mode" ordering will be COMMEDIA DELL'ARTE a review of the mode concepts suggested by Bosse's mode Victor CoeIho, University of Calgary illustrations, especially in regard to iconographic elernents and symbolic irnagery. Then the literary An interesting avenue of seventeenth-century themes of the inscriptions will be assessed in the research that cuts across the boundaries of many light of possible connections with mode concepts. disciplines of cultural activity is the study of the relationship between mus Finally some conclusions will be offered concerning the ic and the Commedia dell' arte . coordination of the arts in the manuscript and Croce and Pirrotta, among others, have already especially the role of mode as a unifying theme. established the importance of the Commedia in the evolution of intermedi and comic opera. yet fundamental questions remain concerning the actual role of mus ic r,rith perf VIVALDI AND THE ITALIAN BAROQUE LUTE Commedia ormances : What types of Jarnes Ty1er, University of Southern California music were used for these improvised comedies, and how did music operate in the scenario? What instruments The lute for which Antonio Vivaldi intended his were used by the actor-musicians? And, fina11y, was lute concerti and trios has never been definitively the style of this music as stock as the characters identified. Three different types of lute have been themselves? Many answers to these questions can be found in the seventeenth-century Italian repertory for proposed: a sma1I, renaissance-sty1e treble lute; a hypothetical soprano lute as described by Praetorius; long-necked 1utes, particularly those lutes that and the French d-minor lute. My research shows that adhered- - like the Commedia itself- - to the ex tempore or none of these is correct. "unwritten" performance tradition. The instrument most often The Italian baroque lute of Vivaldi (indicated as represented in the hands of Cornmedia actors paintings "Liuto" in the sources) was the same instrument known in and engravings of the in seventeenth-century Italy as the l3- or 14-course period is the colascione, a Iong two - string Neapolitan arciliuto or liuto attiorbaLo tuned in lute of Turkish origin. Its crude plectrum sound and E' Tt is its characteristic (and distinct in construction and tuning from its f'rench and at times vulgar) social German counterparts and frorn Praetorius' soprano lute. associations rnade it the ideal accompanying instrument Moreover, it has its own repertory which includes the for the Commedia's burlesque theater. In this paper, T chamber concertos and trios of Vivaldi. sha11 define the important musical and theatrical role of the colascione in the Commedia by drawing on a large =-T

ThursdaY afternoon Thursday afternoon

cv!""^'--r'd'a HAYDN AND BEETHOVEN corpus orof iconosraphicaliconog?eDtricar iltuiliiiur;"t?:n'=.,*i;, n:;l:'",Xa"t,lperforma-nces' conremporary descriptionsdescriptioit or '"'""-ir-rnt'"o*"' of al.thc Elaine Sisrnan, Columbia University Chair "ori"rpot"ry r wiIlwi11. brinE*:o,bri-ng :,f-- Lv '.'f,.""a "o*" ;;;;More inporCantly,i;p"riantry, I abound in vocalvoca - , .".y co-lasclone "initatiorr""^.thit earlveatrY seventeentlseventeenth and theorbo t::1"muslc o! - the A PROBLEM OF HARMON]C STRUCTURE t"ylo"ta,keyboard, "t"'t1-.tt"tt*.::-'-""il'."^* ^*r""as for century. SlnceSince no writtenwrrLuctr ^ imiiations IN HAYDN'S MINOR.KEY SYMPHONIES ".it.rrty. colascionecora>Lrvtre' tha"" imitations seventlenth-centuryseventeenth-cencury ' - acutal^^,rral rnusicmusic Stephen C. Fisher, I,Iidener University transmit an accurate reproduction c,i arra r ij-L+ :;;;:Ti:";"b;':;:';.';;;i;-;";;;;, and shed light on the seventeenth-century About 1-77 3 , Haydn stopped writing the quick the "unwritten" tradition of movements of symphonies in the rninor mode and did not Italian colascione. resume the practice for nearly a decade. Though attempts to explain this have often Looked to THE ROSTOCK TABLATURES: LAUTEN.GALANTIEREN biographical or psychological factors, some primarily FOR pRTNCESS LOUTSE OF WijRTTEMBERG (1722-L79I) musical elements may also be brought into Arthur J. Ness, Amherst, NY consideration. In a fast symphonic movement in the maj or node, Haydn invariably moves to the dominant in During the late eighteenth century, as the lute the exposition and takes the developnent section to a and its repertory slipped into obsolescence in most climax in a harmonic area past the dominant in the parts of Europe, a handful of composers continued to circle of fifths: the supertonic, the mediant, or, provide pieces in 1e go0t moderne for the use of north most commonly, the submediant. Present- day analytical German dilettante lutenists such as Princess Louise thought often associaces motion in the direction of the Frederike of Wtirtcemberg, after 1746 Duchess of dominant with increasing tension and motion in the Mecklenberg-Schwerin. Between her maiden years in subdorninant direction with a lowering of tension. Stuttgart and 1789, Princess Louise regularly acquired Joseph Riepel's Grundregeln zur Tonordnung insgemein tablatures that ranged through a diversity of (1755), a copy of which was in Haydn's library, seems Austro-German baroque and galant lutenist styles. to rnake a s irnilar po int . In the minor mode , Haydn' s Included are solo and ensemble works by (to cite a few) harmonic vocabulary does not encompass any areas past c. P. Telemann (1681-f738), S. L. Weiss (1686-1750), J. the dominant; the other available regions lie in the F. Schwingharnmer (f1. 1743), c. Werner (1693-1766), W. opposite direction. Haydn thus may have found hinself Spurny (c. L720-after 1.71O), c. P. Kress (Ll19-L179), handicapped in creating in the minor mode the tensional R. Straube (I717 -c. 1780) , J. F. Daube (c. Ll30-Ll97) , harmonic structure that he could achieve in the major and J. A. F. ileiss (c. 1740-1814). mode. Riepel appears to be aware of the difficulty, With over 415 items, Princess Louise's is the though he discusses it only briefly. The three largest collection of lute music to survive from the impressive minor-key symphonies of the early L710s, late eighteenth century. The manuscripts have received Nos. 44, 45, and 52, seem to show Haydn struggling with scant attention owing rnainly to their frustrating this problem but not finding a solution valid beyond disarray: many pages have separated from the the confines of an individual work. Haydn may have deteriorating bindings and been removed from original quit writing minor-key symphonies because other: envelopes. Nevertheless, during a visit to Rostock in compositional possibilities looked more promising. 1980, I was able to locate some forrnerly misplaced works and reassernble most of the collection by marshalling watermark, scribal and staffliner evidence. In this paper, after briefly placing the collection COMPOS ITIONAL PROCES S , TEXT , AND GENRE within its appropriate musical and chronological IN HAYDN'S VARIATIONS FOR PIANO IN F MINOR contexts, I shall discuss selected works by Princess Leon Plantinga and Glen Pierr Johnson Yale University Louise's teachers, Johann Eriedrich Daube and Johann , representatives Eranz Schwinghanmer, master of the Haydn's "Andante con variazioni" in F minor (Hob. lute's twilight years . XVTI:6), composed in I193, has long been praised as one of his strongest and most expressive composil-ions for piano. Though easily recognizable as a set of double variations, it shows structural and stylistic features not at al1 usual in pieces of that sort in the later eighteenth century. There ate unusual harmonic complexities: Lhe second segment of the first binary Thursday afternoon ThursdaY afternoon I systematic investigation of the sources. In this repertory the problern of definition is critical. on a dranatic root-Pistti"'" Despite their outward diversity, Haydn's early rheme srops divertirnenti constitute a genre- -but of a special o'''"" "X;;3:ltti:I li' u : ;' "" " "' "inclusive" kind quite different from our modern ; ::ii :il""::*i::.' i"'."':'the 1"piece'c eccentricities ' conception. the most t"t"tx"u-r-e---oi p1.ain rttt"t"ttttt of the surely, ls 1ts a "'1"' a Haydn composed just over thirty such works. ";l;tgt- as the music launches into theme abruptly ut""*f,"'-"ff kinds of Twenty- eight can be authenticated; a few additional i''- with various ones ate but lack documentation. (Sorne huge, inpassione "^A-"i'^ lo.ng "plausibIe, " f ar- f lung keyboard f iguration and. "-t^t",tj,l*"*t ::rs farniliar works must be discarded. ) Most of thern indeterminate tonaiity." This peculiarity' no doubt' doubtless the first volume originated before Haydn's employrnenc by wtrat 1ed the contemporary reviewer in Esterh6zy; only about five postdate L7 6I. It is the of the Amz xo t"t".i thai this "melancholy Andante largest genre within his pre-EstexinSzy instrumental . sounds almost 1lke a free fantasy." music. We have rather an abundance of authentic sources for this work: a dated autograph that surely served-as On the basis of instrumentation, forn, and size, a stichvorlage for the first edition, the first edition several clear subgroups emerge: the tiny orchestral itself, and two manuscript copies ( the second very "scherzandi"; tiny wind-band works; large-sca1e mixed recently come to light) signed by Haydn. But works i 9; quartet- like sextets with two horns; loosely despite--and, in part, because of--this richness of written mixed works without horns. Stylistically, most sources, the composition is attended by intriguing are related to the ten early string quartets, which uncertainties. For whom was this ,,professional" were also ca11ed "divertirnenti". They exhibit the same keyboard work written? The names of four women, two of five-movement form (or closely related variants), but thern well-known pianists, r\rere quickly associated with they add prominent musical contrasts based on the it. On a more fundamental 1eve1, there remain rnaj or particular instrumentation of each work. On an equally textural problems. The rnost glaring of these concerns sinall scale and in an equally light sty1e, they a five-measure connective passage betrreen the close of demonstrate the same level of mastery. the variations and the return of the first theme; it Haydn cornposed few divertimenti between the early was cancelled--by a foreign hand, in our opinion--in 1760s and the lyre notturni of'L788-90. By then, the the autograph, and has remained absent from a1I but one entire concept of the genre had changed, to sornething of the editions (and all recordings known to us). And very like our own. This change illurninates the what are we to think as to the genre of this work? The differences between Viennese music (and musical life) authentic sources transmit three suggestions : " sonata" after c. 1780- -the "Classical" period- -and the decades (the autograph and one of the manuscript copies), "un that came before it. piccolo divertimento" (the other copy), and "variations " ( the first edition) . A study of the autograph and the other authentic sources casts light on some of these p'uzzles. The A LARGE-SCALE PROCESSIVE DESIGN legitinacy of those five connecting measures, for IN BEETHOVEN' S OPUS 132 example, is enhanced by the nature and placement of the Greg Vitercik, Middlebury College notation cancelling thern in the autograph, and by their unequivocal presence in both authentic copies, The third mo.vement of Beethoven's A minor String Questions as to the genre of this piece must of course Quartet, O?us L32, the Heiliger Dankgesang eines be cons idered in the larger context of contemporary Genesenen an die Gottheit. in der Ilrdischen Tonart, has musicians' habits in naming their compositions. But elicited a wide range of critical appraisals, but the the vivid chronicle of Haydn's struggles rrith this function of the ambiguous harmonic language of this piece- -particularly with its unorthodox ending- -may movement in the latger design of the quartet has welI be related to his uncertainty about what it was he received little attention. The present paper is a had created. prelirninary attenpt to explore this larger structural issue. In a study of the first novement of this quartet, THE EARLY ENSEMBLE DIVERTIMENTI OF JOSEPH HAYDN Carl Dahlhaus has provided two valuable tools for this James Webster, Cornell UniversitY undertaking, suggesting that the motivic substance of the work is best understood as an abstract diastematic This paper surveys Joseph Haydn' s early ensemble configuration- -sinply two half-steps- -and observing divertimenti for four and more parts, on the basis of a Lhat this is deployed at level considerablv bel ow Thursday afternoon ThursdaY afternoon I systematic investigation of the sources. In this repertory the problern of definition is critical. on a dranatic root-Pistti"'" Despite their outward diversity, Haydn's early rheme srops divertirnenti constitute a genre- -but of a special o'''"" "X;;3:ltti:I li' u : ;' "" " "' "inclusive" kind quite different from our modern ; ::ii :il""::*i::.' i"'."':'the 1"piece'c eccentricities ' conception. the most t"t"tx"u-r-e---oi p1.ain rttt"t"ttttt of the surely, ls 1ts a "'1"' a Haydn composed just over thirty such works. ";l;tgt- as the music launches into theme abruptly ut""*f,"'-"ff kinds of Twenty- eight can be authenticated; a few additional i''- with various ones ate but lack documentation. (Sorne huge, inpassione "^A-"i'^ lo.ng "plausibIe, " f ar- f lung keyboard f iguration and. "-t^t",tj,l*"*t ::rs farniliar works must be discarded. ) Most of thern indeterminate tonaiity." This peculiarity' no doubt' doubtless the first volume originated before Haydn's employrnenc by wtrat 1ed the contemporary reviewer in Esterh6zy; only about five postdate L7 6I. It is the of the Amz xo t"t".i thai this "melancholy Andante largest genre within his pre-EstexinSzy instrumental . sounds almost 1lke a free fantasy." music. We have rather an abundance of authentic sources for this work: a dated autograph that surely served-as On the basis of instrumentation, forn, and size, a stichvorlage for the first edition, the first edition several clear subgroups emerge: the tiny orchestral itself, and two manuscript copies ( the second very "scherzandi"; tiny wind-band works; large-sca1e mixed recently come to light) signed by Haydn. But works i 9; quartet- like sextets with two horns; loosely despite--and, in part, because of--this richness of written mixed works without horns. Stylistically, most sources, the composition is attended by intriguing are related to the ten early string quartets, which uncertainties. For whom was this ,,professional" were also ca11ed "divertirnenti". They exhibit the same keyboard work written? The names of four women, two of five-movement form (or closely related variants), but thern well-known pianists, r\rere quickly associated with they add prominent musical contrasts based on the it. On a more fundamental 1eve1, there remain rnaj or particular instrumentation of each work. On an equally textural problems. The rnost glaring of these concerns sinall scale and in an equally light sty1e, they a five-measure connective passage betrreen the close of demonstrate the same level of mastery. the variations and the return of the first theme; it Haydn cornposed few divertimenti between the early was cancelled--by a foreign hand, in our opinion--in 1760s and the lyre notturni of'L788-90. By then, the the autograph, and has remained absent from a1I but one entire concept of the genre had changed, to sornething of the editions (and all recordings known to us). And very like our own. This change illurninates the what are we to think as to the genre of this work? The differences between Viennese music (and musical life) authentic sources transmit three suggestions : " sonata" after c. 1780- -the "Classical" period- -and the decades (the autograph and one of the manuscript copies), "un that came before it. piccolo divertimento" (the other copy), and "variations " ( the first edition) . A study of the autograph and the other authentic sources casts light on some of these p'uzzles. The A LARGE-SCALE PROCESSIVE DESIGN legitinacy of those five connecting measures, for IN BEETHOVEN' S OPUS 132 example, is enhanced by the nature and placement of the Greg Vitercik, Middlebury College notation cancelling thern in the autograph, and by their unequivocal presence in both authentic copies, The third mo.vement of Beethoven's A minor String Questions as to the genre of this piece must of course Quartet, O?us L32, the Heiliger Dankgesang eines be cons idered in the larger context of contemporary Genesenen an die Gottheit. in der Ilrdischen Tonart, has musicians' habits in naming their compositions. But elicited a wide range of critical appraisals, but the the vivid chronicle of Haydn's struggles rrith this function of the ambiguous harmonic language of this piece- -particularly with its unorthodox ending- -may movement in the latger design of the quartet has welI be related to his uncertainty about what it was he received little attention. The present paper is a had created. prelirninary attenpt to explore this larger structural issue. In a study of the first novement of this quartet, THE EARLY ENSEMBLE DIVERTIMENTI OF JOSEPH HAYDN Carl Dahlhaus has provided two valuable tools for this James Webster, Cornell UniversitY undertaking, suggesting that the motivic substance of the work is best understood as an abstract diastematic This paper surveys Joseph Haydn' s early ensemble configuration- -sinply two half-steps- -and observing divertimenti for four and more parts, on the basis of a Lhat this is deployed at level considerablv bel ow ThursdaY afternoon Thursday afternoon L1

texture that of the thematic surface, saturating the Schlegelian without being confined to nornal processes of rnotivic arabesque as total form liker,rise inform the transformation and thematic development. movement as a whole: "absichtliche Versehiedenheit" Applied to the whole of the quartet, this insight ( intentional variety) is suggested through the absolute illuminates a design that focuses on shifting contrasts, formal and thematic, between the Im inflectional tensions within one element of this Legendenton and its surroundings; "witzige "subthematic" configuration: the f-e half-step first Konstruktion" (witty design) through the veiled motivic presented in the opening measures of the first links that connect it with the remainder of the movement. Within this design, the precarious tonal movement; and "unendliche Fii11e" (infinite richness) modal balance of the Dankgesang emerges as a node of through Schumann' s mixture of sonata form, rondo , extreme ambiguity in which any sense of a stable Charakterstiick, and Lied (the An die ferne Geliebte inflectional relation between f and e is completely quotation). Thus, the movement emerges as a dialectic obscured, generating tensions that spill over into the play of what Schumann called " smaller" and "higher" follovring movements--tensions for which no normal f orms - process of resolution seems appropriate. Even though there is little evidence to suggest that Schumann was directly influenced by SchIegel's theories (Schumann's own Arabeske, Opus 18, has nothing to do with Schlegel's critical category) , remarkable SCHUMANN AND BRUCKNER sirnilarities can be noted in their critical thought. R. Larry Todd, Duke Univers ity, Chair For both of them, the fragment- - Schlegel's digressive arabesque, and Schumann's notion of the oapil-1on! - -was the basis of romantic form. SCHUMANN'S IM LEGENDENTON AND FRIEDRICH SCHLEGEL'S ARABESKE John J. Daverio, Boston Universicy A REJECTED MOVEMENT FOR SCHUMANN'S REQUIEM, OPUS 148 Gregory W. Harwood, Wichita State University The writings of Friedrich Schlegel, perhaps the chief early romantic critic/philosopher, have received The opening movements of the Requiern are little attention frorn musical scholars. While music did remarkable in several ways. In the Introit, Schumann not much figure in SchIegeL's romantic programme (he departs from the standard formal organization of other was indeed a litcle suspicious of it), there are Requiem settings. Instead of setting the verse "Te numerous aspects of his literary theory that are useful decet hymnus" as part of the Introit, Schumann begins a in assessing the more disruptive qualities of separate movement in which he treats the "Te decet" nineteenth-century musical form. This paper examines with the "Kyrie eleison" - - first each of these sections the concept that was at the heart of Schlegel's individually , then the two texts and the ir theme s critical theory: the Arabeske (arabesque), a notion cornbined contrapuntally. The dramatic shift from the developed principally in his "GesprSch riber die poesie" opening in D-f1at major to the ne$r movement in A najor (L799) and Atheneum Fragmenre (I797 /99) . In a limired underscores the novel formal design. sense, the arabesque refers to digressive The continuity draft for the Requiem shows that interpoLations that intentionally disturl the "Requiem aeternam" was a particularly difficult chronological flow of a typical narrative; as a total movenent for the composer. The manuscript contains two form, the arabesque tempers a seemingly settings: the rather peaceful version in D-f1at, which diversity through a deliberately "h"oti. process. .or,"""1"d logicat Schumann used in the completed work, and a more anguished and dramatic setting in D minor, which makes :: 'fJ-.". *1.*:l^".:_1:t:", rhis rwof"'# old principle is extensive use of chrornatic dissonance for expressive rh^e f i r s r, *;;;;" ; ; ","";i1"";1i ""' ::q : :. " ^ :: -s;;;"rr]' ; purposes . This later vers ion is nearly conplete in [?:;:","*:E:=+,."*n-.j_.- of."" 17, .'".""""r11X.J : draft forrn, but the manuscript shows a large number of --rnrveE!: ; i' J;' rranorlng ".'i' lform. I :l .'" Whileff,,:"' :most .i," il: " ;:;'" ot :sonata ::.. : deleted passages and revisions. The continuity draft ^ -';';. view the":"r" novel formal design was Leeend.enton /o -^r.."11":a:ao1"_ " cenrral.,,t= ]n also indicates that the r r ; ; ;;;i uo' . Hf"subscitute .*trtff" . i : unafakterstlick)i I i I o .."?", . u"""1,. as a probably not preconceived, but came to Schumann in the for^,-", th usual" " d"rulopra.I-"u.tior,, t close anat-"r. -^-_.^,more. a course of his compositional struggles over the first 11o"."n""".""tJ;.r,1,,:,.:_"^"_i-"'.r.,".""iJ."r"r"..":""01.;.r""....r.r'""r1,r.i two movenents. i' q i ____:::t,'ia t J'-J "" earlier:: :. Jr1', .' " i ;H!vLcss ;; : ;Degun : some ; : : : : i : A study of the continuity draft reveals 1) some - rnusical" "'"' ;::' .il 1;' : arabesque in .n. ", "daydream, reasons that might have led Schumann to abandon the D "a"u""or"'r'--'ir^t"., 1i*i."'i"'"""i'"". ".,ff.."?:;;"r'.:Eures of# the .i: minor version, 2) the role of large-sca1e formal ThursdaY afternoon Thursday afternoon L1

Thursday afternoon t2 ThursdaY afternoon With the diverse source materials available for concerns in his compositional decisions, and 3) his the firs t movement of the Ninth Syrnphony, however , a increasing sensitivity to text expression. clearer picture of Bruckner's musical intentions is attainable. Numerous sketches and drafts for the entire work a1low us to observe Bruckner' s THE KECKE BESERL AND BRUCKNER'S SYMPHONIC SYNTHESIS compositional process, including revisions, in greater Stephen Parkany, Amherst College detail. The entire evolution, from initial conception through various stages to the final product, is clearly In the early 1850s, while still in provincial discernible. Linz, Bruckner fe11 in with a tiny coterie of rnusicians This paper wi11, first, examine specific passages there who embraced the avant-garde scores of Tristan from the first movement of the Ninth, focusing on und Isolde and the Faust Syrnphony. (His previous, Bruckner's compositional process and how it reveals better-known studies !{ith Simon Sechter and Otto characteristics of his stylistic maturity. Second, the Kitzler had been remarkable more for sr{reat than for structural, harmonic, and orchestral changes fron this distinctive inspiration. ) These new enthusiasms led pre-compositional environment will be related to the directly to the extraordinary formal innovations of his post-compositional revisions of previous syrnphonies. 'J-865-66 Habilitationsschrift, rhe Synphony No. 1 of . In conclusion, by delving further into the birth and Relishing its boldness, Bruckner nicknamed the symphony growth of his ideas, rather than sirnply relying on das kecke Beserl , or loosely, " the fresh kid. " "before" and "after" pictures, we can achieve a more I evaluate the progressive emphasis upon the thorough understanding of Bruckner's revisions and dynarnic concept of ',intensification" (Steigerung) in better estimate his contribution to the development of the influential text Kitzler assigned Bruckner, E. F. the romantic syrnphony. Richter's Grundziige der rnusikalischen Form (1g52), and apply the concepc to the neglected Symphony No. 1, in RESPONDENT: Paul Hawkshaw which Bruckner first synthesized such progressive formal techniques with traditional schemata. If we can credit his later claim rrmost that this r,rork r{ras still his TWENTIETH- CENTURY TOPICS difficult and best," this must be due to irs Douglass M. Green, University of Texas, Austin, Chair Tristan- 1ike mastery of extensive linear bass prolongations and of motivic developing variation, growing (as in Tristan and the Faust Synphony) from a THE OFFSTAGE CHORUS IN JAN;.dEK'S LATE OPERAS single dissonant kernel. The complex yet cogently Michael Beckerman, I^Iashington University, St. Louis expressive formal process that results renders the kecke Beserl a landmark in what otherwise were the Taken co1lective1y, Jan6dek's final four operas symphonic doldrums of the l86Os. comprise a vast dramatic and philosophical tapestry which, in terms of scope and ambition, is analagous to RESPONDENT: Paul Hawksharrr, yale University Wagner's Ring. Much of the power of these works derives from a basic dichotorny between realism, on the one hand, and a blend of pantheism, mysticism, and TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING OF BRUCKNER'S REVISIONS symbolisrn, on the other. The realistic aspect has been Mariana Sonntag, University of Chicago frequently noted: the settings are invariably taken from everyday life--whether a spa, a pub, backstage Notwithstanding all the attention accorded the at symphonies, we are the theater , or a prison camp - - and the Ianguage is revisions of Bruckner's no closer to desultory and quotidien. Furthermore, Jan6dek used a musical understanding of how they were made or why the (except in instances vhere he alleviated unwieldy intonational patterns of human speech as a model for or his vocal rdriting, another hallmark of The especially long mowements) How did Bruckner to realism. make these specific alterations and why these specific"o^L less explicit side of Jan5dek's artistic personality, passages? The revisions do not reveal rnuch however, his preoccupation with death and rebirth, has Bruckner,s approach to the synphony ";:, appeared by its very nature to be impervious to b.;;"";*;;^,:o:"' .:. post-compositional- -nade after Bruckner h",t ".^'l rigorous examination. intents and purposes , finlshed the oi""-*",^--ror- -'' drrQ _al1 This study proposes to explore the "anti-rea1ist" after it had already been p.rform.i L otten side of Jan6dek's operas through an analysis and Fassungen thus leave us u,{rL rrre various producrs- interpretaion of the composer's individual use of the -essentiatly, "before" offstage chorus. Depicting, in Jan6dek's own words, ";;il"t."tt,o or"lillif"o "the voice of the forest" (The Cunning Little Vixen), Y

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and ,rhe waves of rhe vo1ga,,(K6t'a Kabanov6), -"things (Makropolus and convicts (E4m-jtE-!'9'gE-c---9E THE PATH FROM EXPRESSIONISM: WEBERN.S TRANSITION shadows " ) , FROM INSTRUMENTAL TO VOCAL WORKS, L973-1924 the Dead), these ll-s't'ant and usually wordless "no::::' share a common (and even commonplace) musical protrre: Anne C. Shreffler, Harvard University the simple :I-4-5 interval pattern. This is not of Webern's middle-period songs (Opp. 12-L6) are fortuitous, since the careful dramatic placement , these choruses makes explicit their symbolic function traditionally seen as the composer' s attempt to write in representing the central theme of Jan56ek's operas: longer pieces by using text as a scaffolding. In his the restoratlon of natural cycles. songs from the decade L973-24, i^Iebern seems to break decisively with aphoristic expressionism (as

exempl-ified in the instrumental miniatures, Opp. 6, 7 , GREAT-RAG-SKETCHES 9,10 and 11) and to begin to work out the elements of Tom Gordon, Bishop' s University, Qu6bec his future twelve-tone technique. The conventional view, based entirely on published Unl ike its straightforlrard companlons, versions, is rnisleading. Many of the middle-period Stravinskyt s Piano-Rag-Music is neither parody nor songs exist in earlier vers ions that differ genre portrait. Rather, as the hyphens in the tiCle considerably from the published ones. Autograph inply, it is a collage of quasi-improvisatory manuscripts ( in the Pierpont Morgan Library) of fragments , an anomoly in Stravinsky' s oeuvre for its Webern's songs Opus 13/II and Opus L5/I, III, and V rej ection of meter and its eccentricities of structure. preserve readings dating from as early as ten years The evolution of Piano-Rag-Music is documented in a before publication. The early versions, never before disproportionately large quantity of sketches. Close discussed, reveal a concern with expressionistic color examination of these substantiates the very particular and brief gestures, while the revisions reflect nature of the work and certain hypotheses on Webern's growing preoccupation with the more abstract Stravinsky' s compositional process. possibilities of line and motive. When preparing his The earliest sketches for Piano-Rag-Music date works for publication in !924, Webern "updated" them in from the winter of 1918. By the time the twelve-page order to bring them closer to the spirit of his current holograph was inked in June 1919, the composer had trrrelve - tone works . In doing this , he rernoved f rom view fi1led 55 pages in two sketchbooks. Comparison of the a crucial stage of his musical development. work's published form with these sketches leads to the The rnissing stage can be found in the early following conclusions : versions of Webern's Opp, 13 and 15 and in unpublished 1) Stravinsky's pre-occupations in Piano-Rag-Music songs from the same period ("Leise Diifte" and rrere essentially rhythmic. While pitch configurations vary 1itt1e from the earliest sketches, as many as five closely related to the earlier aphoristic sty1e, in variants can be found for each rhythmic form. particular to the Orchestra Pieces, Opus 10, Examining 2) The work's opening motto evolved through a process these songs gives us a more complete picture of of distillacion across the sketches. Rather than Webern's development in the crucial decade before 1924. generating the composition, the work's opening measures, virtually the last to appear in the sketches, were generaced by it. THE DEDICATION OF BERG' S which articulate the work 3) The abrupt disjunctions EN I GMAS IN THE unity. Continuity was "composed veil a fundamental B r enda Dalen, Yale University out" of the materials in the course of sketching, as fragment order was continuously realigned' 4) A collage form is suggested at every stage of In February 1925, the Viennese periodical Pult und composition. The sketches indicate an Taktstock printed the curious "Open Letter, " in which interchangeability of rhythmic motives, I'hile the Alban Berg officially dedicaced his newly cornpleted holograph implies that the materials may be performed Chamber Concerto to Arnold Schoenberg. A brief in other than the Published order. commentary on certain noteworthy structural and The "Great-Rag-Mus1c" sketches (one nf +L programmatic features of the composition accompanied composer' s worklng titles ) reweal Stravinskv "-"^', ^--i"' this dedication. The cursory nature of Berg's remarks the possibllities of composed improvisait;'"'.:iliC notwithstanding, the "Open Letter" was upheld by his deweloplng the central techniques that ---*vLcr rze_:t',.f. his early biographers as the authoritative and definitive style from P6trouchka onward "t "r^.nll, analysis of the concerto, and its influence can be traced throughout the Iiterature to the present day - This process of dissemination may, in fact, have Y

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incongruities errors, such as the translation of "estiva" as scholarry efforts to ex.plain deterred iti'"atl"a a tho:?:ih " sackbut, " and mis intetpretations of notational syrnbols apparent ln .n. '"i;t' "''a and musical still appear in the best critical editions and l.nvestigation of ui"et"pl'it"i stylistic studies. A substantial number of particulars significance, "Jt-t-"-i,-- about rnusic are never reported because reading of the original tt*t1*^l' text critics are A critical -"aiay sources- -among unaware of their import. conjunction atith J" of relevani A critical evaluation ttrem, Berg's correspondence, essays by schoenb ttCl of the references to music works cited in-"?lE cne in O1d Occitan r{rritings makes possible a more complete and webern, the riterary and rnusital the picture of the trobadors l-etter, contemporary ieriodical literature, an-d and their songs than most sketches for the Streg!ci----g-r!-ee!E9---sheds light on musicological studies offer. This paper wilI first Berg's eonplex motivatlon for writing the letter, and present a brief description of the literary sources, suSgests several possible interpretations of its already well-knovn to philologists. The allusions in contents, all of whictr must be understood qtithin the them to nusic r+i11 then be surveyed by topic, including context of his relati,onship to Schoenberg. types and use of instruments, melodic genres and style, The "Open Letter' reflects Berg,s increasing evidence pertaining to oral and written transmission, ambiwalence towards his former teacher, as well as the social status and skills of trobadors and joglars, recent developments in his own career. His avowed and the role played by music in the society. indebtedness to Schoenberg for the concerto's technical innovations can be discredited on the basis of evidence gleaned frorn correspondence, sketches, and analysis of WORDS AND MUSIC IN LATE TRECENTO FLORENCE the Serenade, Opus 24, and the Wind Ouintet, Oius 26. John N6das, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill The sketches also provide further insight into the underlying program for the concerto, alluded to in the Songs by Italian composers closing paragraphs of the letter. of the generation following Francesco Landini are characterized by a strong mixture of foreign influences and native talent. RESPONDENT: Douglass M. Green Nowhere is this diversity of styles more apparent than in the final layers of Florentine canzonieri cornpiled c. L400 -L420 , including all- -or significant portions - - of the Lucca/Perugia codex, London 29981 FRIDAY, NOVEMBER, , 7 9 : 00 - 12 : 00 A. M Paris 568, the Squarcialupi codex, and San Lorenzo 22LL These sources served as collections devoted to both the musical past and up-to-date native and foreign TEXT AND MUSIC polyphony- -testaments to the Don large-scaIe exchange of M. Randel, CorneII University, Chair ideas that shaped Ehe developrnent of Italian song composition. In a fast-paced Italian cultural rnilieu in which REFERENCES TO MUSIC IN OLD OCCITAN LITERATURE older courtly patronage in northern Italy had largely Elizabeth Aubrey, University of Iowa been supplanted by that of various contenders to the papal throne and of a merchant aristocracy, composers The materials available for studying the music of of a more cosmopolitan the trobadors are not bent found their received limited to the musical and poetic compos itional styles continually challenged. The texts. Epic poems and narrative works, the vidas, features of songs wriCten by composers with strong ties epistolary and didactic writings, and O1d Occitan -Pao1o, treatises on to Florence- Andrea, the Mazzuolis, Antonio literary and linguistic conventions, such Zacarias, as well as a number of minor or unknown as the Leys d'Amors, have yielded significant information writers--have been studied in some detail. In its fast on the compos itions and performance rate of stylistic change, fueled by experirnentation and practices of the trobadors and j oglars. While many of outside influences, the Florentine song repertory these sources have already been plumbed for reflects ne\{ poetic tastes, a more natural information, much of what we know still depend.s on analyses made in the non- formulaic text-music relationship, varied late nineteenth and early performance practices, "popular' melodic and twentieth centuries. contrapuntal elements, and innovative formal Many details about the nusicians and their music have gone undetected structures. Beyond a broad stylistic range exhibiting or misunderstood because both the rhythnic intricacies of the Ars subtilior and musicologists have left the task of evaluating the documentary simply-set works, the best of these songs made evidence largely to philologists. Obvious significant contributions in their greater voice FridaY morning Friday morning L7 16

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procedures) have been placed, if not in complete detail, at least equality (through a variety of irnitative ' with some measure structural .oh"..n"" (especially through rnotivic of precision. From careful comparison of the remaining sources several conclusions constructlon), and attention to declarnatiott ^ ?ttd expressive gestures. These texturally clarifying may be reached: 1) Obrecht often omitted parts, even features nay also be found in the Mass music of the lengthy sections, of the Mass text, especially in the period. Credo; 2) conternporary copyists \4rere often as perplexed with text underlay as modern editors and sometimes resorted to rnisleading emergency measures; 3) where Obrecht left a work Irith incomplete text and r^rhere TEXTS AND TEXTING IN THE there is not enough music to accommodate a1l the words, EARLY CHANSONS OF GUILLAUUE DUFAY even broader aspects of text underlay must always Graeme M. Boone , Harvard University remain conj ectural; 1+) Obrecht certainly inLended. cantus firmus texts to be sung in three of his masses In recent years, studies of fifteenth-century and in alI probability in at least five additional chansons have increasingly turned. to the poetic texts ones. It is uncertain to what extent these conclusions as a crucial element in their analysis. Nonetheless, are applicable to the works of other composers, but no system has been found to explain the way composers their irnplications are worth exploring. set about putting the texts to music, a dilemma evidenced in the persistence of arnbiguities in text underlay. On the contrary, some recent trends point away from overall systems, focusing ratherupo. TOP]CS conscious the IN CATHOLIC MUSIC distinctness of the individual piece. Craig Monson, Washington Univers iry, Sr. Louis, Chair This paper will outline a simpla rheory that explains Dufay's early text-setting p.o"!drr.=. Established by a strong consensus of sJurc. readings, the theory permits O SACRUM CONVIVIUM correction of errors not only in Ihe A STUDY OF MOTET TRADITIONS IN LATE l6TH.CENTURY ITALY collected edition, but ultimately in the Lriginal Michble Fromson, University of pennsylvania sources thenselves, and provides tirereby a firm iasis for underlay in this repertory. Its impact on musical During the Counter-Reformation, Italj.an composers analysis is extensive; and when considered in published perspective, Larger motets on thousands of different t.*t". The it appears as part of a remarkably unified most popular was the antiphon sacrum convivium,, French song technique ranging frorn the thirieenth to which was set the sixteenth at least twenty- two times between fSiS centur_ies. Flnally, the text-setting and 1605. This paper is based on a comparative study rules will be considered in relLtionship to middle of these settings. French poetics in general, wherein it vrilI be seen that I begin each by investigating the external features of serves to clarify the other in new and significant al1 these settings - - ways. their finals and hexachordal syst-ems, mensuration shifts, repetition schemes, and liturgical designations. Such features reveal the existence of three separate compositional trad.itions ON THE TEXTING OF OBRECHT MASSES that seem to have been established just after the Barton Hudson, West Virginia Univers ity Council of Trent in settings by Andrea Gabrieli, Giaches de Wert, and Palestrina. Soon Munich, Universit6tsbibliothek young composers Ms. 20 Art. Z3g began to imitate these settings, most often one contains Obrecht's Missa Fors seulement with a notation well-known in their own geographic indicating Chat it was copied region. Venetians by Heinrich Glareanus and modeled their settings on Gabrieli,s notet, whereas Peter Tschudi from a manuscript in the composer's own Mantuan and Cremonese composers hand (ab exemplari eiusdem, i. e. Hobrechti, descripta) usually imitated. Wert,s . secting. In Rome (and certain S ince the Munich nanuscript pt gives evervevery evievidence denno ocher centers in Italy), of^1 composers seem to have adopted palestrina's motet as hawing been carefully prepared, it should give a sood idea of rhe srare of rhe Mass when their mode1. Thus the three traditions established by th; Gabrieli, Wert, and tî: i n t e r e s i "o..1]) Palestrina can in most cases be : I : : I^t-': .3j, "^t," " t s .";:"--': " ;rs^L : ; : associated distribution--some:l::. .': - voicesôî' of some^ sa.ri^-^ cornpletely.*uv,receI) with the cities in which they worked_ _with underlaid, some prowidedprovided onlvonly with.i;;-'^',:lt-t Venice, Mantua, and Rome. limited to inciDiincipits. ts TnIn some other "ro" drru some In order to view ^+L^- mas-o-'-""o Ilt u these traditions more closely, I shown stemmatically where similsimilar ar .-^.._l-"J-nounts can be turn to the earliest and latest settings " of c"*t from each rnr"t group- -works of Gabrieli (f565) and Giovanni Croce Y I

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Friday morning Friday rnorning 2T 20 (1605) (1556) and Pallavicino ' -and (1605), lJert A CATHOLIC },TANUSCRIPT FROM ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND Palestrina (L5. -72) Iz ) '"t'i"-aro Luzzasct-l^ tt::1' rhythrnic Palestrina j-l h."tt:-1 i" . tn"ti;;: Elizabeth Crownfield, New York University .*"rirritrgexamining thetheir meroqrc'meLodic, "-'----;stion, "nd and f ormal and.rre P-toj,:t--'iiff.rentiate^^*{ ^n )-anguage,i".er"g"] texttext,declamaLrotr declarnation ss^-onri at€ tnethe Not enough is known at the present tine about strictiresstructures andanq proPortions,P!uPvt , --tions. ,.-A o.rr'leValuate rrate styles of these tradl and Catholic music in Elizabethan England. The figure of contrapuntal .-nrrnrl Byrd stands out clearly, and a number of his ;:;':;:;";;; .;'iJ;;";;;";;";' iv reoo.-or'g""'i'ins (rnnova:i:::--:-:"'-:::l:' 'ii6o'^i".t"u" o-f- initative points ' connections have been traced, but there are many new forms of harmoniL organiiation, Lnd more consistent unresolved questions as to how music in general was synchronizatlon of harnoiic and metric events ' ) I find transmiCted among Catholics. tirat the regional traditions for setting A tenuous connection with Byrd exists in My Ladve convivium" differed significantly fron one another from Nevells Booke, containing music presented to the their inception and t'hat these differences persisted Catholic Neville farnily by a Catholic composer. The into the seventeenth centurY. scribe , John Baldwin, also copied several other important manuscripts; so far , however, no further evidence has surfaced to connect Baldwin or his THE NUNC DIMITTIS OF ORLANDO DI LASSO manuscripts to the Catholics. Peter Bergquist, University of Oregon A closer study of one of Baldwin's manuscripts (Oxford, Christ Church MSS 979-83) reveals new evidence Ten settings of the are securelY in support of such a link, though the fact that it ascribed to orlando di Lasso, and two others are almost consists almost entirely of Latin motets rtould not in certainly his. They survive only in choirbooks copied itself preclude Protestant use. A codicological for the Bavarian Hofkapelle during Lasso's tenure in analysis indicates that the manuscript is composed of Munich. A11 are alternatin settings, with polyphony some seven layers compiled over an extended period. for the three even-numbered verses. They fa11 into two Moreover, when set in chronological order, these layers chronological groups : four from c ' 1565 - 1570 , all of present an increasing concentration of texts r,ihich are which use a Iltl]]g--.ClB-llL-i-q- tone as cantus f irmus, and specifically Catholic, or which could have a topical eight fron c. 1585 - 1592, one of which uses a cantus application to the plight of the Elizabethan Catholics. firmus, the others being parodies of rnadrigals and This pattern, together with the dacing of the notets by Rore and Lasso. Discovery of the models for rnanuscript, reflects a growing political consciousness the two unascribed parody Nunc dinittis greatly in the Catholic community at 1arge. Together, the strengthens the probability that Lasso composed them. of Lasso's facts suggest that Baldwin hirnself was connected with One of these rnodels is the first rnadrigal the Catholic underground, and that the manuscript may cyc1e, Lagrime di San Pietro; this raises problerns of have been used in its services. chronology, since the Nunc dirnittis based on that nadrigal appears in a manuscript dated some ten years before the publication of the Lagrime. MISSA PASTORALIS BOHEMICA: The Nl4-g-g--.Cl4ilg-q- tones appear in the tenors of pervading APOTHEOSIS OF THE PASTORELLA? the five cantus - firmus works , occas ionally Mark Germer, New York University the other voices. In the parody works the model is most often quoted with Iittle change; the main to accommodate a At the heigbt of their popularity in the second adjustments are rhythnic, in order eighteenth century, the pastoral genres of diiferent number of syllables. Verse 4, "Lumen ad half of the of setting is usually for re-Catholici-zed Central Europe thoroughly dominated the revelationem," in either type to fewet voices and is most often freely composed' liturgical observance of Christrnas. In what appears Two settings that must be considered opera dubia originate as a rural tradition, srnal1 vernacular will also be examined. It will be shor^rn that an cantatas and lul1abies known as pastorellas brought antiptron, "Lumen ad rewelationem, " contrary to folk enactments of the biblical infancy narratives into Boettictrer's suggestion, is not a movemenc from an the frarnework of Divine Service, especially ( though not otherwise lost Nunc dinittis ' exclusively) at Midnight Mass and Christrnas Matins. Virtually every parish church, every monastery chapel, cultivated its own repertory of pastorella, usually composed by the 1oca1 schoolmaster (Kantor) or church organist. Connected to this tradition, yet throughout most of Central Europe sti1l distinct from it, was the -T

unlike. tl' art historians concerning the telescoping of tirne and pastoral mass (Missa pastoralis) which ' predeterrnined Latin text' the "ensemblisation" of events in genre paintings of pastorella, necessarily set a the period, I also examine the relationship between Many pastoral setcings of the ordinaiy "?:-t"T:u the artistic conventions r"tLfy because of 1tt"ir festive character;"pp"^t by !ne of the type of painting known niddle of the century, however, most contained musical as a "conversation piece" and the salon concert instruments associated with representation. Final1-y, I suggest that, by aIl-usions to the juxtaposing group shepherding or quotations of Christmas hymn-tunes. !"" a of chamber nusicians with an only in the Czsch lands did the traditions of popular audience some of whose nenbers ate apparently engaged piety intrude so far into Catholic ritual as to blur in conversation, the artist is also able to construct the distinctions between pastorella (an adjunct to an aesthetic paral1e1 between the art of conversation, liturgical practice) and pastoral mass (the core of a most important form of participation in the sa1on, Divine Service itself). Village cantors of Bohemia and and the eurerging charnber music idiom of the period--the Moravia not only composed pastorellas of greater styl-e dia1ogu6. sophistication, investing them with the sectional and narrative qualities of concerted mass movements, but also inserted pastorellas within and between movements MARRIAGE A la uoon: HAyDN's TNSTRUMENTAL woRKS of the Ordinary, creating jolting juxtapositions of 'ENGLISHED' FOR VOICE AND PIANO musical styles. Thus long before the RoZnitSl cantor Gr e t chen A. Wheelock, Eastnan SchooI of Music Ryba penned his famous desk6 nde vanodni (Czech Christmas Mass), which eschews the Latin liturgy Performances and publications of Haydn's music in altogether, the Bohemian pastoral mass had already London preceded him by some twenty-five years, gaining become one of the most curiously polyrnorphic genres in particular momentum in the decade before his arrival in the history of Catholic church music. L79L. In documenting the rise of Haydn,s popularity among the English, scholars have focused on the most RESPONDENT: Michael Beckerman, Washington University, reliable of indices: printed editions of his music and St. Louis documentation of public performances. Evidence of which works were known and r,rhen, and of the particular success of individual pieces, provides an index of English tastes and appetites. This profile remains MUSIC IN SOCIETY, HAYDN TO SCHUBERT incomplete, however, without attention to the large and Williarn Weber, California State University, telling circulation of Haydn's works in arrangements, Long Beach, Chair usually by anonymous hands , for various media, Arrangements offered the possibility of a domestic setting for public rrorks, one in which the amateur THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE SALON CONCERT RE-EXAMINED could participate in music-rnaking with farnily and Barbara Russano Hanning, City College friends. Thus, alongside the questions of which of and Graduate Cencer, CUNY Haydn works r/ere known and when, it is not insignificant to raise the issue of how these works The assumption that music served as background to were known. conversation and other activities in the Perhaps the most curious- -certainly the least pre-Revolutionary Parisian salon merits closer examined--of Haydn arrangements are those for voice and examination. In support of this assumption, social and piano, in which currently fashionable poems were wed to music historians from the mid-nineteenth century to the extant instrumental pieces. In London's competitive present have repeatedly referred to eighteenth-century rnarketplace, this rnarriage of convenience r{ras no doubt paintings and engravings, such as Ollivier's "Le th6 i a profitable one for arranger and publisher alike. but 1' anglaise dans Ie Salon des Quatre Glaces " - - a work the settlngs themselves offer suggestive evidence of chosen as a focus for the issues raised in this paper. the literary and musical tastes of their consumers: in Ollivier' s painting dePicts the child I4ozatx in Il 66 star J61yottse before the instrumental novements thus "honored," in the texts perforrning with the oPeratic the j udged to be suitably affective mates and in the aristocraiic habitu6s of the Prince de. Conti's salon, , states of inattention. alterations that both music and text undergo at the who are portrayed in various hands of After surweying the literature_ about this paintino the matchmaker. The four collections and the nature of its i"orto"t.^i.' individual issues catalogued by Hoboken IXXVIa. and re-examining Anhang], together with a fifth ,,evldence , ,' r propose alternative readirg" of an""'iiii collection discovered by tttat take lnto account recent theori es postulatea the author IBritish Museurn C.]38.y.(4.)l , consritute a by decidedly English repertory, most of which circulated Friday morning 25 FxidaY morning 24 vantage point of a stunned observer, it takes none of in the particulars of these the traditional vocal nus ic genres (Lied, ba11ad, late 1780s. The reveal " curios ities n deserve attentl-on for rshat they recitative, aria, scena, monologue, melodrama, etc.) as about reception history in the domestic sphere' a direct compositional modeI. Instead, the strange conflation of static and dynarnic irnages in Schiller's text suggests a close para11e1 with the theatrical "HdRT IHR WOHL'': tradition of tableaux vivants, in vogue throughout BEETHOVEN'S CHORAL FANTASY AS SUMMONS AND SERMON Europe during the early nineteenth century. Steven Moore Whiting, Madison, WI Enorrnously popular both in aristocratic salons and in the theater, tableaux were a form of social The critical repute of Beethoven's Choral Fantasy, entertainment in which groups of people arranged Opus 80, has suffered unduly through comparison to the themselves in fixed configurations initating well-known finale of the Ninth Synphony. This paper attempts a paintings or depicting famous historical or literary fresh, and fairer, perspective on the Fantasy by scenes. Through posture, gesture, and expression, as viewing it in the context for which it was well as costume, scenery, lighting, and music, the cornposed- -Beethoven's Academy of 22 Decernber 1808. An actors airned for as exact a realization of the scene as examination of the evidence at hand- - including the possible. concert bi11, contemporary reactions to the work and to Tableaux were performed at the Congress of Vienna its unusual scoring, and Beethoven's sketches- -suggests festivities in 1815 and ax the Kdrntnertortheater- - in that Beethoven intended the designation Finale ( found one instance, with Johann Michael Vogl taking part, on already at bar 27 of the work) to apply not so much to a program that included three Schubert songs. The the position of the Allegro within the Fantasy as to relationship between "Gruppe aus dem Tartarus" and the the position of the Fantasy within the whole concert. tradition of tableaux vivants has never been explored. This view is borne out by an interpretive analysis of In undertaking this task, I hope to illustrate the the Fantasy' s theme and variations and of its enormous value of examining the historical interaction connections to the theme's source, the double- song of music and the visual arts. " Seuf zer eines Ungeliebten,'/,,Gegenliebe . " Further evidence is derived from the formal and expressive connections between the Fantasy and other works introduced at the Academy, among them the "Pastoral,' Synphony, the Fourth Piano Concerto, and the Fifth MAHLER Synphony. Robert Bailey New York University, Chair Just as the Fantasy can be shown to exhibit an all too frequently overlooked formal integrity, so too the THE COMPOSITION OF MAHLER'S concert as a whole shows signs of having been shaped "ICH BIN DER WELT ABHANDEN GEKOMMEN" according to an underlying comprehens ive p1an. Not Stephen E. Hefling, Yale University just an assortment of recent works intended to display Beethoven's compositional prolress, the Academy amounts Anong the surviving sketches for Mahler's Lieder, to a r.ride - ranging yet cohes ive mus ical commentary on none are more extensive or instructive than those for some central concerns of the human condition--in effect "Ich bin der Welt abhanden gekommen" (New York, a sermon, to whose irnport the Choral Fantasy summons Pierpont Morgan Liberary, Cary Collection) . Composed attention, and for which it provides the ( inevitably the summer after his near- fatal illness of 1901, the inadequate) verbal and musical peroration. song held special significance for Mahler: "it is myself, " he told his confidante Natalie Bauer-Lechner. And following its premiere in 1905, he declared to the SCHUBERT'S "GRUPPE AUS DEM TARTARUS" (D.583) rnembers of Schoenberg's Vereinigung schaffender AND TABLEAUX VIVANTS Yale UniversitY Tonkrinstler: "Just as in nature the entire universe Marj orie I,Iing, has developed frorn the prirneval ce11 . so also in Probing the relationship between music music should a larger structure develop from a single and the motive in which is contained the germ of everything wisual arts provides invaluable ins ight into some that is yet to be. " musical works. A striking exampl-. lt^ :'cruppe aus a"**of Tarrarus" (D. 583), Schubert's terrifying portrait This is precisely the process that the prelininary the damned souls in Virgil' s He11 . This o.-.*"..1- " ' manuscripts document. The oriental tone of withdrawal deparrs radically in structure and.tvf. ir"-*';i^r song and mystical contemplation in Riickert's poem posed the of Schubert' s Lieder. Presented iror--;;" "":.1;:: central compositional problen. Accordingly, Mahl-er Friday morning 25 FxidaY morning 24 vantage point of a stunned observer, it takes none of in the particulars of these the traditional vocal nus ic genres (Lied, ba11ad, late 1780s. The reveal " curios ities n deserve attentl-on for rshat they recitative, aria, scena, monologue, melodrama, etc.) as about reception history in the domestic sphere' a direct compositional modeI. Instead, the strange conflation of static and dynarnic irnages in Schiller's text suggests a close para11e1 with the theatrical "HdRT IHR WOHL'': tradition of tableaux vivants, in vogue throughout BEETHOVEN'S CHORAL FANTASY AS SUMMONS AND SERMON Europe during the early nineteenth century. Steven Moore Whiting, Madison, WI Enorrnously popular both in aristocratic salons and in the theater, tableaux were a form of social The critical repute of Beethoven's Choral Fantasy, entertainment in which groups of people arranged Opus 80, has suffered unduly through comparison to the themselves in fixed configurations initating well-known finale of the Ninth Synphony. This paper attempts a paintings or depicting famous historical or literary fresh, and fairer, perspective on the Fantasy by scenes. Through posture, gesture, and expression, as viewing it in the context for which it was well as costume, scenery, lighting, and music, the cornposed- -Beethoven's Academy of 22 Decernber 1808. An actors airned for as exact a realization of the scene as examination of the evidence at hand- - including the possible. concert bi11, contemporary reactions to the work and to Tableaux were performed at the Congress of Vienna its unusual scoring, and Beethoven's sketches- -suggests festivities in 1815 and ax the Kdrntnertortheater- - in that Beethoven intended the designation Finale ( found one instance, with Johann Michael Vogl taking part, on already at bar 27 of the work) to apply not so much to a program that included three Schubert songs. The the position of the Allegro within the Fantasy as to relationship between "Gruppe aus dem Tartarus" and the the position of the Fantasy within the whole concert. tradition of tableaux vivants has never been explored. This view is borne out by an interpretive analysis of In undertaking this task, I hope to illustrate the the Fantasy' s theme and variations and of its enormous value of examining the historical interaction connections to the theme's source, the double- song of music and the visual arts. " Seuf zer eines Ungeliebten,'/,,Gegenliebe . " Further evidence is derived from the formal and expressive connections between the Fantasy and other works introduced at the Academy, among them the "Pastoral,' Synphony, the Fourth Piano Concerto, and the Fifth MAHLER Synphony. Robert Bailey New York University, Chair Just as the Fantasy can be shown to exhibit an all too frequently overlooked formal integrity, so too the THE COMPOSITION OF MAHLER'S concert as a whole shows signs of having been shaped "ICH BIN DER WELT ABHANDEN GEKOMMEN" according to an underlying comprehens ive p1an. Not Stephen E. Hefling, Yale University just an assortment of recent works intended to display Beethoven's compositional prolress, the Academy amounts Anong the surviving sketches for Mahler's Lieder, to a r.ride - ranging yet cohes ive mus ical commentary on none are more extensive or instructive than those for some central concerns of the human condition--in effect "Ich bin der Welt abhanden gekommen" (New York, a sermon, to whose irnport the Choral Fantasy summons Pierpont Morgan Liberary, Cary Collection) . Composed attention, and for which it provides the ( inevitably the summer after his near- fatal illness of 1901, the inadequate) verbal and musical peroration. song held special significance for Mahler: "it is myself, " he told his confidante Natalie Bauer-Lechner. And following its premiere in 1905, he declared to the SCHUBERT'S "GRUPPE AUS DEM TARTARUS" (D.583) rnembers of Schoenberg's Vereinigung schaffender AND TABLEAUX VIVANTS Yale UniversitY Tonkrinstler: "Just as in nature the entire universe Marj orie I,Iing, has developed frorn the prirneval ce11 . so also in Probing the relationship between music music should a larger structure develop from a single and the motive in which is contained the germ of everything wisual arts provides invaluable ins ight into some that is yet to be. " musical works. A striking exampl-. lt^ :'cruppe aus a"**of Tarrarus" (D. 583), Schubert's terrifying portrait This is precisely the process that the prelininary the damned souls in Virgil' s He11 . This o.-.*"..1- " ' manuscripts document. The oriental tone of withdrawal deparrs radically in structure and.tvf. ir"-*';i^r song and mystical contemplation in Riickert's poem posed the of Schubert' s Lieder. Presented iror--;;" "":.1;:: central compositional problen. Accordingly, Mahl-er ErLdaY morning Friday morning 27 26

of the song's t:1" reticent about the programnatic content of subsequent formed the "prlmeval ce11" ^t^it1e ones In the fron a pentatonic scale fragnent that diffuses --the . Third Syrnphony, for example , the traditional goar-oriented process of tonality'^ ylth movements have descriptive titles instead of a the aid of Linear and notiilc analysis one can follow narrative program, and Mahler is reported to have said copy that Mahler' s progress from raw sketch to fair ' he could have given such titles to the movements observing how-he deploys the basic nusical material in of the Fourth Symphony but chose to conceal them local an-tl lLarge-scal-e contexts to create "feeling that because critics would not understand his intentions. rises to the lips but does not pass beyond them," as he MahIer was reluctant to discuss such ideas in the Fifth put it. This paper will present sketch transcriptions, Synmphony. His rernarks about the Scherzo are not very analyses, and taped musical examples focusing on the explicit, and, at least superficially, Mahler seems to development of three crucial passages in the song: 1) have cornpletely dispensed with such extramus ical the central modulation in the second s trophe ; 2 ) the connotations as those associated vrith the earlier climax; and 3) the recapitulatory final strophe. "Wunderhorn" Symphonies. In this apparently abstract work, however, Mahler introduced programmatic elements through quotations from his own music. Within these ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE quotations from various songs of his Wunderhornlieder Christopher Lewis, Universi Ey of Alberta and Kindertotenlieder Mahler reveals a highly personal message. Having made such quotations, Mahler creates a Attempts to establish a conpositional chronology leve1 of rneaning that enhances the Fifth Syrnphony for Mahler' s must depend upon r,rithout naking it the sole determinant of contradictory secondary sources and an incomplete and interpretation. Through an examination of the pwzzling set of holograph scores. We may never be structure of the work, the self-quotations and their certain which three (or two) songs lrere composed in sources, and the evidence of rnanuscript materials, it 1901 and which two (or three) in 1904. The known is possible to outline a program that depicts the cornplete holographs ( in the Pierpont Morgan Library) personal triunph of Mahler in one of his most personal comprise piano-vocal "drafts" of the last four songs compositions. and Orchestral Drafts for all five. Two sketches, one now lost, are also known. Although evidence of the paper types is inconclusive, the papers of the IS MAHLER'S MUSIC AUTOBTOGRAPHICAL? A REAPPRAISAL piano-voca1 scores do reflect two different Vera Micznik, SUNY, Stony Brook compositional stages: trro scores are Composition Drafts and two are Fair Copies. Whether called "programmatic, " "rnetaphysical, " or De 1a Grange supposed in 1973 rhat the first three "autobiographical, " the extramusical dimension of songs date frorn 1901 and the last two from 1904; Mahler's music was seldorn explained on analytical Mitchell has rnore recently suggested that the third and grounds . Instead, it has been accepted as dogna, by fourth are from 19O4 and the others frorn 1901. The virtue of "historical evidence" drawn frorn Mahler's own piano manuscripts provide evidence that Mahler made the statements and from contemporary accounts. This paper Orchestral Drafts directly fron these curiously undertakes a re-evaluation of the issue different sources, and probably of therefore never did autobiographical content in Mahler's music both from a make Fair Copies for at least two of the songs. This historical and from an analytical point of view. in turn gives a rationale for a dating that reverses Firs t , I recons ider the contemporary accounts in the previously presumed chronology of two pairs of the historical perspective of the romantic aesthetic songs. The revised dating then stimulates a paradigms of absolute versus program music. A re - examination of the relationship between the re-exarnination of Mahler's letters and of early MahIer Adagietto of the Fifth Synphony and the studies that have not yet been fully evaluated (by Kindertotenlieder and other Rtickert songs Mahler Graf, Seidl, Schiedermair, Specht, Stefan, and Bekker) conposed in 1901. shor,rs that the idea of autobiographical meaning originates in misintepretations and distorted THE HIDDEN PROGRAM IN THE transmissions of the composer's comments . rnls FIFTH SYMPHONY OF GUSTAV MAHLER discredits the historical justification of the James L. Zychowicz, University of Cincinnati "autobiographical nyth,,, demonstrating that it grew out of the critics' lack of historical awareness. Second, challenging the autobiographical f or both .h" ,'"xn"tT .11:t'"'"oecame increas explanation, I propose an interpretation of meaning "tl::"lil 'fi;;:";?"n"J ingly that accounts for the purported extramusical quality of ErLdaY morning Friday morning 27 26

grounds-' wi.th basic criterion for evaluating art music in all periods the music on purely nuslcal, analytical of examples fron Mahler's syurphonies (especially the its efflorescence. Ninth), I examine the conventionally acquired semantic and syntactic meanings carried by the heterogeneous CHANGING CRITICAL LANGUAGE "typ." of materials" incorporated into the nusic' Th' IN significative network generated hereby interacts with SEVENTEENTH- CENTURY FRANCE the new, non-conventional context in which it appears' Georgia Colrart, University of South Carolina Fron this dialectic results that story- like quality rrhich gives the expressiveness of Mahler' s music a French quarrels over ancient and modern music were universality not allowed by the concreteness of the foreshadowed 1n Italian hurnanist quarrels as to whether autobiographical thesis . the ancient effects of music could be recaptured in modern times. More directly, they were influenced by the literary quarrels between Ancients and Moderns that raged in late seventeenth-century France. Para11e1 to the musical and literary quarrels ran the debate over CRITICAL VOCABULARIES ancient and nodern arx, which pitted Poussinistes Piero Weiss, Peabody Conservatory of Music Chair against Rubenistes and focused on the relative virtues of drawing versus color. In nusic, the opera of Lu11y nas taken as the perfect embodiment of the ancient 'ELEGANCE' AS A BASIC CRITERION IN MUSIC CRITICISM precepts; in painting, the works of Poussin. The Don Harr6n, Hebrew University, Jerusalem Acadenic position that art appeals prinarily to the intellect and only secondarily to the senses was The term elegance is one of a number of terms challenged in art by the "sensuous, " "bri11iant, " and borrowed from rhetoric and applied to music, in "modern" paintings by the colorists, and in music by theoretical Lrritings, from ancient tirnes on. It is the "sensuous, " "bri11iant, " and "modern" Italian considered here for its impact on music criticisn, with cantatas and sonatas which inundated France in the late special enphasis on the earlier period (until the seventeenth century. The paper will briefly review the seventeenth century) . critical theories of Poussin, especially his famous 1. Elegance as defined by the literary critics, theory of the Modes, rnuch of which is taken from among them Horace and Bernbo. Beyond the various Zarlino . Concentrating, however, oI the Academic meanings they assigned to elegance, three points are debates of the late seventeenth century, it wilI examined: the relevance of Iiterary doctrine to music prirnarily compare critical terminoloty and rnodes of as gag and scientia; the difference between elegance theoretical discourse in the then established field of and eloquence; the relation of elegance to model art criticisn, and in the newly-emerging one of rnusic theory, linking improvements in the practice of speech criticisn. In both, terrninological opposites were to the initation of worthy examples. established ( line/co1or, reason/emotion,

2. Barbarism, the contrary of elegance. The intellect/senses, expert/amateur, anc i ent/mo de rn , notion wil be traced as a constant in early grammatical French/Ita1ian, and 1ater, classic/baroque) which later and music theory (the critics asked to rid language of gave way to a more synthetic and relative mode. its corruptions, i.e., its vitia and barbarisni). 3. To be distinguished frorn elegance is the term propriety, likewise fundamental to licerary criticism, DAHLHAUS AND THE "IDEAL TYPE'': It wiIl be explained by reference to what the music THE USES OF EVIDENCE theorists described as "proprieties" of composition, of Philip Gossett, University of Chicago text placement, of singing. 4. The notion of elegance as an aesthetic CarI Dahlhaus' intellectual constructs concerning desideraturn implies a novel view of the musican as nineteenth-century music have stimulated, challenged, orator, as poet. Renaissance ttreorists will be enraged, and overwhelmed the nusicological community. considered for their observations on the particular His particular genius has been to synthesize Marxist kind of musician who responds to the urge for elegance. and Western perspectives, refusing to remove the Clearly, the term elegance is so broad as to be individual work of art fron the center of historical useful, beyond the temporal confines of the pru"".ra concern, yet insisting that history is more than the report , for nusic criticisn at 1arge. It o,l r, . discussed, tn conclusion, for irs t: consideration of musical masterpieces. By placing "plfi""li1r;;':" details of style in historical and intellectual frameworks, by finding terms with which to give both FridaY morning Friday afternoon 31 30 I value to less exalted genre.s' by musical and artistic FRIDAY, T NOVEMBER, 2:OO - 5:00 P.M recognizing the common roots in appar€nt1y r phenimena l!Iagner/Brahns, Beethoven/Rossini)' ^1iY::t"DahrrLaus has raised the level of discourse about nineteenth-century nusic and cornpelled scholars in all CHANT AND LITURG) specialized areas to expand thelr concerns above the John Boe, University of A,rizona, Chair particular. I Yet there ate serious problems with Dahlhaus' approach to music history, many centered on his crucial THE LOST CHANT TRADITION OF EARLY CHRISTIAN concept of the " ideal type. " Holtever intellectually JERUSALEM: SOME MELODIC SURVIVALS IN THE appealing his critical speculations and syntheses rnay BYZANTINE AND LATIN CHANT REPERTOIRES be, they often rest not on a careful consideration of Peter Jeffery, University of Delaware the nusical evidence but on abstract "ideal types' which, upon examination, too often fail to describe From the fourth to the eighth centuries, the accurately his oltn examples, 1et al-one the broader Iiturgy celebrated in Jerusalem exercised a profound musical phenomena they are meant to exenplify. Drawing influence over al1 other liturgical traditions then upon various sections of Die Musik des 19. developing in the Christian world. This is because Jahrhunderts, this paper will attempt to explore the pilgrims from all parts of the Roman empire and beyond, critical problern of reconciling brilliant insights qtith impressed by the rites of the Holy City, brought back faulty evidence and to consider alternatives to the liturgical practices that l,rere then irnitated Iocally. "ideal type. " In the last 20 years research into the Jerusalem sources has revolutionized our understanding of Iiturgical origins, making it possible to understand ERLAUTERUNG AND SCHENKER many practices that had previously been obscure. The Ian Bent, University of Nottinghan present paper further extends this ne!7 research by and Colunbia University showing how pervasive was Jerusalem's influence on the Eastern and Hestern chant repertoires. In the literature of music, the term Erleuterung The texts of the Jerusalem chant tradition are is now inseparably linked with Heinrich Schenker. In relatively welI documented, and many of them can be 1910 , he issued his study of J . S . Bach: Chronatische shown to have been adopted directly frorn Jerusalem into Fantasie und Fuge, subtitled Erlbuterungsausgabe. In other Eastern and Western chant repertoires. In a L9l3-2L, he published his stil1 more famous Beethoven: number of such cases, the surviving Byzantine and Latin Die letzten funf Sonaten, widely known as the melodies are all related, and their common features can ErlSuterungsausgabe. What did ErlSuterung mean to be regarded as vestiges of the original Jerusalem Schenker? Did it have an ancestry in writing about melody. This will be demonstrated for four groups of music? chants: 1) Hosanna and Benedictus cui venit chants for Investigation shows the tern to have been used by Palm Sunday, 2 ) Haec dies and some other graduals of many vriters, including Moritz Hauptmann (1841) , Ernst the Justus ut palma type, 3) the communions Gustate et von Elterlein (1854, 1856) and F. L. S. Dtirenberg videte, 4) some psalms of Good Friday. In general, the (1853). Later, two najor series were predicated on it: Ambrosian and Byzantine melodies appear to be closest Bechhold's Meisterfiihrer (1894- ) , whose anaLysts to the Jerusalem originals, the Gregorian and O1d Roman included ErIanger, Helrn and Riemann, and Reclam's least like then, the Mozarabic perhaps in between. ErlAuterungen zu Meisterwerken der Tonkunst (c. 1900) . Does this succession represent merely a weak usage of a comrnon term? Or does it constitute a genre of writing, THE },TELISMATIC BENEDICAMUS DOMINO with its own aesthetic basis? And does it connect up Anne Walters Robertson, University of Chicago with Mattheson's so-designated self-analyses in his Exenplarische Organisten-Probe of L7 19? What can hte The omnioresence of the Benedicarnus domino at the learn from observing the use of such terms as close of the office hours and of certain masses analysieren. d6composer and clq-Ulqlsli4 about the strands accounts for the many s izeable collections of melodies of analyticaJ- actiwity in the nineteenth century, and that appear in manuscripts frorn the eleventh century their convergence at that significant Point in history forward. Likerrise , the Benedicamus was one of the about 1910? earliest chants to attract the attention of composers of tropes and polyphony. Yet our knowledge of the early development of the chant and of its entrance into FridaY morning Friday afternoon 31 30 I value to less exalted genre.s' by musical and artistic FRIDAY, T NOVEMBER, 2:OO - 5:00 P.M recognizing the common roots in appar€nt1y r phenimena l!Iagner/Brahns, Beethoven/Rossini)' ^1iY::t"DahrrLaus has raised the level of discourse about nineteenth-century nusic and cornpelled scholars in all CHANT AND LITURG) specialized areas to expand thelr concerns above the John Boe, University of A,rizona, Chair particular. I Yet there ate serious problems with Dahlhaus' approach to music history, many centered on his crucial THE LOST CHANT TRADITION OF EARLY CHRISTIAN concept of the " ideal type. " Holtever intellectually JERUSALEM: SOME MELODIC SURVIVALS IN THE appealing his critical speculations and syntheses rnay BYZANTINE AND LATIN CHANT REPERTOIRES be, they often rest not on a careful consideration of Peter Jeffery, University of Delaware the nusical evidence but on abstract "ideal types' which, upon examination, too often fail to describe From the fourth to the eighth centuries, the accurately his oltn examples, 1et al-one the broader Iiturgy celebrated in Jerusalem exercised a profound musical phenomena they are meant to exenplify. Drawing influence over al1 other liturgical traditions then upon various sections of Die Musik des 19. developing in the Christian world. This is because Jahrhunderts, this paper will attempt to explore the pilgrims from all parts of the Roman empire and beyond, critical problern of reconciling brilliant insights qtith impressed by the rites of the Holy City, brought back faulty evidence and to consider alternatives to the liturgical practices that l,rere then irnitated Iocally. "ideal type. " In the last 20 years research into the Jerusalem sources has revolutionized our understanding of Iiturgical origins, making it possible to understand ERLAUTERUNG AND SCHENKER many practices that had previously been obscure. The Ian Bent, University of Nottinghan present paper further extends this ne!7 research by and Colunbia University showing how pervasive was Jerusalem's influence on the Eastern and Hestern chant repertoires. In the literature of music, the term Erleuterung The texts of the Jerusalem chant tradition are is now inseparably linked with Heinrich Schenker. In relatively welI documented, and many of them can be 1910 , he issued his study of J . S . Bach: Chronatische shown to have been adopted directly frorn Jerusalem into Fantasie und Fuge, subtitled Erlbuterungsausgabe. In other Eastern and Western chant repertoires. In a L9l3-2L, he published his stil1 more famous Beethoven: number of such cases, the surviving Byzantine and Latin Die letzten funf Sonaten, widely known as the melodies are all related, and their common features can ErlSuterungsausgabe. What did ErlSuterung mean to be regarded as vestiges of the original Jerusalem Schenker? Did it have an ancestry in writing about melody. This will be demonstrated for four groups of music? chants: 1) Hosanna and Benedictus cui venit chants for Investigation shows the tern to have been used by Palm Sunday, 2 ) Haec dies and some other graduals of many vriters, including Moritz Hauptmann (1841) , Ernst the Justus ut palma type, 3) the communions Gustate et von Elterlein (1854, 1856) and F. L. S. Dtirenberg videte, 4) some psalms of Good Friday. In general, the (1853). Later, two najor series were predicated on it: Ambrosian and Byzantine melodies appear to be closest Bechhold's Meisterfiihrer (1894- ) , whose anaLysts to the Jerusalem originals, the Gregorian and O1d Roman included ErIanger, Helrn and Riemann, and Reclam's least like then, the Mozarabic perhaps in between. ErlAuterungen zu Meisterwerken der Tonkunst (c. 1900) . Does this succession represent merely a weak usage of a comrnon term? Or does it constitute a genre of writing, THE },TELISMATIC BENEDICAMUS DOMINO with its own aesthetic basis? And does it connect up Anne Walters Robertson, University of Chicago with Mattheson's so-designated self-analyses in his Exenplarische Organisten-Probe of L7 19? What can hte The omnioresence of the Benedicarnus domino at the learn from observing the use of such terms as close of the office hours and of certain masses analysieren. d6composer and clq-Ulqlsli4 about the strands accounts for the many s izeable collections of melodies of analyticaJ- actiwity in the nineteenth century, and that appear in manuscripts frorn the eleventh century their convergence at that significant Point in history forward. Likerrise , the Benedicamus was one of the about 1910? earliest chants to attract the attention of composers of tropes and polyphony. Yet our knowledge of the early development of the chant and of its entrance into 32 FridaY afternoon Friday afternoon 33

the liturgy 1s sketchy, and scholars have yet to St.-Etienne or i-n a sna11 Left-Bank parish church? And catalogue the Benedica-mus melodies cornprehens ive1y. how could King Philip Augustus have "donated" thern when Frank Harrison, Mlchel Huglo , and Barbara Barclay, two were already listed in a tenth-century inventory of however, have begun this inquiry, and their work points the relics at the cathedral? The relic of St. Denis out a standard method of "composing" nelisnatic inspired a three-hundred year legal battle bet\,reen the Benedicamus nelodies like the popular FIos Filius and rnonks of St.-Denis and the canons of Paris. But by the Clementiam: they appear to have been borrowed from the later Renaissance, the Reception of the ReIics had florid passages in other forms of plainchant. ceased to be a living concern at Notre Dane. This paper offers new insight into the origins of the Benedicamus. It introduces significant collections RES?ONDENT: Craig Wright, Yale University of these chants which are found in eleventh- through fourteenth-century manuscripts from churches throughout Europe. These books al1ow us to identify the sources "OUR AWIN SCOTTIS USE" of some 19 heretofore unknown nonophonic Benedicamus Isobel P. Woods, University of NexTcastle upon Tyne melodies, several of which were used widely, to judge frorn the frequency of their appearance in a nunber of In 1507, James IV of Scotland issued a printing manuscripts. Some Benedicamus are shown to be related license for mass books, rnanuals, matin books and to well-known responsory tropes. Other rnelodies, such breviaries "efter our anin Scottis use',. Since of the as the Benedicanus l Preciosus and Surrexit, rrere taken t proposed series only a breviary was printed, many of from portions of the responsory preciosus and the the features of this Scottish use remain obscure. With a1leluia Surrexit, respectively, which also furnished the help of the so-ca11ed episcopal registers, library tenors for Parisian organal settings. FinalIy, the inventories, iconographical evidence, and choirbook paper cons iders the perfornance practice of the fragments, it is possible to trace what English and Benedlcamus frorn documents which illustrate the high Continental influences were present. The nain problern, level of ceremony that accompanied the singing of the however, is ascertaining the nature of the chants to chant on feastdays, and hence the need to set the words which the surviving Iiturgical texts celebrating in an elaborate manner. particularly Scottlsh saints were sung. Edinburgh University Library MS Borland zLL iv, the only known source of the Office of the Octave of ANOTHER LOOK AT A COMPOSITE OFFICE AND ITS HISTORY: Colurn Ci11e, contains examples of apparently indigenous THE FEAST OF SUSCEPTIO RELIOUIARUM IN MEDIEVAL PARIS Scottish chant as we1.1 as loca1 variants of more Rebecca A. Baltzer, University of Texas, Austin widespread material, and thus throws some new Iight on vrhat a Scottish chant tradition may have been 1ike. The December 4th feast of the Reception of the ReIics, peculiar to the Cathedral of paris in the lacer Middle Ages, cornnemorated the donation of relics of five saints to Notre-Dane: the Virgin, John the RENAISSANCE ARCHIVAL STUDIES Baptist, and SS. Andrew, Stephen, and Denis. This Christopher Reynolds, University of feast is an excellent example of a composite office California, Davis , Chair assenbled fron other occasions already celebrated, especially those honoring the five saints in question. This borrowing will be demonsrrated thiough a PATRONAGE AND MUSICAL ]NFLUENCE AT THE COURT transcription of the Office and Mass that identifies OF LORRAINE DURING THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY the liturgical sources for each item. Richard Freedman, University of Pennsylvania Sorne thirteenth-century Parisian breviaries contain an alternative set of lessons for Matins, and Our current view of musical life at the court of the Mass books vary in assigning two different craduals Lorraine under Duke Ren6 II (ruled L4l3 - 1508) and and Alleluias to this feast. But by the late Duke Antoine 1e bon (ruled - thirteenth-century, pair 1508 1544) is largely the they agree on a both available one outlined about a century ago by Al-bert Jacquot in in two-voice organum, prompting us to consider whether that availability influenced the choice. his pioneering book, La Musique en Lorraine. Based Although this feast has been disc,ussed upon documents now housed in the departmental archives by several of Meurthe - et-Moselle Jacquot' s study proved scholars, the historical evidence sti1l bear" _^,,;^: , has Was the feast establlshed in L218 or befor" l;;";=":"t' invaluable as a guide to further musicological riches the rellcs "dlscovered" ln the olcl were among the archi.val records of the ducal court, And my cathedral of recent research on the subj ect sheds ne!, light, not 54 FridaY afternoon Friday afternoon 35 only on musical life under the dukes of Lorraine, but post-Josquin polyphony, one containing an unknown rnass also under the Val-ois kings of France. by Jacquet of Mantua, and the other a repertory of This paper will focus upon the years around 1530, polychoral motets. Among those not catalogued is a a time of close political and musical bonds between the rnanuscript from the workshop of Alarnire . PanuzzL' s courts of Lorraine and France. Chronicles, catalogue thus reveals this richest of rePertories to ambassadorial dispatches, and unpublished archival be even richer in its secrets and treasures than docunents collectively show that singers and previouslY inagined. instrumentalists accompanied Duke Antoine on official visits to the kingdom of France. One such musician was Mathieu Lasson, mattre des enfants of the ducal chapel at Nancy and a composer of chansons and motets. NEW LIEDERHANDSCHRIFTEN FROM RENAISSANCE BASEL Examination of Lasson's music suggests that the John Krnetz, University Library, Basel composer was well-aware of the stylistic vogue then in ful1 swing at Paris--a style typified by certain r,rorks This paper will discuss the origins of two of Claudin de Serrnisy. Moreover, two ftagmentary music newly- discovered manuscript appendices to Printed manuscripts I recently discovered at Nancy show that partbooks and their scribally-concordant sources that rrorks from Parisian circles (including at least one by ar e hous ed in the 6 ffent I i che B ib 1 io thek de r Claudin hinself) were known at the court of Lorraine by Universitdt BaseI. Bibliographical and paleographical 1534- -precisely when pieces by Mathieu Lasson first evidence ( including comparison with related archival appeared in the offerings of the royal music printer, and lconographical naterial) not only suggests that Pierre Attaignant. Iacob Hagenbach (b. 1532) copied, illustrated and owned Together, this new musical and archival evidence these four sets of partbooks, but also argues that this helps to reveal a 1ike1y mechanism of artistic Basel goldsrnith conposed several of the pieces, two of interchange. And just as important as the details of which have previously been attributed to Heinrich the relationships themselves are what they can te11 us Isaac. about the strategies of the patrons which made thern In addition, the paper will relate these nusical possible. In short the court of Lorraine holds good sources to a poetry anthology conpiled by Hagenbach's promise as a mirror of French musical life. acquaintance, the Basel- doctor and fel1ow musician Felix Platter (1536 r614). This manuscript collection of verse is of particular significance in THE CATALOGUE OF RAFFAELE PANUZZI AND THE that tt provides over 50 German translations or REPERTORY OF THE PAPAL CHAPEL IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY contrafacta for some of the rnost popular madrigals and Mitchell P. Brauner, University of Alberta Parisian chansons of the sixteenth century. Since the Hagenbach manuscripts, like many other contemPorary The catalogue of the holdings of the Papal Chapel German sources, contain only Italian and French text prepared by Raffaele Panuzzi in L687 has been weII incipits for their foreign rePertory, scholars have known to scholars of Roman music for many years. yet frequently concluded that such pieces must have been q'hi1e this cross-listing of a1l of the pieces in the perforned instrunentally, rather than vocal1y, in Papal Chapel's repertory to the codices in which they German-speaking regions. Yet with the discovery of the are found would seem to be an eminently useful Platter texts which are " to be sung" to spec ific bibliographic , tool , it has been used, heretofore , pieces that are also found in the Hagenbach songbook, nainly for the reclamation of attributions to Josquin it is now possible to suggest that much of the foreign and Ockeghem, and 1itt1e else . The caralogue is rife repertory transmitted in at least these manuscriPts was with inaccuracies and collective entries. It is thus sung in German. necessary to develop a concordance between Panuzzi's shelf numbers and those currently listed for the Cappella Sistina collection before the catalogue can be useful. NEWLY DISCOVERED RENAISSANCE WORKS With the UNIQUELY PRESERVED IN NEI,I WORLD SOURCES concordance completed, and the Robert J. Snow, University of Texas, Austin inaccuracies analyzed and overcome , Panuzzi's catalosue yields a large amount of information; it allovs itr. The musicological cornmunity has known of the reconstruction of manuscripts that have evidently becone lost and exposes books passed existence of three large choirbooks at the cathedral in over or when Dom David to the collection only afrer L697. Trdo lost "arili.a Guaternala City since the mid- 1950s, especia11y stand out as important ;;i;;." Puj o1's article on then appeared in Anuario MusicaI. "oarra"""-*"'o, They received no serious musicological attention, 54 FridaY afternoon Friday afternoon 35 only on musical life under the dukes of Lorraine, but post-Josquin polyphony, one containing an unknown rnass also under the Val-ois kings of France. by Jacquet of Mantua, and the other a repertory of This paper will focus upon the years around 1530, polychoral motets. Among those not catalogued is a a time of close political and musical bonds between the rnanuscript from the workshop of Alarnire . PanuzzL' s courts of Lorraine and France. Chronicles, catalogue thus reveals this richest of rePertories to ambassadorial dispatches, and unpublished archival be even richer in its secrets and treasures than docunents collectively show that singers and previouslY inagined. instrumentalists accompanied Duke Antoine on official visits to the kingdom of France. One such musician was Mathieu Lasson, mattre des enfants of the ducal chapel at Nancy and a composer of chansons and motets. NEW LIEDERHANDSCHRIFTEN FROM RENAISSANCE BASEL Examination of Lasson's music suggests that the John Krnetz, University Library, Basel composer was well-aware of the stylistic vogue then in ful1 swing at Paris--a style typified by certain r,rorks This paper will discuss the origins of two of Claudin de Serrnisy. Moreover, two ftagmentary music newly- discovered manuscript appendices to Printed manuscripts I recently discovered at Nancy show that partbooks and their scribally-concordant sources that rrorks from Parisian circles (including at least one by ar e hous ed in the 6 ffent I i che B ib 1 io thek de r Claudin hinself) were known at the court of Lorraine by Universitdt BaseI. Bibliographical and paleographical 1534- -precisely when pieces by Mathieu Lasson first evidence ( including comparison with related archival appeared in the offerings of the royal music printer, and lconographical naterial) not only suggests that Pierre Attaignant. Iacob Hagenbach (b. 1532) copied, illustrated and owned Together, this new musical and archival evidence these four sets of partbooks, but also argues that this helps to reveal a 1ike1y mechanism of artistic Basel goldsrnith conposed several of the pieces, two of interchange. And just as important as the details of which have previously been attributed to Heinrich the relationships themselves are what they can te11 us Isaac. about the strategies of the patrons which made thern In addition, the paper will relate these nusical possible. In short the court of Lorraine holds good sources to a poetry anthology conpiled by Hagenbach's promise as a mirror of French musical life. acquaintance, the Basel- doctor and fel1ow musician Felix Platter (1536 r614). This manuscript collection of verse is of particular significance in THE CATALOGUE OF RAFFAELE PANUZZI AND THE that tt provides over 50 German translations or REPERTORY OF THE PAPAL CHAPEL IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY contrafacta for some of the rnost popular madrigals and Mitchell P. Brauner, University of Alberta Parisian chansons of the sixteenth century. Since the Hagenbach manuscripts, like many other contemPorary The catalogue of the holdings of the Papal Chapel German sources, contain only Italian and French text prepared by Raffaele Panuzzi in L687 has been weII incipits for their foreign rePertory, scholars have known to scholars of Roman music for many years. yet frequently concluded that such pieces must have been q'hi1e this cross-listing of a1l of the pieces in the perforned instrunentally, rather than vocal1y, in Papal Chapel's repertory to the codices in which they German-speaking regions. Yet with the discovery of the are found would seem to be an eminently useful Platter texts which are " to be sung" to spec ific bibliographic , tool , it has been used, heretofore , pieces that are also found in the Hagenbach songbook, nainly for the reclamation of attributions to Josquin it is now possible to suggest that much of the foreign and Ockeghem, and 1itt1e else . The caralogue is rife repertory transmitted in at least these manuscriPts was with inaccuracies and collective entries. It is thus sung in German. necessary to develop a concordance between Panuzzi's shelf numbers and those currently listed for the Cappella Sistina collection before the catalogue can be useful. NEWLY DISCOVERED RENAISSANCE WORKS With the UNIQUELY PRESERVED IN NEI,I WORLD SOURCES concordance completed, and the Robert J. Snow, University of Texas, Austin inaccuracies analyzed and overcome , Panuzzi's catalosue yields a large amount of information; it allovs itr. The musicological cornmunity has known of the reconstruction of manuscripts that have evidently becone lost and exposes books passed existence of three large choirbooks at the cathedral in over or when Dom David to the collection only afrer L697. Trdo lost "arili.a Guaternala City since the mid- 1950s, especia11y stand out as important ;;i;;." Puj o1's article on then appeared in Anuario MusicaI. "oarra"""-*"'o, They received no serious musicological attention, Friday afternoon Friday afternoon 37

however, until 1985, when I obtained filrns of these first part of the treatise, which is devoted to vocal three books and a recently discovered fourth one. practices. An examination of the newly-discovered book, Ms. 4, reveals The treatise begins with a presentation of the that it contains otherwise unknown settings smaIl- scale ernbellishments, ilustrated by the most of portions of the Lamentations Francisco of Jererniah Uy systematic and conprehensive ornament table in any Guerrero, Santos de Aliseda, and Morales as Italian source of the period. Of even greater well as an alternatim Salve Regina by palestrina. It also has several -iiliorn inportance, however, are the avvertimenti on the facing pt.tior.ly works by pedro page, which offer advice regarding rhythnic and dynarnic Bermudez, a Spaniard from Gianada who came to the New WorId in the nuances associated with the ornaments. Rognoni's early 1590s, and by Fernand.o Franco, description of the tremolo as a termination for other another important New World figure of Spanish birth, An examination ornaments is unique among Italian sources of the of the other three manuscripts also period, as is his discussion of the portar la voce, the provides pleasant surprises. Ms. 2 contains an port otherwise unknown ancestor of the French de voix. Subsequent Vespers hyrnn by Guerrero as weIl as sections of the treatise demonstrate the fusion of the significantly different versions of nearly two-thirds of the two styles of enbellishnent. In the diminution tables, hyrnns he published in his 15g4 Liber- Vesperarun. s,ruppr and trilli terminate manv of the elaborate A nurnber of factors suggest that the C.r"t.rn"1., passaggi, versions and trernoli are sprinkled 1ibera1ly represent the original forms of these hyrnns throughout. Near the end of the book are three and that the published versions of 15g4 are revisions made in the ernbellished motets that demonstrate the application of 1570s when the Breviary of pius V rl/as Rognoni's principles to complete conpositions. The introduced into Spain and its Nevr WorLd possess ions . second of these illustrates a style ca11ed cantar a1la Arnong other works uniquely preserved in one or bastarda, in which the solo singer skips from one line another of the books are a Vespers hyumn by Portuguese the of the original motet to another, ernbellishing Gaspar Fernandes, the only known Miss"a a 4 profusely. by Allegri, and several srnall ,oik" by ott Rognoni's Selva is perhaps the rnost comprehensive unknown Iberian singers qrho came to the Ner,r World"*i". in source for vocal practice to be published in Italy the late sixteenth century. in The paper the seventeenth century. It deserves to be better wilI consist of a description of the known, for rnuch of its infornation can be found in no manuscripts in question, particularly of the recently other source. discovered Ms. 4, and comments on the works by European composers uniquely preserved in them. It will include "1"o a brief discussion of differences between the A GRAMMAR OF IMPROVISED ORNAMENTATION: Guerrero hyurns as they occur in Guatemala Ms. 2 as published and JEAN ROUSSEAU'S VIOL TREATISE OF 1587 in 1584 and a presentation of the reasons why John Spitzer, University of Michigan the Guatemalan versions seem to be the earlier of the two . In the third chapte! of his Trait5 de 1a viole ( 1587 ) Jean Rousseau describes the various ornaments (agr6rnens) used in viol playing. For each ornament he gives a list of rules specifying the musical situations PERFORMANCE PRACT]CES John Itajdu, in which that ornanent should be used, Rousseau's University of California, analysis rnay be considered as a "generative grammarrr of Santa Cruz , Cha ir irnprovised ornamentation, that is, a set of rules that produces a series of well - forrned utterances - - in this case, stylistically correct rnelodies. Several authors FRANCESCO ROGNONI'S SELVA DE VARII PASSAGGI (1620) : of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century instrument VOCAL STYLE IN TRANSITION tutors (e. Stewart Carter, Wake Forest g. , Danoville , L68l; Freillon-Poncin, 1700; University Hoyle , 7770; Lorenzoni, 1779) give instructions for ornamentation that resenble grammatical rules, but only The Selva de varii passaggi of Francesco Rognoni is a treatise on embellishment that rufI..t"" Rousseau turns these instructions into a systematic and ih. comprehens ive grammar . transition between two eras. It is the last in a line of Renaissance diminution manuals, fong In this paper Rousseau's rules for ornamentation but it i; ;i"" are formulated explicitly and expressed following the an important early source for the small-"""1. or.r"r;;;" associared with rhe Baroque. This srudy rnodel of Chornskyrs linguistics. Rousseau's grammar is """ri;;;'";;. seen to be what linguists call a "context sensitive" grammar: the operation of a rule ( i. e . , the addition Friday afternoon Friday afternoon 37

of an ornament) depends on the muslcal context in which al. rule is applied. Furthermore, Rousseau,s grammar of ornanentation ARTICULATION AND 'NOTES INEGALES' turns out to have,,variable stiength,, ACCORDING TO ENGRAMELLE rules - - that is , some rules must be applied in ceriain George Houle, Stanford University musical contexts, while the appiication of weaker rules is optional. This means thaL a given melodic line nay Marie-Dominique -Joseph Engrarnelle' s be ornanented in several differen-t ways. (L775) explains the mechanism for a sma1l music-box The paper also evaluates Rousseaurs grammar to see whether organ, ca11ed the serinette , that was capable of it can ornanent a rnelodic line in a playing tunes within the compass of roughly an octave. stylistically appropriate manner. Several pieces with His directions for the arrangenent of pins and bridges written - out ornamentat ion from the on cylinders have been programmed into a computer and late - seventeenth- century viol repertory lrere selected the resulting musical reconstruction has been recorded. and stripped of their ornaments. Rousseau, s rules were Engranelle's directions regarding notes in6gales then applied to these skeletal rnelodies to see whether and ritardandi are considerably more detailed than the original vers ion was generated. Rousseau's those found in any other source. Every note is partly grammar produced all the original ornaments, plus many I sustained and partly silence, and may be identified as more, naking the resulting melody florid but in rnosr either tenue or tact6e by the duration of cases stylistically acceptable. the sustained I part. Articulation is modelled on a singerrs i pronunciation, with silences anticipating strong VARIATION consonants and sustained notes preceding unarticulated TECHNIQUES IN THE FIGURED.BASS TRADITION syl1ables. Engraurelle comments on varying the degree AS PRESCRIBED BY FRIEDERICH ERHARD NIEDT yale of inequality within a piece as well as specifying Philip Russom, University ratios such as 3:2, 5:3, 7:5, and 9:l for unequal notes. It is instructive to hear these degrees of Appearing as the second volume of his three_volune precisely Musikalische Handleitung, inequality realized. Friederich Erhard Niedt,s The conception of Engrarnellers treatise in The New Har.rdleitung zur Variation (170d) includes considerabfe information Grove must be revised in light of the actual sound of on "how the bass and the figures over it the music. His directions for perforning equal notes nay be varied, elegant inventions made, holl, from a simple figured bass, preludes, "rid unequally show remarkable sensitivity to musical style chaconnes, allemandes, as well as clear articulation of meter, An courantes, sarabandes, menuets, gigues and the like rnay be constructed. understanding of Engranelle's articulation techniques " Virtually ignor-a Uy scholars , this could greatly benefit of volume merits attention for a number of reasons. Performances It is eighteenth- century music . the most detailed discussion of variation technique found in writings of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The second edition (L72L) was edlted by none other than Johann I,{attheson, who includes extensive an NINETEENTH - CENTURY THEATER commentary on Niedt's work in the form of Rey M. Longyear, University of Kentucky, Chair lengthy footnotes. Niedtrs variations concern not only composition and accompaninent, but also improvisation ac the keyboard. He reveals much about the art of dirninution THE MUSICAL PREMIERE OF GOETHEIS FAUST, PART I as he breaks the bass in the left hand and Richard D. Green, Northi{estern Univers ity creates arpeggios and passage work in the right. Finally, Niedt's treatise illustrates, more clearly than There arre in the history of modern poetry few any other, that variations (especially when works in which prominently does externporized) are integral music figures as as it to the art of thoroughbass in Goethe' s Faust . From its conception in 1-77 5 ( the realization. Urfaust) several obvious stylistic features of the This paper fa11s into three parts, The first part drama qTere directly influenced by the poet's summarizes and illustrates Niedt's variation methods. appreciation of musj-c: the occasionally rnusical nature The second part places Niedt' s work in an historical of the language itself, the pantomimic suggestiveness context by cornparing the Handleitung zur Variation to other music of certain scenes, and the many direct references to treatises. The third part music within the text. While the Faust theme has variation suites and partitas by Georg Bijhrn and"""ifr"" J. S. Bach inspired numerous musical settings, few of these are to show how the variation techniques prescribed by based directly on Goethe's version, and the poet Niedt were used creatively by his contemporaries. hinself contributed to only the first setting of his 38 Friday afternoon Friday afternoon 39

This paper will consider poem. This xTas the incidental nusic to part I of Meyerbeer's approach to Faust, by Prince Anron Radziwill _ Italian duet conventions in the grand operas, with (1,775 1833), which enphasis upon text structure, was prerniered in Berlin in 1820. This paper documents dramatic pacing, Goethers collaboration in the tonality, and texture . Original perforrning parts alteration of Faust for document the shape of sorne numbers before Radziwill's libretro, and examines the and eleventh-hour st!ucture of this score. ";tl; rehearsal cuts. Changes made earlier are often in the Goethe's Gesprdche, diaries, and correspondence recorded Papiers Scribe; in several chronicle the evolution instances--most notably the Raoul-Valentine duet of Les of Radziwill's rnusic in the documents twelve years following the publication of the first Huguenots--the show a progression from a part of Faust in 1808 relatively conventional to a relatively unconventional . In its final form, the work out of the consisted of 25 nurnbers organized into two acts that working rnodel. In contrast to a sometimes include most of the expressed view that Meyerbeer,s operas are essential scenes of the drana, and unirnaginative concatenations all but one of its rnusical episodes. Throughout its of borrowed ideas and so1os, ensembles, and procedures, it will be suggested that his approach rras melodrarnas, Goethe,s text was inventive, frequently eschewing generally set faithfully; in a few important scenes mechanical forrnulae in , favor of responsiveness to individual dramatic however, RadziwiIl clearly contradicted. the poet, s intentions. I s ituations . Although Goethe considered Radziwill to be an t. ingenious cornposer, he was not uncritical of certain PENSIERO": passages of the score. ZeLxer clairned that he could "VA ANALYSIS, CRITICISM, noc sufficiently praise AND CRITICAL EDITIONS Radzir,rill's style, especially Roger Parker, in his sensitive setting of the text, which ZeIter Cornell University considered best "the that can be done in this genre." The paper Following its premiere Radziwill's Faust achieved focuses on one of Verdi's most famous considerable popularity, early ehoruses, the number which, more than any other, and over the following three contributed to his posthumous decades it contributed to a wider acceptance of reputation as "vate de1 Goethe's enigmatic Risorginento. " The inquiry takes as its point of and neglected drama. The work was departure various lrays discussed by Schurnann in the NZfM and acclaimed in the in which the chorus's AITZ. Upon currently-available musical and literary text differs hearing it, Loewe wrote: "One can from the reading truthfully say r,re now have a Faust in musical in the cornposer, s autograph. Each literature - level of s ignificant divergence - - in words , harmonic " details, phrasing and articulation, and overaLl structure--is then used as a basis for analysj-s, and as a stimulus to criticism. MEYERBEER AND 'LA COUPE ITALIENNE" Fina11y, the structural Steven Huebner, McGi11 University irnplications of the autograph reading lead to a consideration of the chorus's reception in its first few years, In the early stages of drafting for the libretto and of ways in which our view of early of Les llgguenots in t832, Meyerbeer requested. Verdi, both as a musician and as a "po1itical" force, his has been influenced by the cultural traditions of late librettist Eugdne Scribe to cast some of the duets in a frangaise" ,'coupe nineteenth- and early twentieth- century Ita1y. The "coupe and others in a italienne. " paper Meyerbeer did not describe what he meant by these gives rise to several related conclusions: that terms, except Verdian analysis can take surprising directions if to indicate that in the former the based "niddIe" and "fina1" ensembles should have identical on the autograph rather than on the current piano -voca1 scores ; that source criticism and mus ical texts rrhereas in the latter the two ensenbles should criticisn have different words and "rhythrns.,, Nevertheless, are often intimately related; and that the it pervasive irnage of Verdi as an "engaged" artist is seems clear even fron this brief description that the based evolution of the four-part structural conventions less on contemporary evidence than on the aesthetic and political preoccupations of later associated by scholars in recent years with set pieces generations. in ltalian opera frorn Rossini to Verdi cannot be traced on Italian soil a1one. It wilI be argued that the great najority of duets in the four French grand operas of Meyerbeer may be best understood in light of the Italian rnodel; the "coupe frangaise, " on the other hand, has a single possible manifestation in the Robert-Bertram duet of Robert 1e diable afternoon 40 Friday afternoon Friday 41

BORROWINGS, "AIR PARLANTS", AND STRAVINSKY AND OCTATONICISM LEITMOTIFS IN PARIS , ].825.1850 Williarn W. Austin, Cornell University, Chair Marian Srnith, yale University This session will be devoted to a discussion of During the second quarter of the nineteenth analytical and nethodological issues raised in Richard century, the p!actice of borrowing pre-existent Taruskin's article ',Chernonor to Kaschei: Harmonic rnelodies vras commonplace in parisian rnusical circles, Sorcery; or, Stravinsky's,AngIe,n (JAMS, Spring 1995). Pianists and publishers adopted opera nelodies as The discussants are Elliott Antokoletz (University of themes for variations; entrepreneurs took over arias Texas, Austin), A1len Forte (Yale University), Lawrence and choruses, wholesale, for use in their popular Gushee (University of Illlnois), pieter pastiches; van den Toorn staff composers at the Op6ra, when charged (University of California, Berkeley), and Richard with the task of providing accompaniments for ba1lets, Taruskin (Colurnbia University), who will also respond appropriated rnelodies fron well-known instrumental to the other discussants- music. Perhaps the most interesting forn of nusical borrowing practiced in Paris at this time hras the air parlant: a snippet of a well-known texted melody (frorn SATURDAY, 8 NOVEMBER, 9:00 ro l-2:00 A.M. folksong or opera) inserted- - sans text- - into ballet scores, in order to help the audience understand the plot. The rise and fa11 of the air parlant is CHANT welI-chronicled in the Parisian press of the era, and Lance Brunner, University of Kentucky, Chair in the long-forgotten ba11et scores now housed in the Bibliothdque de 1'Op6ra But of equal interest is the fact that certain THE NORTHERN ITALIAN ANTIPHONS ANTE EVANGELIUM ba11et composers, eschewing the technique of airs James M. Borders, University of Michigan parlants , turned increas ingly, in the 1830s and 1840s to , the device known today as the Leicmotif. A study of Antiphons Ante Evanqelium, elaborate chants sung the air parlant, of some composers' dissatisfaction before the Gospel at Mass, ate remnants of a sacred with it, and of Parisian audiences' dependence upon it, repertory that existed prior to the introduction of the contributes to a better understanding both of Franco-Roman dialect. fn the Italian chant tradition nineteenth-century Parisian nusical life and of the they are most closely associated with the Arnbrosian pre-Wagnerian Leitnotif as it r{as used in perforrnances rite, although only a handful of chants at the Paris Op6ra. are designated "Ante Evangelium" in Milanese chantbooks. A rnuch larger group of 29 antiphons Ante Evangeliurn is preserved in manuscripts from other northern and central Italian centers, particularly Benedictine monasteries, but only a few of these are known to have Ambrosian paralleIs. Were the rernaining chants once part of a larger Milanese repertory? Using as point - a of departure Michel Huglo's study of the dissernination of Ambrosian chantl I sha1l compare the antiphons Ante Evangelium in the non-Anbrosian sources with a variety of chants with sirnilar texts and melodies in Milanese books, discovering new Ambrosian paral1e1s among the transitoria, antiphons and responsories for Matins and Vespers. I sha1l then exanine the distinctive formal and melodic characteristics of these chants in Iighc of previous observations concerning the style of early medieval Italianate chant. RESPONDENT: Alej andro E. plancharr, University of California, Santa Barbara Friday afternoon Saturday morning 43

BENEVENTO AND MILAN: RITEs AND MELoDIEs coMPARED formulaic usage among several rnodal groups of Introits Thomas Forrest Ke11y, Arnerican Academy in Rome and also fornulaic interrelationships that link this genre to others, both antiphonal and responsorial. The Beneventan chant of south .Ita1y has been recognized si.nce the pioneering studies of Dorn Hesbert half a century ago as the remnarrt of a liturgical THE CHANTS OF MUSICA AND SCOLICA ENCHIRIADIS practice that antedates the introduction of Gregorian Nancy Phillips, Indiana University Chant in the region, When the scribes of the surviving manuscripts refer to the local music, however, they The ninth-century Enchiriadis treatises illustrate invariably call it "Anbros ian. " And indeed, pope modality and organun with exanples largely drawn from Stephen IX in 1058 specifically forbade the singing of the antiphons and psalurody of the weekly oifice. These "ambrosianus cantus" at Montecassino. examples provide the oldest chant rnelodies that can be Arnbrosian is, of cou!se, also the name for the transcribed with accuracy, preceding by at least two rite of Milan, one of the ferr non-Gregorian chant hundred years those of the antiphoners and psalters repertories to survive the Carolingian urge to using staff notation. Five of the antiphons in the unifornity. And although these two bodies of chant are treatises are transmitted with melod.ies that are very substantially independent, a thorough conparison shows sinilar or identical to those of the later antiphoners, that a nurnber of pieces share common texts and, in some but four antiphons, two psalrn tones, and the Te Deum cases, melodies. differ significantly in the great majority of the 1at", This paper details these sinilarities. Melodic sources. comparisons shorr the nature of the musical relationship This paper focuses on the ninth- century rnelodies between the repertories and suggest that in many cases that differ from the later tradition. One of th" psalm the Beneventan version of a chant represents a stage tones is proposed as the so-caIled tonus irregularis, closer to a common original. The separate development hitherto unknown in its complete forrn in trt" ci.gorT". from the joint repertory is connected with the fall of tradition. A handout accornpanying the paper privides the northern kingdorn of the Lornbards in the eighth the ninth-century rnelodies and identifies those few century and the subsequent continuation of Lombard later sources that transmit the same melodies. The tradition in the Beneventan South. strongest relationship is observed in sources from Aachen, llexz, Mainz, north Italy, Benevento, Soissons, Paris, Langres, and Worcester. About seventy musical FORMULAIC USAGE AMONG GREGORIAN INTROITS sources of the eleventh to fourteenth cencuiies forrn Theodore Karp, Northwestern University the basis of this srudy; they are briefly described in the handout. In the past Gregorian melodic constructions have ordinarily been classified according to a system with three categories: type melodies, centonized melodies, and free nelodies, As scholars have moved towards more SOME ATTRIBUTION PROBLEMS IN RENAISSANCE MUS precise descriptions of chant, the shortcomings of this Mary Lewis, Brown University, Chair system have becorne increasingly apparent. The need for a reappraisal of the term centonization" has already " ufreeu been recognized by several. The term melodies PHILIPPE BASIRON, PHILIPPON, PHILIPPON DE BOURGES; as applied to lntroits, Offertories, and Communions, is AN ENICMA RESOLVED equally open to misconception and misuse. It tends to Paula Higgins, Duke University create the irnage of individualistic rnelodic constructions that avoid the stereotypical. Yet the The identity of the fifteenth-century composer forrnulaic character of Gregorian Introits has already Philippe Basiron has long been the subjecr oi schoiarly been noted by scholars such as Thomas Connolly and speculation. Besides a L'homme arrn6 Mass and other Hendrik van der Werf. Study shows that these chants sacred works, Basiron,s musical Iegacy includes some differ frorn the melisnatic genres prinarily in terms of half dozen French chansons transrnitted primarily in the the structural leve1 of formulaic usage and only group of sources commonly referred to as the secondarily in terms of the density of such use. At Franco-Burgundian chansonniers. Conflicting ptesent we do not have any account of the manner in attributions of some of Basiron's pieces to "philippon" r+hich formulae operate within this repertoire. This and the reference by Gaffurius to a certain "phifippon paper wil"l demonstrate the various principles of de Bourges" make it unclear as to whether one, cro,^o, three different composers are involved. Saturday morning Saturday morning /45

Based on archival documents uncovered in paris and as an introduction to Basiron's sacred nusic. This is Bourges, this paper will trace philippe Basiron,s a tiny corpus, comprising only three Masses and three musical career at the Sainte-Chape11e of the royal notets, palace at Bourges, a previously unstudied center of I sha11 give brief descriptions of the notets rnusical activity, frorn 1458 to his death some time Inviolata. integra et casta es and Reeina ce1i, as well before 1491. Besides presenting archival, literary, as the Missa Regina geIi, Missa L'homrne arm6, and Messa and rnusical evldence that Philippe Basiron, philippon, de Franza. In conclusion I shall discuss matters of and Phillppon de Bourges all refer to one and the same dating and of Basiron's relationship to his composer, the paper will discuss several other better-knor,rn contenporaries. I hope to generate fifteenth-century musicians associated with this increased interest in the music of this obscure but institution, including the hitherto unidentified extraordinarily taLented composer. conposer GuLllaune Faugues. Despite its previous obscurity, the Sainte-ChapeIle of Bourges lras evidently among the most elite musical establishrnents associated A BOLOGNESE INSTRUMENTAL COLLECTION with the French crown. As scholars continue to explore oF THE EARLY CINQUECENTO the archives of other ecclesiastical centers in the Susan Forscher Weiss, Goucher College Loire Val1ey and central France, we will eventually be able to reconstruct the considerable, but as yet Literature about Renaissance rnus ic frequently largely unrecognized, musical legacy of the cites Bologna, Civico French Museo Bibliografico Musicale , royal court. Codex A 18 (olim 143), but refers to it as a someqrhat peripheral source, often nentioning it only in passing. As yet there is no published inventory. OCKEGHEM OR BASIRON? A DISPUTED SALVE REGINA The nanuscript consists of disparate fascicles. AND A "VERY NOTABLE" I,IINOR COMPOSER Frottole and 1aude, rnany with complete texts, occupy Jeffrey J. Dean, University of California, Los Angeles the first 19 folios; but the rernainder of Q 1g consists of approxinately 7O textless pieces, some a !, the A Salve regina in the MS Cappella Sistina 46, long majority a 4, Alurost half of the compositions have not considered a work of Johannes Ockeghern, has recently been found in any contemporary source and none is been challenged by the editor of the notets in ascribed, although from concordant readings more than 0ckeghenrs complete works, Richard WexIer has pointed 423 pieces can be attributed to such Jorpo".r" as out that the motet is attributed to the little known Isaac, Josquin, Conpire, Tromboncino, Caxi, Caron, Philippe Basiron in an Antico print of 1520, and has Brumel , Busnois , and Agricola. l,iatermarks , scribal also brought forth evidence suggesting that the features , and repertoire establish the manuscript' s attribution in C,S. 46, now seriously rnutil_ated by the Bolognese origin, c. 1495 - c. 1505. The last third of binder's knife, may originally also have read Q 18 was copied by Glovanni Spararo (?1458 - 1541), rhe "Basiron, " If this is correct, there is no evidence farnous and influential Bolognese theorist, teacher, contesting Basiron' s authorship of the Salve reeina, composer, and choirmaster. and Ockeghen's surviving motet oeuvre, already sura11, Sorne currently held views of musical style rnust dirninish by one motet. features r+ould inply that the rnaj ority of conpositilns I have deterrnined that this is actually the case. in Q 18 were either conceived or selected for Detailed paleographic exanination of the renains of the instrumental perforrnance. If they were, it seems attribucion in C. S . 46 ( including a comparison between 1ikely that portions of the manuscript were conpiled conjectural restorations of the ascription as both ,'Jo, fof use by the Concerto palarino della Signoria di ockeghen" and "Ph. basiron") leads me to conclude that Bologna, the civic instrumental ensemble. Tht position the Salve regina was certainly attributed to Basiron bv of this group within the context of musical p"tro.r"g. the scribe. under the Bentivoglio family and the place of Bologna The fact that the motet r/as written by the lesser in northern Italian musical culture will be illuminaled composer should not lead us to ignore the piece, for it by means of newly recovered documents and through the is a nasterpiece of late-fifteenth-century music, repertory of Q 18. Bas iron, recently shown to have been a s inger of the Sainte-Chapelle in Bourges frorn 7458 to his death in 149I, r,ras highly regarded during the generation after his death; in one ins tance he is referred to as " trts -notable . " I sha11 present a close descriptive analysis and a recording of the Salve regina to serve Saturday morning Saturday morning 47

2) Orchestral parts are consistently marked SOME NON-CONFLICTING ATTRIBUTIONS, "piano" and "forte" to acconpany solo voices and tutti AND SOME NEWLY ANONYMOUS COMPOSITIONS respectively. FROM THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY In at leas t these s ix cantatas the tutti choral Stanley Boorman, New York University forces included more than one otherwise the distincrion between ""=t1T,t A surprisingly large number of rnadrigals frorn the would have been unnecessary. Twenty additional"i;t,,.1:::; church first generations of composers, including Arcadelt, cantatas contain (generally fugal) passages accompanied Festa, Verdelot and Willaert, survive rvith conflicting only by continuo. With only - one exception, the attributions in their various sources. The maj ority of instrumental parts for these movements do not contain the names are attached to the compositions in printed dynamic rnarkings. This argues strongly against the sources, principally the work of Gardane and the alternation of solo and tutti choral foices in these 20 Scottos (with Antico) during the 1530s and 1540s. cantatas. The manner by which the printers entered the The parts to BWV 63 give added evidence, for tl/ro composers' names was largely a matter of printing-house tenor parts survive. One of these is clearly a tutti routine. The practices a11or,red for specific types of part, since the recitative and duet are rnarked ,,tacet.,, rnistake, and, when they rrere changed, allowed for In the opening chorus, however, this same part contains misunderstanding and inconsistencies. As a result, a the music for the entire movenent--including the fugal number of the conflicting attributions can be shown to section accompanied by continuo a1one. For ttis be the probable result of printer's error, and not of a cantata, the evidence suggests that Bach' s chorus had deliberate change of opinion. rnore than one singer per part throughout. This paper will outline the techniques followed by the printers, in particular when three madrigals appear RESPONDENT: cerhard Herz, University of Louisville on an opening, and will demonstrate the rnanner in which mistakes arose; it will also indicate some forty cases in r,rhich specifie attributions nay be disregarded, THE INFLUENCE OF FRESCOBALDI ON A FUGUE involving (among other narnes) Arcadelt, Alfonso de11a FROM BACH'S WELL-TEMPERED CLAVIER Vio1a, Corteccia, Festa, Mr Jhan, Layolle , Naich, de James Ladewig, University of Rhode isf"na Silva, Verdelot, Willaert and Yvo. Johann Sebastian Bach, perhaps more than any other composer in the history of Western nusic, was consciously atrare of his indebtedness to the legacy of earlier conposers. Among Bachrs p"r"gon! 'r"" BACH Frescobaldi. In 1714, Bach acquired a nanrsJript copy Alfred Mann Eastman School of Music Chair of Frescobaldi's ['iorl nusicali. He ."rt"infy must have steeped. himself in this , r"i., for C, p. E, Bach placed Frescobaldi's name at the top of the list of TUTTI-SOLO ALTERNATION IN THE composers who (he told ForkeI ) had influenced his CHORAL MOVEMENTS OF BACH CANTATAS father as a young man. In particular, the ricercars of Richard Benedum, University of Dayton Frescobaldi had a special influence on Bach and on the late Baroque period. in general, for this genre was an In recent years scholars have debated the size of important predecessor of the fugue. It is well known Bach' s chorus . Bach hirnself gives several clues , thus that in the contrapuntal works of f,i" last years Bach far largely neglected, that shed light on this issue turned to the ricercar for inspiration, as evidenced by and the related matter of solo - tutti alternation ' In .the. archaic subj ects of the Art of Fugue and the six cantatas, he marks "so1o" and "tutti" alternations Musical Offering clearly in the perforning parts and gives occasional But the clearest evidence of Bach's indebtedness clues in the scores as we11. In these cantatas the to the music of Frescobaldi has until now gone entirely following conditions accompany Bach's explicit rnarking unnoticed. The Fugue in C# ninor frorn the first part of "so1o" or "tutti" in the vocal parts: of the Well-Tempered Clavier of L722 uses the 1) orchestral forces are greatly reduced, subj ect as Frescobaldi's "Ricercar primo" of 1615. ""*uThe generally to continuo a1one, when solo voices are unconventional formal design of Bach's triple fugue, specified. which follows that of Frescobaldi's ricercar, and Bach's employment of contrapuntal devices also found. in Frescobaldi's piece strongly suggest that Bach

.€4eF%e*=-_. Saturday rnornlng Saturday morning 49

.€4eF%e*=-_. 50 SaturdaY morning Saturday rnorning 51 knowingly patterned his fugue after this ricercar. An on a host of other important Bach-related matters, such analysis of these two compositions will reveal not only as the fate of the chorale cantata manuscripts, the Bach's indebtedness to Frescobaldi and the early performance of Baroque ornamentation as taught by Baroque contrapuntal styIe, but also innovations and Wilhelm Friedemann Bach, and the Bach rnalerials refinements made by Bach in the construction of his existing in provincial libraries around 1g00. fugue, The Forkel - Hoffneister & Krihnel letters, owned in 1932 by C. F. Peters Verlag in Leipzig (Hoffneister & Kiihnel's successor) , were clearly a prirnary d.ocument ON THE CHRONOLOCY OF BACH'S INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC: for Bach scholarship. But before their contents could OBSERVATIONS ON THREE ORGAN AND KEYBOARD WORKS be transcribed in fu11, they disappeared, victims of Russell Stinson, University of Michigan the upheaval caused by the approach of World War IL Their precise whereabouts remained unknown until last Formulating a chronology for J. S, Bach's winter, when they were found in a file dravTer in New instrunental music remains one of the prinary tasks York, With the letters was docurnentation tracing their confronting Bach scholarship today. Although few fascinating post-lrar fate. But more surprisingly in an prinary sources for the repertory have survived, recent accornpanying folder sat a cornplete, annotated research has shown that, by integrating textual transcription and Cranslation rnade by the late Arthur criticisn, stylistic analysis, and biographical study, Mendel, who had planned to publish a special edition of substantial progress in this area is possible. I will the correspondence in 1955. The Forkel - Hoffrneister & adopt this nethodology and apply it to three rnajor Bach Ktihnel letters can noxT be read in their entirety, and compositions: the Fantasy and Fugue in A Minor (BWV their contents do, indeed, provide tantalizing naterial 904) ; the Pastorale in F Maj or (Bi^lv 590) ; and the for Bach research- Prelude and Fugue in C Major (BWV 547). This paper has benefited from an exhaustive study of Bach's clef usage in his keyboard and organ music, as well as a detailed investigacion of the Bach LISZT manuscripts in the hand of Johann Peter Kellner (1705 - Carolyn Abbate, princeton University, Chair 1712). Information yielded by this research is used to corroborate evidence gathered from stylistic analysis and, to a lesser extent, biographical study. I FRANZ LISZT AS AUTHOR; NEw DoCUMENTARY EVIDENcE conclude that the tlro movements of BwV 904, James A. Deavi1le, Northwestern University traditionally assigned as a prelude - fugue pair to the early Leipzig years, originated as independent Pieces In the controversy over Liszt's authorship, written in either the late L72Os or the 1730s; that BWV scholars have lately re-established the irnage of Liszx 590, generally assumed to be a youthful composition, is as creative author in his own right. More recently, a product of the Leipzig period; and that BWV 547, long they have begun to refute the fallacious arguments of considered to be a late Leipzig work but recently earlier detractors and argue about the issue of assigned by George Stauffer to the C6then period, authorship from unpublished docurnents. In this paper, indeed dates from the late 1730s or early 1740s. I will take that discussion one step further: I will draw conclusions on the authorship of specific writings, using unpublished primary documents from THE FORKEL . HOFFMEISTER & KUHNEL LETTERS: T-.iszt's years in Weimar. They consist of newly A BACH BIOGRAPHICAL SOURCE RECOVERED discovered autographs for two writings by Liszt (De 1a George B. Stauffer, Hunter College and fondation-Goethe i Weimar and F. Chopin), unpublished Graduate Center, CUNY correspondence of Liszt with his "collaborator,' Princess Carolyne Sayn-Wittgenstein, and autograph In an article appearing in the L932 Peters letters by Liszt's colleagues in i^Jeimar (corneiius, Jahrbuch Georg Kinsky described a series of 26 letters PohI, and Raff, among ochers). hrritten by the early Bach biographer Johann Nicolaus These documents provide a r.realth of information Forkel to the Leipzig publishing firrn of Hoffrneister & concerning the origins of several writings by Li-szt between 1801 and 1814 from Ktihne I . The letters, penned ' the 1850s. In general, the sources present a more chiefly concerned the Printing of Hoffrneister & complex situation than allowed by radical proponents of Kiihne I ' s J . S . Bach, Oeuvres comDlettes , the first either viewpoint on his authorship. On the one hand, attenpt at a Bach "Complete I'iorks" series, for which the calligraphic evidence of the article autographs Forke 1 served as advisor. But the letters also touched suggests a very substantial creative role for Liszt in

M 50 SaturdaY morning Saturday rnorning 51 knowingly patterned his fugue after this ricercar. An on a host of other important Bach-related matters, such analysis of these two compositions will reveal not only as the fate of the chorale cantata manuscripts, the Bach's indebtedness to Frescobaldi and the early performance of Baroque ornamentation as taught by Baroque contrapuntal styIe, but also innovations and Wilhelm Friedemann Bach, and the Bach rnalerials refinements made by Bach in the construction of his existing in provincial libraries around 1g00. fugue, The Forkel - Hoffneister & Krihnel letters, owned in 1932 by C. F. Peters Verlag in Leipzig (Hoffneister & Kiihnel's successor) , were clearly a prirnary d.ocument ON THE CHRONOLOCY OF BACH'S INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC: for Bach scholarship. But before their contents could OBSERVATIONS ON THREE ORGAN AND KEYBOARD WORKS be transcribed in fu11, they disappeared, victims of Russell Stinson, University of Michigan the upheaval caused by the approach of World War IL Their precise whereabouts remained unknown until last Formulating a chronology for J. S, Bach's winter, when they were found in a file dravTer in New instrunental music remains one of the prinary tasks York, With the letters was docurnentation tracing their confronting Bach scholarship today. Although few fascinating post-lrar fate. But more surprisingly in an prinary sources for the repertory have survived, recent accornpanying folder sat a cornplete, annotated research has shown that, by integrating textual transcription and Cranslation rnade by the late Arthur criticisn, stylistic analysis, and biographical study, Mendel, who had planned to publish a special edition of substantial progress in this area is possible. I will the correspondence in 1955. The Forkel - Hoffrneister & adopt this nethodology and apply it to three rnajor Bach Ktihnel letters can noxT be read in their entirety, and compositions: the Fantasy and Fugue in A Minor (BWV their contents do, indeed, provide tantalizing naterial 904) ; the Pastorale in F Maj or (Bi^lv 590) ; and the for Bach research- Prelude and Fugue in C Major (BWV 547). This paper has benefited from an exhaustive study of Bach's clef usage in his keyboard and organ music, as well as a detailed investigacion of the Bach LISZT manuscripts in the hand of Johann Peter Kellner (1705 - Carolyn Abbate, princeton University, Chair 1712). Information yielded by this research is used to corroborate evidence gathered from stylistic analysis and, to a lesser extent, biographical study. I FRANZ LISZT AS AUTHOR; NEw DoCUMENTARY EVIDENcE conclude that the tlro movements of BwV 904, James A. Deavi1le, Northwestern University traditionally assigned as a prelude - fugue pair to the early Leipzig years, originated as independent Pieces In the controversy over Liszt's authorship, written in either the late L72Os or the 1730s; that BWV scholars have lately re-established the irnage of Liszx 590, generally assumed to be a youthful composition, is as creative author in his own right. More recently, a product of the Leipzig period; and that BWV 547, long they have begun to refute the fallacious arguments of considered to be a late Leipzig work but recently earlier detractors and argue about the issue of assigned by George Stauffer to the C6then period, authorship from unpublished docurnents. In this paper, indeed dates from the late 1730s or early 1740s. I will take that discussion one step further: I will draw conclusions on the authorship of specific writings, using unpublished primary documents from THE FORKEL . HOFFMEISTER & KUHNEL LETTERS: T-.iszt's years in Weimar. They consist of newly A BACH BIOGRAPHICAL SOURCE RECOVERED discovered autographs for two writings by Liszt (De 1a George B. Stauffer, Hunter College and fondation-Goethe i Weimar and F. Chopin), unpublished Graduate Center, CUNY correspondence of Liszt with his "collaborator,' Princess Carolyne Sayn-Wittgenstein, and autograph In an article appearing in the L932 Peters letters by Liszt's colleagues in i^Jeimar (corneiius, Jahrbuch Georg Kinsky described a series of 26 letters PohI, and Raff, among ochers). hrritten by the early Bach biographer Johann Nicolaus These documents provide a r.realth of information Forkel to the Leipzig publishing firrn of Hoffrneister & concerning the origins of several writings by Li-szt between 1801 and 1814 from Ktihne I . The letters, penned ' the 1850s. In general, the sources present a more chiefly concerned the Printing of Hoffrneister & complex situation than allowed by radical proponents of Kiihne I ' s J . S . Bach, Oeuvres comDlettes , the first either viewpoint on his authorship. On the one hand, attenpt at a Bach "Complete I'iorks" series, for which the calligraphic evidence of the article autographs Forke 1 served as advisor. But the letters also touched suggests a very substantial creative role for Liszt in

M Saturday morning morning Saturday 53

those r{ritings. The autographs to the time but whieh established its ohrn Goethe-Foundation !rriting reveal it incontrovertibly to progression, rules of be a work sketched continuity, and contrast. and rsorked out by Li.szt, and the F. Evidence of this kind of Chopin autograph features only occasional marginalia by music is to be found in Liszx's earliest period, the 1g30s. It then occurs the princess. On the other hand, the unpublished his music, in letters do not deny her all even in that of the Weinar period, *ii"f, a rnajor collaborative role in is generally regarded as the "Richard i^Iagner's Rheingold, " for which no autographs apex of his."r".'r are known to conposer of "normative" tonal music. In his "".last exist. Such conclusions mean that further years, it cornes to occupy prominent investigation of the question of Liszt's authorship a poisition, as in must proceed on the Via Crucis (L876 - LBtg). a case-by-case basis, as prirnary This paper offers a sources and related documentation is rnade available for technical study of the the individual writings. experimental mus ic , presenting analytical aiafts that ate intended to illurninate its unusual features, to demonstrate their theoretical basis, and to provide a point of departure for a THE ORGANIZATION OF LISZT'S TASSO more detailed study of SKETCHBOOK stylistic attributes and their developrnent in Li'szt's Rena Charnin Mueller, New york University music altogether. The analytical procedures employed in the paper Of the nine surviving Liszt sketchbooks, perhaps derive frorn contemporary reductive the richest is the Tasso Sketchbook (WRgs MS N5). With rn.fhod", the resuits of which are interpreted with respect to a entries dating from 1845 - 1848, N5 contains several conprehensive other works of great importance system of pitch relations that is not in addition to the dependent upon a traditional tonal orientation. orchestration draft of Tasso itself. Ar:nong these are drafts of three pieces in the set Harnonies po6tiques et religieuses; several themes used in the later LISZT AND BEETHOVEN: versions of the Hungarian THE CREATION oF A PERSONAL MYTH Rhapsodies, entered. into N5 Al1an Keiler, Brandeis University in both Liszt's hand and in the hand of an anonymous copyist; an early versi.on of Liebestraum II; the first, The figure of Beethoven had a central importance unpublished, Ernani paraphrase; and two hitherto in the creative life of unknown and unpublished piano fantasies the romantic composer, fn fhe based on thernes case of Liszt, the influence of Beethoven from operas by Donizetti and Meyerbeer. particularly was paper intense, and his dedication to that This vril1 describe the sequence in which conposer rdas reflected throughout rnaterial was entered into N5 and the recovery of leaves his long life in a variety of ways . Indeed, no more s ignificant or rernoved by Liszt from the sketchbook. At least L7 revealing artistic relationship pages r{rere torn f than that of Beethoven rorn the book- - including both complete to Liszt could be explored in the works ( the Ernani transcription; the Marche du Sultan nineteenth century. I will attenpt to sholr rhat Liszt, probably during the Abdul Mehj id) and miscellaneous pages ( skerches for a decade work of the 1830s, created as part of his cal1ed Mazeppa). Some of these pages were biographical self- irnage personal actually dated by Liszx; others contain place a connection to the names actual figure of Beethoven that had only the most that can be firurly fixed. As a result of the tenuous relationship reintegration of these pages, to actual events. This self_ image a ner,r dating emerges for contained elements of the fanily romance (Liszt the symphonic poem Tasso, previously thought to have attenpted to been lrritten in 1849, negotiate his ambivalent feelings toward. as well as new information on the father by displacement and idealization composition and organization of the set Harmonies ll"figure of the oo6tioues et reliqierreeq of Beethoven as an artistic father), as rre11 as elements that enacted various motifs of the traditional image of the artist. The period I will consider takes.in the earliest LISZT 'S EXPERIMENTAL MUSIC IN CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVE years of Liszt's Allen Forte, Yale University musical training in Hungary and. goes no further than about 1840, the fime of the'"pp"".I.r"" of the_ f irst biographical studies of Liszt. 'iy Throughout his creative lifetine Li.szX composed is f o.r_r" two exclusively biographical and psychological. I wiIl kinds of music: the more norrnal nusic with which consider two kinds of evidence: his public persona is usually associated, and the type 1) the early years of ],i1zc. in_ Hungary and the musical and psychological of music which I will call "experimental, " music which relationship of Liszt r{ras not in accord with the grammatical norms of and his father, as well thu the facts surrounding the so-caIIed "Weihekuss,, and"" its aftermath, especially the conflicting recollections 54 Saturday morning SaturdaY morning 55 that Liszt left of it; 2) the biographical narratives that appeared in the early 1840s, insofar as they treat AN INTRODUCTION TO THE SONGS AND ACTS ON THE T.O.B.A. the question of the early relationship of Beethoven to Thomas Riis, University of Georgia Liszt (in order to show how various recurrent narrative motifs have been constructed that do not provide a The Theater Owners' Booking Association (T.O.B.A.) factual reconstruction of the composer's early years, was the largest vaudeville circuit ever to shotrcase but rather reveal universal conceptions of the creative black talent for black audiences. In its heyday, in artist). the 1920s, the T.O.B.A. booked such luminaries as Ma Rainey, Bessie Smith, Ethel Waters, Butterbeans and Susie, and the Whitrnan Sisters over a string of theaters spread countrywide though concentrated in the AMERICAN MUSIC S outh . Richard Crawford, University of Michigan, Chair The texture of Southern musical theater by and for blacks can be felt through the extant records--booking contracts, letters, advertisements, artifacts, and THE TRAVELS OF A TUNE; sheet rnusic - - of tlro Georgia houses , the Douglass and BEETHOVEN, SAM COWELL, AND "SWEET BETSY" Morton Theaters. This presentation will attempt to Anne Dhu Shapiro, Harvard University paint a co- ordinated picture of the theatrical 1ife, the business concerns that controlled theater booking, To the musicologist accustomed to studying the and the musical activities characteristic of traveling sornetimes elusive and always rnultiforrn versions of acts. tunes circulated primarily in an oral tradition, the The uraj or musical idioms ernployed- -b1ues, novelty outlines of the tune most frequently known as and Tin-Pan Al1ey songs--are familiar. But the "Villikens and his Dinah" nay at first seem attention paid to blues or pop singers and repertoires distressingly blatant and unvarying. There is much in the literature usually neglects the circumstances in published evidence of the travels of the tune, from its which the songs were performed, especially their setting as an "Air Ecossais" by Beethoven to its use connection to the "tab' (condensed musical comedy) for the wi1dly popular quasi-Cockney parody of the show. My paper will illustrate in brief the forrnat of ballad "Wil1iarn and Diana, " which the comedian Sam a typical T.O.B.A. vaudeville night, outlining a Cowel1 carried throughout Britain and the United States probable sequence of events with its musical components and published in his 120 Cornic Songs of 1850, as scrutinized, Taped excerpts from the great "Villikens and his Dinah. " Its appearance in various singer-vaudevillians of the period will also be goldrush songsters as "Sl,/eet Betsy from Pike" is the included if tinre pernits. version known to most Americans. What lies behind these published versions, however, is an enormous group of closely related tunes ELLINGTON'S EAST ST. LOUIS TOODLE-OO AND ITS SOURCES known prirnarily to the country fiddlers and singers who Mark Tucker, Brooklyn, NY have used them fron the eighteenth through the twentieth centuries under such titles as "Paddy Whack, " On 29 Novenber 1926 Duke EIlington (l-899 - L974) "Lord Randal," and "The Croppy Boy," to name but three' and his orchestra recorded four pieces for the Vocalion Frorn close study of the orally transmitted as r'rell as label. The date marked Ellington's first opportunity the printed vers ions , cwo important facts emerge : to record a group of his own compos itions , thus first, that a popular tune, even before the age of mass beginning a trend that would characterize the rest of media, could have an enormous effect on the repertoire his career. One of the works recorded that d"y was of a prinarily oral tradition, and second, that the East St. Louis Toodle-Oo, so titled, EIlington later process of an oral tradition can transforrn even the said, in an attempt to promote Vocalion sales in the most blatant of tunes into a subtle work of art' This black community of East St. Louis, Illinois. Over the short history of the "Villikens and his Dinah" tune and next vear and a ha1f. Ellinston returned to East St. all its relations illustrates the interaction of Louis Toodle-Oo on six separate occasions, more than printed and oral transmission, as well as the any other piece in the band's repertory. By the late widespread popularity of the theatrical repertoire in 1920s East St. Louis Toodle-Oo had becone the theme the nineteenth centurY. song of Ellington's band, retaining this status until about 1940. Late in Ellington's Iife, his orchestra stilI featured the piece in rnedley of early compositions. 54 Saturday morning SaturdaY morning 55 that Liszt left of it; 2) the biographical narratives that appeared in the early 1840s, insofar as they treat AN INTRODUCTION TO THE SONGS AND ACTS ON THE T.O.B.A. the question of the early relationship of Beethoven to Thomas Riis, University of Georgia Liszt (in order to show how various recurrent narrative motifs have been constructed that do not provide a The Theater Owners' Booking Association (T.O.B.A.) factual reconstruction of the composer's early years, was the largest vaudeville circuit ever to shotrcase but rather reveal universal conceptions of the creative black talent for black audiences. In its heyday, in artist). the 1920s, the T.O.B.A. booked such luminaries as Ma Rainey, Bessie Smith, Ethel Waters, Butterbeans and Susie, and the Whitrnan Sisters over a string of theaters spread countrywide though concentrated in the AMERICAN MUSIC S outh . Richard Crawford, University of Michigan, Chair The texture of Southern musical theater by and for blacks can be felt through the extant records--booking contracts, letters, advertisements, artifacts, and THE TRAVELS OF A TUNE; sheet rnusic - - of tlro Georgia houses , the Douglass and BEETHOVEN, SAM COWELL, AND "SWEET BETSY" Morton Theaters. This presentation will attempt to Anne Dhu Shapiro, Harvard University paint a co- ordinated picture of the theatrical 1ife, the business concerns that controlled theater booking, To the musicologist accustomed to studying the and the musical activities characteristic of traveling sornetimes elusive and always rnultiforrn versions of acts. tunes circulated primarily in an oral tradition, the The uraj or musical idioms ernployed- -b1ues, novelty outlines of the tune most frequently known as and Tin-Pan Al1ey songs--are familiar. But the "Villikens and his Dinah" nay at first seem attention paid to blues or pop singers and repertoires distressingly blatant and unvarying. There is much in the literature usually neglects the circumstances in published evidence of the travels of the tune, from its which the songs were performed, especially their setting as an "Air Ecossais" by Beethoven to its use connection to the "tab' (condensed musical comedy) for the wi1dly popular quasi-Cockney parody of the show. My paper will illustrate in brief the forrnat of ballad "Wil1iarn and Diana, " which the comedian Sam a typical T.O.B.A. vaudeville night, outlining a Cowel1 carried throughout Britain and the United States probable sequence of events with its musical components and published in his 120 Cornic Songs of 1850, as scrutinized, Taped excerpts from the great "Villikens and his Dinah. " Its appearance in various singer-vaudevillians of the period will also be goldrush songsters as "Sl,/eet Betsy from Pike" is the included if tinre pernits. version known to most Americans. What lies behind these published versions, however, is an enormous group of closely related tunes ELLINGTON'S EAST ST. LOUIS TOODLE-OO AND ITS SOURCES known prirnarily to the country fiddlers and singers who Mark Tucker, Brooklyn, NY have used them fron the eighteenth through the twentieth centuries under such titles as "Paddy Whack, " On 29 Novenber 1926 Duke EIlington (l-899 - L974) "Lord Randal," and "The Croppy Boy," to name but three' and his orchestra recorded four pieces for the Vocalion Frorn close study of the orally transmitted as r'rell as label. The date marked Ellington's first opportunity the printed vers ions , cwo important facts emerge : to record a group of his own compos itions , thus first, that a popular tune, even before the age of mass beginning a trend that would characterize the rest of media, could have an enormous effect on the repertoire his career. One of the works recorded that d"y was of a prinarily oral tradition, and second, that the East St. Louis Toodle-Oo, so titled, EIlington later process of an oral tradition can transforrn even the said, in an attempt to promote Vocalion sales in the most blatant of tunes into a subtle work of art' This black community of East St. Louis, Illinois. Over the short history of the "Villikens and his Dinah" tune and next vear and a ha1f. Ellinston returned to East St. all its relations illustrates the interaction of Louis Toodle-Oo on six separate occasions, more than printed and oral transmission, as well as the any other piece in the band's repertory. By the late widespread popularity of the theatrical repertoire in 1920s East St. Louis Toodle-Oo had becone the theme the nineteenth centurY. song of Ellington's band, retaining this status until about 1940. Late in Ellington's Iife, his orchestra stilI featured the piece in rnedley of early compositions. Saturday morning Saturday afternoon 57

East St. Louis Toodle-Oo has long been Iinked with Hawkins recorded prolifically the distinctive sonic identity of the ElIington with a nuriber of orchestra. sma11 independent recording companies after the In Early Jazz, Gunther Schuller cites ii as of the AFM ban on one of the first examples of the settlenent recordings in 1943. While "Ellington effect" in most of these recording sessions plate Hawkins in the orchestration. Yet an exanination of East St. Louis conpany of relatively conservative Toodle - Oo I s swing rnusicians, a sources reveals the extent to which few preserve the sound of his working combos, Ellington derived his style from the work including of others. tl;e 1944 band with Monk as pianist and the Ig45 combo The main thene has been attributed to EILington's included trumpeter James that McGhee and Pettiford. These recordings "Bubber" Mi1ey. In fact, important docunent a fascinating overlap betrreen. Hawkins, parts of this melody turn up in a solo played by harmonically complex yet rhythrnically trornbonist Charlie Green two years pond.erous idiorn earlier, on a and the rhythnic suppleness of the emergent bebop recording by Fletcher Henderson of i.I. C. Handy's The style. Gouge of Armour Avenue. A related rnelodic figuie, also perforrned over a ninor-mode vamp, can be heard on Louis Armstrongrs L926 recording of yes! I'm in the Barrel. For the C section of East St. Louis Toodle_Oo, SATURDAY, S NOVEMBER, 2 : 00 5:00 P.M. Ellington borrorred a chord progression quite common in earlier ragtime pieces and popular songs. The brass section's theme towards the end of the piece is closely related to TOPICS IN RENAISSANCE MUSIC the B strain of Scott Joplin's and Louis Margaret Bent, Princeton University, Chauvin's Heliotrope Bouquet. A discussion of these Chair and other borrowings, together with a consideration of the piece's first published and recorded versions, may help provide MARCHETTO,S INFLUENcE: THE MANUScRIPT EVIDENCE a critical context for evaluating Jan Herlinger, Louisiana State Ellington's early development as a composer. University Marchetto of Padua, in the Lucidarium of l317/Lg, developed a doctrine of rnode that became the basis of the polyphonic "BEAN nodal theory of the Renaissance, AND THE BOYS": expanded the theory of nelody to encompass chromatic COLEMAN HAINKINS AND THE DEVELOPI,{ENT OF BEBOP progressions, and Scott DeVeaux, University described a tuning system that broke of Virginia through the linitations of the traditional "Pythagorean" system. Colenan Hawkins (19O4 - L969) one , of the first Judging from his influence on prosdocirno, Ugolino, important soloists on the tenor saxophone, has always Giorgio Anselrni, been accounted a rnajor figure of the Tinctoris, Gaffurio , EwrzLo, "swing era" of the Bonaventura da Brescia, Aaron, Lanfranco, Vicentino, 1930s. His role in the emergence of bebop in the and others, Marchetto must 1940s, however, has received considerably be reckoned the mosE less influential music theorist in Italy between Guido of attention. And yet Hawkins , perhaps more than any Atezzo and Johannes Tinctoris. other musician of his generation, was directly involved But there is with the formation of the new style. further testimony to Marchetto,s impact: the ideas of his that surface in theory This study exarnines Hawkins' activities in the manuscripts of the fifteenth and s ixteenth centuries . early 1940s, and assesses the degree of mutual These ideas are transmitted principally influence between Hawkins and the younger bebop through collections of excerpts frorn the Lucidarium, some musicians through an analysis of extant recordings, popular enough to After the failure of his large dance orchestra develop their own manuscript in 1940, traditions; reworkings of rnaterial from it to fashion Hawkins devoted hinself exclusively to the srna1l combo independent treatisqs (some, format. As an established jazz again, with their own star, he was in a manuscript traditions) ; amalgamations of Marchetto's pos ition to seek out many of the relatively unknown ideas with younger musicians those of others; and miscellaneous who shared his innovative rnusical references to Marchetto by authors of treatises interests. Frorn L943 to 1,945, such seminal bebop compilers and performers of the manuscripts. This tescimony throws as DLzzy Gillespie, Benny Harris, Thelonious light on the development of music theory in fifteenth- Monk, Kenny Clarke, Max Roach, Oscar Pettiford, and and sixteenth-century Ita1y. Howard McGhee were hired by Hawkins either for occasional recording dates or as regular members of his performing groups. 58 Saturday afternoon Saturday afternoon 59 - phenomenon (see the edition of Clemensrmotets in the THE MUSICAL RHETORIC OF JOSQUIN'S CMM) or accepted in some of their Patrick Macey, Eastman technical aspects School of Music only. The nost vulnerable point of the theory was the relatively sna11 nunber of Lowinsky's musical examples. Josquinrs setting of Psalrn 50, Miserere mei Deus, The psalter of Nicolaus Gon6lka, cornposed for Duke published at Ercole I of Ferrara in 1503 or 1504, Cracow in 1"580, is usually regarded as one of the urost imrnediately captures the listenerr s attention r4rith its interesting nusical monunents from the late Renaissance monotone opening. The return of this musical subject in Poland (Reese), but since the nineteenth century it as a soggetto ostinato--with its plea for nercy after has often been a subject of controversy because of the each verse of the psaln- -creates a sense of urgency strange chronatic constructions found in its 150 short that can only be described as rhetorical in its effect. and sirnple four-voiced compositions. prevailing In addition to the soggetto The ostinato, other significant tendency has been to interpret these constructions as features of Josquin's motet call to rnind the nistakes. More recent studies have seen Gom5lka's work prescriptions of classical rhetoricians such as Cicero as a highly sophisticated set of compositions and Quintilian, including the repetition of a word or influenced by the traditions of Netherlandish phrase for enphasis, the interruption of a sentence to counterpoint and ltalian text painting. They also interj ect another thought, and the connection of tr{o provlde new and significant rnaterial in support of phrases by placing the closing element of one phrase at Lowinsky's theory. the beginning of Che next. More than a century after There are about 15 places in the Gon5lka psalms to Miserere mei Deus was conposed, music theorists such as which Lowinsky's necessitatis,' Burmeister (Musica "causa applies, as in ooetica, 1606) and Nucius (Musices the example of Clemens' "Frernuit Spiritu Jesu". The poeticae 151-3 formulated specific terms for figures , ) applicability of the respective "causa pulchritudinis " of musical rhetoric, and the latter actually cited is not so clear and must rernain hypothetical. But Josquinrs sogpetto ostinato as an example of repetitio. Corn5lka's psalms seem to confirm I-owinsky's theory not By glancing briefly at the writings of these rheorists only in its technical aspects, but in its ideological we can introduce a vocabulary for discussing the use of ones, too. musical rhetoric in Josquinrs motet. It becomes clear The confessional descination of the psalter that even though the theoretical- notions rrere developed rernains unclear; it has both Catholic and protestanr long after the fact, the actual forging of a features. It seems to be an anbivalent arork, which is recognizable musical rhetoric is evident in Miserere consiscent with Lowinsky, s ideological interpretation mei Deus. of the "nusica reservata,, and secret-chromatic art as The analysis of the motet takes into account not the results of the composers' arnbivalent ideology. just the loca1 incidence of rnusical figures, but also the large-scale structure of the piece- -a structure that resembles in many ways the forrn of an oration. In ON COMPOSITlONAL PROCESS IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY discussing the notet's overall shape, it is possible to Bonnie J. Blackburn, Chicago, IL suggest reasons for the placement of certain apparently anomalous events, such as eases where the soggetto Hardly any development in the history of music has surnmarily interrupts a verse of the psalrn. At the been more vital and fateful than the change frorn conclusion of the paper I will indicate the extent to "successive composition', to',simultaneous conception." which musico-rhetorical devices function in other psalm Edward Lowinsky distilled the latter term from pietro motets by Josquin. Aaron's allusion to the nethod of composition used by modern composers. This term, however, does not correctly convey Aaron's meaning. He said that modern THE SECRET-CHROMATIC ART IN THE composers "take all the parts into consideration at LIGHT OF NICOLAUS GOM6LKA'S PSALTER (1580) olce , " dispos ing the parts in different ranges , which Miroslaw ?erz, University of Warsaw aIlows them to avoid awkward clashes between the inner voices. This more harnonic orientation finds Lowinsky' s controvers ia1 theory concerning the confirrnation in the writings of Giovanni Spataro, whose interpretation of sone strange chromatic passages in theory of harrnony fIatly contradicts a current view of the works of Clemens non Papa and Hugo Waelrant seems fif.;eenth-century rnusic as purely intervallic never to have been conclusively accepced or rejected. counterpoint founded on a superius-tenor framework in Criticized on technical, ideological, and aesthetic which the bass is nonstructural and nonessential. grounds, Lowinsky's proposals were then either Discussion of the new compositional process can discarded !rithout any othe! explanation of the already be found fifty years earlier in the writings of 58 Saturday afternoon Saturday afternoon 59 - phenomenon (see the edition of Clemensrmotets in the THE MUSICAL RHETORIC OF JOSQUIN'S CMM) or accepted in some of their Patrick Macey, Eastman technical aspects School of Music only. The nost vulnerable point of the theory was the relatively sna11 nunber of Lowinsky's musical examples. Josquinrs setting of Psalrn 50, Miserere mei Deus, The psalter of Nicolaus Gon6lka, cornposed for Duke published at Ercole I of Ferrara in 1503 or 1504, Cracow in 1"580, is usually regarded as one of the urost imrnediately captures the listenerr s attention r4rith its interesting nusical monunents from the late Renaissance monotone opening. The return of this musical subject in Poland (Reese), but since the nineteenth century it as a soggetto ostinato--with its plea for nercy after has often been a subject of controversy because of the each verse of the psaln- -creates a sense of urgency strange chronatic constructions found in its 150 short that can only be described as rhetorical in its effect. and sirnple four-voiced compositions. prevailing In addition to the soggetto The ostinato, other significant tendency has been to interpret these constructions as features of Josquin's motet call to rnind the nistakes. More recent studies have seen Gom5lka's work prescriptions of classical rhetoricians such as Cicero as a highly sophisticated set of compositions and Quintilian, including the repetition of a word or influenced by the traditions of Netherlandish phrase for enphasis, the interruption of a sentence to counterpoint and ltalian text painting. They also interj ect another thought, and the connection of tr{o provlde new and significant rnaterial in support of phrases by placing the closing element of one phrase at Lowinsky's theory. the beginning of Che next. More than a century after There are about 15 places in the Gon5lka psalms to Miserere mei Deus was conposed, music theorists such as which Lowinsky's necessitatis,' Burmeister (Musica "causa applies, as in ooetica, 1606) and Nucius (Musices the example of Clemens' "Frernuit Spiritu Jesu". The poeticae 151-3 formulated specific terms for figures , ) applicability of the respective "causa pulchritudinis " of musical rhetoric, and the latter actually cited is not so clear and must rernain hypothetical. But Josquinrs sogpetto ostinato as an example of repetitio. Corn5lka's psalms seem to confirm I-owinsky's theory not By glancing briefly at the writings of these rheorists only in its technical aspects, but in its ideological we can introduce a vocabulary for discussing the use of ones, too. musical rhetoric in Josquinrs motet. It becomes clear The confessional descination of the psalter that even though the theoretical- notions rrere developed rernains unclear; it has both Catholic and protestanr long after the fact, the actual forging of a features. It seems to be an anbivalent arork, which is recognizable musical rhetoric is evident in Miserere consiscent with Lowinsky, s ideological interpretation mei Deus. of the "nusica reservata,, and secret-chromatic art as The analysis of the motet takes into account not the results of the composers' arnbivalent ideology. just the loca1 incidence of rnusical figures, but also the large-scale structure of the piece- -a structure that resembles in many ways the forrn of an oration. In ON COMPOSITlONAL PROCESS IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY discussing the notet's overall shape, it is possible to Bonnie J. Blackburn, Chicago, IL suggest reasons for the placement of certain apparently anomalous events, such as eases where the soggetto Hardly any development in the history of music has surnmarily interrupts a verse of the psalrn. At the been more vital and fateful than the change frorn conclusion of the paper I will indicate the extent to "successive composition', to',simultaneous conception." which musico-rhetorical devices function in other psalm Edward Lowinsky distilled the latter term from pietro motets by Josquin. Aaron's allusion to the nethod of composition used by modern composers. This term, however, does not correctly convey Aaron's meaning. He said that modern THE SECRET-CHROMATIC ART IN THE composers "take all the parts into consideration at LIGHT OF NICOLAUS GOM6LKA'S PSALTER (1580) olce , " dispos ing the parts in different ranges , which Miroslaw ?erz, University of Warsaw aIlows them to avoid awkward clashes between the inner voices. This more harnonic orientation finds Lowinsky' s controvers ia1 theory concerning the confirrnation in the writings of Giovanni Spataro, whose interpretation of sone strange chromatic passages in theory of harrnony fIatly contradicts a current view of the works of Clemens non Papa and Hugo Waelrant seems fif.;eenth-century rnusic as purely intervallic never to have been conclusively accepced or rejected. counterpoint founded on a superius-tenor framework in Criticized on technical, ideological, and aesthetic which the bass is nonstructural and nonessential. grounds, Lowinsky's proposals were then either Discussion of the new compositional process can discarded !rithout any othe! explanation of the already be found fifty years earlier in the writings of -- 60 Saturday afternoon SaturdaY afternoon 67 Johannes Tinctoris. That this has not been recognized is due to persistent confusion over the term res facta. The k"y to cornprehending this term lies in a correct understanding of what Tinctoris meant by counterpoint: ERCOLE BOTTRIGARI'S LA MASCARA it is not what r{re today call counterpoint but MUSIC AND THEATER IN THE LATE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE successive composition, Res facta differs from Ann E. Moyer, University of Michigan counterpoint in that each voice must be related to every other voice so that no improper dissonances Ercole Bottrigari (1531 - L612) is weIl known to appear between them. This rnethod, "harmonic scholars of late Renaissance rnusic through his composition, " could be quasi-simultaneous or dialogues on musical theory and practice: I1 patricio, successive; the criterion is the ultimate result- -the I1 Desiderio, and I1 Melone, However, nany of his rnost finished work of art. Res facta is both a nethod of interesting writings were never published; they remain composition and a term that denotes a work composed in in manuscript forn in Bologna. This paper exarnines one this manner, analogous to Listenius's opus perfectum et of the most important of these works, La Mascara. This absoluturn. The musica poetica of the sixteenth century treatise not only expands our appreciation of the greaX is the legacy of res facta, and the two terms are range of Bottrigari I s studies, but also increases our indirectly connected. understanding of the relationships seen between ancient and modern rnusic and theater during the late RESPONDENT: Margaret Bent Renaissance. Bottrigarirs La I'tascara (1596), on the construction of theaters, is of especial interest. TOPICS IN ITALIAN MUS]C Bottrigari uses his studies of musical science together Jeffrey G. Kurtzrnan, Washington University, with Vitruvius' famous treatise on architecture to St. Louis, Chair discuss the proper design of stages, sets, acoustic fittings, and the 1ike, in order to rnaximize the effectiveness of the performance as spoken or sung. HUMANISM, RENAISSANCE TASTE AND Returning to the old tale of Pythagoras and the THE CHALLENGE TO MUSICAL THOUCHT discovery of musical consonances, Bottrigari carefully Williarn R. Bowen, University of Toronto separates truth from uryth in the study of sounding bodies and develops it into a set of prescriptions not Studies of Renaissance humanism, especially Claude only about rnusical instruments themselves, but also for V. Palisca' s Humanism in Italian Renaissance Mus ical the design of spaces in whieh those instruments nay be Thought, focus on horr the transmission and best heard. Thus Bottrigari combines classical design interpretation of Classical sources affected the form and recent rnusical scholarship in this contribution to and content of mus ic theory . In particular , recent our knowledge about the theater during the years of scholarship has demonstrated that rnusical hurnanism transition betrteen Renaissance and Baroque. encouraged debate about the difference becween theoretical and practical views of what rnusical concordance is and which intervals are concords. A TREATISE ON THE INTERMEDIO The reactions of certain individual theorists to BY GIOVANNI BATTISTA STROZZI THE YOUNGER (1551-1634) the Pythagorean- Platonic tradition in the light of Claude V. Palisca, Yale University contemporary taste rernain to be explored. A case in point is Marsilio Ficino (1433 - 1,499). Through an The late sixteenth-century intermedio has been analysis of Ficino's wricings on nusic and by hailed as a harbinger of opera. But the interrned.io was identifying his sources, this paper will show how he not a transitional genre, superseded by the musical used these sources in proposing a new theory of pas toral , for the interrnedio pers is ted after this hras concordance which accommodates the demands of both introduced, and it had its own raison d'6tre. theory and practice. It is therefore enlightening to find a discussion of what a good set of intermedi ought to be by one of RESPONDENT: Thonas J. Mathiesen, Brigham Young the leading practitioners. The author is the poet Univers ity Giovanni Battista Strozzi the Younger, whose best known work in the genre was the fourth intermedio, inspired by Dante's Inferno, set to music by Giulio Caccini, Cristofano U^tu"""t, and Giovanni Bardi, for the spectacular wedding festivities of 1589 in Florence. -- 60 Saturday afternoon SaturdaY afternoon 67 Johannes Tinctoris. That this has not been recognized is due to persistent confusion over the term res facta. The k"y to cornprehending this term lies in a correct understanding of what Tinctoris meant by counterpoint: ERCOLE BOTTRIGARI'S LA MASCARA it is not what r{re today call counterpoint but MUSIC AND THEATER IN THE LATE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE successive composition, Res facta differs from Ann E. Moyer, University of Michigan counterpoint in that each voice must be related to every other voice so that no improper dissonances Ercole Bottrigari (1531 - L612) is weIl known to appear between them. This rnethod, "harmonic scholars of late Renaissance rnusic through his composition, " could be quasi-simultaneous or dialogues on musical theory and practice: I1 patricio, successive; the criterion is the ultimate result- -the I1 Desiderio, and I1 Melone, However, nany of his rnost finished work of art. Res facta is both a nethod of interesting writings were never published; they remain composition and a term that denotes a work composed in in manuscript forn in Bologna. This paper exarnines one this manner, analogous to Listenius's opus perfectum et of the most important of these works, La Mascara. This absoluturn. The musica poetica of the sixteenth century treatise not only expands our appreciation of the greaX is the legacy of res facta, and the two terms are range of Bottrigari I s studies, but also increases our indirectly connected. understanding of the relationships seen between ancient and modern rnusic and theater during the late RESPONDENT: Margaret Bent Renaissance. Bottrigarirs La I'tascara (1596), on the construction of theaters, is of especial interest. TOPICS IN ITALIAN MUS]C Bottrigari uses his studies of musical science together Jeffrey G. Kurtzrnan, Washington University, with Vitruvius' famous treatise on architecture to St. Louis, Chair discuss the proper design of stages, sets, acoustic fittings, and the 1ike, in order to rnaximize the effectiveness of the performance as spoken or sung. HUMANISM, RENAISSANCE TASTE AND Returning to the old tale of Pythagoras and the THE CHALLENGE TO MUSICAL THOUCHT discovery of musical consonances, Bottrigari carefully Williarn R. Bowen, University of Toronto separates truth from uryth in the study of sounding bodies and develops it into a set of prescriptions not Studies of Renaissance humanism, especially Claude only about rnusical instruments themselves, but also for V. Palisca' s Humanism in Italian Renaissance Mus ical the design of spaces in whieh those instruments nay be Thought, focus on horr the transmission and best heard. Thus Bottrigari combines classical design interpretation of Classical sources affected the form and recent rnusical scholarship in this contribution to and content of mus ic theory . In particular , recent our knowledge about the theater during the years of scholarship has demonstrated that rnusical hurnanism transition betrteen Renaissance and Baroque. encouraged debate about the difference becween theoretical and practical views of what rnusical concordance is and which intervals are concords. A TREATISE ON THE INTERMEDIO The reactions of certain individual theorists to BY GIOVANNI BATTISTA STROZZI THE YOUNGER (1551-1634) the Pythagorean- Platonic tradition in the light of Claude V. Palisca, Yale University contemporary taste rernain to be explored. A case in point is Marsilio Ficino (1433 - 1,499). Through an The late sixteenth-century intermedio has been analysis of Ficino's wricings on nusic and by hailed as a harbinger of opera. But the interrned.io was identifying his sources, this paper will show how he not a transitional genre, superseded by the musical used these sources in proposing a new theory of pas toral , for the interrnedio pers is ted after this hras concordance which accommodates the demands of both introduced, and it had its own raison d'6tre. theory and practice. It is therefore enlightening to find a discussion of what a good set of intermedi ought to be by one of RESPONDENT: Thonas J. Mathiesen, Brigham Young the leading practitioners. The author is the poet Univers ity Giovanni Battista Strozzi the Younger, whose best known work in the genre was the fourth intermedio, inspired by Dante's Inferno, set to music by Giulio Caccini, Cristofano U^tu"""t, and Giovanni Bardi, for the spectacular wedding festivities of 1589 in Florence. --

62 Saturday afternoon Saturday afternoon 53

It w111 be sholrn that this brief tract must have traditions of vocal chamber mus ic from which the been part of a proposal to Grand-Duke Ferdinand I of nulti-Partite cantata of the mid-seventeenth century Tuscany for a set of internedi to accompany a court axose. celebration in Florence, probably that for the wedding of his son, cro\dn prince Cosimo de' Medici , with Mary Magdalen, Archduchess of Austria, in 1508, for which Sxxozz i wrote the text of the fourth intermedio, EIGHTEENTH- CENTURY THEORY concerning the arrival of Arnerigo Vespucci in the West Cynthia Verba, Harvard University, Chair Indies, in the play I1 Giudizio di Paride by Michelangelo Buonarotti the Younger. Strozzi states that interrnedi lrere invented to AFFEKT AND AUSWEICHUNG-- entertain, delight, and amaze spectators , to serve the A READING BETWEEN HEINICHEN'S LINES convenience of actors, and to preserve the Roger Lustig, University of Chicago verisinilitude of time in the action of a play, for which it was common now to have six intermedi: before Baroque theorists discussed the ernployment of the first act, between the acts, and after the last basic musical naterials as expressive devices. act. Strozzi details the requirements of a good set of Mattheson, e,8., suggested ways of using dance_forms, internedi under several headings: grandness, the tempi, keys, and figures to express affections. J. D. marvelous , clarity, delighr, suirability to the play, Heinichen, in Der Generalbass in der Cornoosition unity, and appropriateness to the occasion. (L729), demonstrated how to choose an affection appropriate to a text by using rhetorical theory, and how to find rnusical rneans of expressing that affection. he set four Italian arias several times, described the CANZONETTE GRAV] E BIZZARRE: rhetorical points and affects illustrated each time, PIETRO DELLA VALLE AND MUSICO-LITERARY CRITICISM and related these to the musical materials used., e.g., IN EARLY SEVENTEENTH.CENTURY ROME meter, mode, tempo, texture, figures, ana Robert R. HoIzer, University of Pennsylvania instrumentation. Nowhere did Heinichen (or any Baroque theorist) In his well-known letter of 1640, De1la musica suggest using an unusual secondarv key to express an de11'etl nostra, Pietro del1a Va11e offered critical affection. But Der Generalbass contains a tatle that remarks on the canzonetta that can help us better to designates scale- steps as "common', or "uncornmon,, understand the seventeenth centuryrs conception of the modulations (Ausweichungen) within a piece. Three of genre. Citing two examples, Luigi Rossi's Or che la the settings nentioned. above cadence on,,uncommon,' keys notte del silenzio amica and Orazio Michi's Per torbido in the rniddle of the A section. All three pieces mare, he characterized the former as "grave" and the express unusual affections: two deal !rith latter as "bizzarta." This characterization at first of "fortuna", and in the third, a "bizarre""ttribrt"" theme seems unusual, for it runs counter to the common notion (Heinichen's term) expresses a lover's fears where the of the canzonetta as an exclusively light genre. text speaks only of love. A1l of the settings continue Nevertheless, it is borne out by other Italian r,rriters to the intermediate cadence, althougt tie use of of the early sevenceenth century. Gabriello Chiabrera, figures, instrumentation, tempo, etc. could have been Tommaso Stigliani, and other poets and literary shown in far fewer measures. This suggests Heinichen that theorists of the tine held out the possibility of did view the choice of secondaiy key as a serious expression in the canzonetta. technique useful for the expression of affect. In this paper I will examine Rossi's and Michi's This paper considers the affective use of works cited by della Va11e, both of which survive in secondary key in light of other theoretical writings, manuscript, agains t che b ackgr o und of Heinichen's other music, and that of f,i" seventeenth-century critical thought on the canzonetta. conternporaries. It proposes a model for asking how and I will discuss the contrasting stylistic features that why certain musical materials were used in the Baroque, led della Valle to see opposing expressive aims in ho* theoretical constructs, "ldthose oId and new, apply to these pieces, and by identifying the author of Rossi's materials _ text, I will place the work in its original literary context. My general aims will be to highlight the variety of diction, expression, and structure achievable in this ostensibly unpretentious musico-poetic genre, and to clarify one of the --

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responded htith a scathing letter to the Academy a retraction. CALEGARI'S LEGACY: FUNDAMENTAL AND DISSONANCE denanding The result was a controversy BASS within the Acaderny, chiefly betl"een L. Bollioud-Mermer IN EIGHTEENTH.CENTURY PADUAN MUSIC TREATISES that Floyd K. Grave, Rutgers University and J. Dumas, lasted more than two decades. The controversy lras first studied by L6on Va11as this century, In an unpublished treatise of 1732, the Paduan earl-y in and his conclusions have renained largely unchallenged, An investigation of the naestro di cappella Francesco Antonio Calegari explored sources, however, the concept of a fundamental bass that was in some pertinent has thrown new light on the respects similar to Rarneau's basse fondarnentale, of issues involved. This study will present a which he purportedly had no prior knowledge. I.ike re-interpretation of those issues, as well as a Rarneau's, Calegari's systen designated triadic chord clarification of the role played by Rameau's ideas in roots for vertical sonorities. But instead of anything tenperament on the work of the Academy in Lyon during resembling Rameau's accord parfait, Calegari chose the the eighteenth century. scale as a point of reference for building chords and specifying their function. Constructing triads and seventh chords on scale degrees, he proceeded to ROUSSIER AND GOSSEC ON EICHT MEASURES identify the ninth, eleventh, and thirteenth as BY VITO: additional available dissonances above a given root. AN EIGHTEENTH.CENTURY PERSPECTIVE Calegari' s rnethod of exceeding the octave to ON THEORY AND PRACTICE obtain dissonances enj oyed further developrnent in the C. M- Gessele, Princeton University hands of his successor, Francesco Antonio Va11otti. Interpreting these dissonances as suspended chord tones The appearance of Jean-Philippe Rameau's Trait6 de above scale-degree roots (thereby rejecting Rameau's 1'harmonie in Ll22 rnarked a turning point in music theory of supposicion), Vallocti incorporated the theory. Because most French theorists after Rameau device within a system based on rationalist principles. used his basse fondamentale as the basis for their A related use of the concept is found in the teachings systems, their theories are commonly disnissed as extensions of Rameau's, with no consideration of their of Giuse"ppe Tartini, whose explanations of dissonance role resernble Vallotti's despite the fundarnentally different in the musical discourse of eighteenth-century premises fron which the two theorists drew their France, This paper re-examines the developrnent of French music theory as a case study in what has come to deductions. be Vallotti s theory was dis serninated by his known as the histoire des nentalit6s, that is to ' say, from the perspective of eighteenth-century successor Luigi Antonio Sabbatini and by his German thought, pupil Georg Joseph Vogler, who supplied the large-sca1e not tarentieth-century hindsight. An interchange of letters in the Journal de paris degree roots with Roman numerals and linked Vallotti's in 1781 provides method with the principle of essential and the starting point. The exchange was pronpted by a contest in four-part composition and was nonessential dissonance found in Kirnberger. Later intended German and Austrian harmony texts (including those of to vindicate the skiIl of a rainor composer, Vito, who had been unfavorably cornpared to Haydn and Knecht, Koch, Fdrster, and Weber) betray evidence of Pergolesi. the Italian approach, which helped promote compromise The outgrowth of the first published letter was a sensational controversy that eventually involved between the systems of Rameau's followers and the t\to prorninent traditional teaching of thoroughbass. musical figures, the theorist Pierre-Joseph Roussier (L716/11? - L7g2) and the composer Frangois -Joseph Gossec (I7 34 - Ig29) . These tlto men present, in miniature, the conflict of theory RAMEAU, EQUAL TEMPERAMENT, AND THE ACADEMY OF LYON: and practice A CONTROVERSY REVISITED as they defended or attacked harmonic irregularities in Vito,s eight-measure composition. Albert Cohen, S tanford Univers itY Roussier's d.efense drew on his own theoretical writings based on Rameau's theories, while Gossec drew on Fux,s Rameau's discussion of tuning and his adoption of counterpoint equal temperament, in his G6n6ration Harmonique of treatise , Rameau' s Trait6, and examples fron the rnusic of Rarneau, Pergolesi, piccini, G1uck, 1737, provoked heated debate among musicians and and Philidor. intellectuals throughout France, and the academicians The j dispute. Raneau was first made polemic offers a unique ins ight into in Lyon oined the eighteenth-century music theory because actual musical aware of the interest among rnembers of the Lyon Academy exarnples through a critical review are cited to support theoretical propositions, in his ideas on temperament exanples that are usually nissing that appeared in the Mercure de France in 17 40: he from formal

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66 Saturday afternoon SaturdaY afternoon 67 treatises. We see basse fondamentale, used as an tenet sometimes took on such a "religious,, commitmenc analytical measure of correctness , j uxtaposed with to the man or ideal that the salons qrere cal1ed compositional experience. The issues raised include upetites chapelles. " para11e1 fifths and octaves , phrase orgarrizatior., This paper explores why such groups rose and resolution of dissonance, proper key modulation, and flourished at that time and p1ace. It examines in the analytical use of Rameau's double ernploi, Thus, an detail the role one such "petite chapelIe"- _the infornal dispute provides the opportunity to examine Apaches - -played in the lives of Ravel and later how formal theory was applied to rnusic of the period. Stravinsky, including how participation in the group affected their composition, It compares the epalhes, meetings with those held at caf6s frequented by bebussy and Satie; headquarters of j ournals such as La Revue Blanche and the Librairie des Ind6pendanr"; -JiIiIE' MUSIC AND SOCIETY IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY salons including those attended by Faur6, Rave1, David Josephson, Brown University, Chair Debussy, and Reynaldo Hahn; other,'petite chapelles,, such as Franck's and Mallarrn6,s; and secret societies like the Nabis. This kind of study provides MARGARET RUTHVEN LANC AND SEXUAL AESTHETICS s ignificant infornation concerning what kinds of OF THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY naterial a composer night choose , how, in Pamela Fox, Miarni University, Ohio turn-of-the-century Paris, a composer night test a new idea before a select audience, what compromises or Amy Marcy Cheney Beach and Margaret Ruthven Lang, collaborations (and not just cornrnissions) were needed both born in 1867 , nere hailed as America' s leading in order to urobilize support, and how composers and women composers by the turn of the tr,rentieth century. works were judged and reputations bui1t. The research The eritical reception of their vrork \4ras, however, for chis paper comes principally frorn the memoirs of quite different. Rupert Hughes characterized Ary Apaches and others who lived during the period and from Beach's compositions as "rnarkedly virile, " and Philip interviews r{rith the surviving childien of Apache Hale cited the "masculine end" to her Gaelic Symphony, members. The paper also relates the results of this Opus 32. In contrast, Rupert Hughes described Margaret research to recent literature in the sociology of the Ruthven Lang's compositions as "supremely womanly," and arts (e.g. , Howard Becker on art worlds pierre referred to her "womanliness" as "frai1, fragile, and Bourdieu on taste publics) . ""i delicately passionate. " A large cache of materials in the Boston Public Library, including four scrapbooks which Margaret Lang conpiled throughout her long THE CRITICAL RECEPTION OF VERDI IN FASCIST ITALY career, her mother's diaries, and many documents Anthony E. Barone, Columbia University pertaining to her father (the noted Boston musician Benj amin Johnson Lang) , offers a rich and rewarding The critical reception of the operas of Giuseppe opportunity to reconstruct Margaret Ruthven Lang's Verdi during the composer's own lifetirne is ,"ff compositional career. This paper wiIl clarify her docunented. The reception of his works in life, output, and sty1e, examine her compositional twentieth-century Italy, particularly Fascist Italy philosophy, and relate her career to the reigning betr.reen the two world wars, is Iess studied, Like the sexual aesthetics of the early twentieth century. analogous and better known Nazi perspective on Wagner, Italian Fascist critical writings provide a wealih of cultural data tha can illuminale discussions of the APACHES IN PARIS, aesthetic issues of the age. THE MAKING OF A TURN.OF-THE-CENTURY ART WORLD Th. reception of Verdi in Fascist dominaced,-,. - Italy is Jann Pasler, University of California, San Diego _by the emergence of at least three general lssues. The first of these is largely sociologiial and Meeting regularly in sma11 groups became a way of concerns the extent to which Verdi's op.i"" lrere life for most artists in Paris at the turn of the transforned into vehicles of Fascist propaganda. The century. The rendezvous might be at a favorite caf6, second is cultural and concerns the image of Verdi in the office of a preferred j ournal, or the horne of a the viehr of "proto-Fascist,'writers and critics of the wealthy patroness who invited her friends over one :rrst decades of the twentieth century, such as night each week for musical performances, literary Gabriele d'Annunzio. The third is specifically discussions, or artistic viewings. Those gatherings rnusical, and addresses the effect of the which centered around one E]reat man or one aesthetic uetman- initiated "Verdi Renaissance" upon Italian

-'o.,',,"**--",-. I--

-'o.,',,"**--",-. -- 58 Sacurday afternoon Saturday afternoon 69 composers and rsriters on music during the 1930s and deal of difficulty, and I sha1l argue thac Ehe reason 1940s. The three general issues are illuurinated by for this is that the concept itself is one which Mussolini's political speeches, the eulogizing poetry presupposes a culture that is really quite di fferent in of d'Annunzio, the writings of popular nusic critics in irpott.rt t.y" from the culture of Medieval song. I the leadlng periodicals of the d"y, and the various shal1 refer nainly to the tradition of tropes in this attenpts at a scholarly appraisal Lf Verdi's position argument. Thls itself opens a way to better in Italian music history rnade by Alfredo Case1la, Mario understanding of that culture. Labroca, and Ildebrando PizzeExi, among ochers. The results of the study indicate that Verdi was appropriated into a quasi-rnystical circle of Italian culture heroes that functioned as the referential WHEN THE STILE ANTICO WAS YOUNG symbol of Italian cultural supremacy 1n Fascist Anthony Ner,rcomb, University of California, Berkeley writings and speeches. The popular press contributed to this irrational rDysticisn in propagandistic reviews Between 1540 and 1590 the initative ricercar went and articles that ernphasized the image of Verdi as a fron an insecure fledgling type to a well-defined genre nineteenth- century Risorgimento hero . Scholarly in Italian instrunental music. This case of emerging rirriters too remained unconscious of their own lack of generic self- awareness can be understood particularly historical obj ectivity; they often unwittingly through the set of techniques for constructing sections propagated the popular nationalistic delusion of and j olning sections to form entire pieces - - techniques superiority. In general, the esthetic suppositions of that rvere irnitated from piece to piece and that peimit their writlngs offer evidence that these writers were us to identify ernerging sub-types within the pessimistic, genre. confined and inhibited by the neo-HegeIian Especially remarkable is the rapid establishrnenC of a ambience of their age. variety of highly intellectual ideas for thernatic interrelation and developrnent that have no precedent in RESPONDENT: Rose Rosengard Subotnik, Graduate Center, the supposed ancestor of the ricercar, the motet. CUNY These ldeas continue to form the backbone of the strict fugal style through the eighteenth century. A number of largely unpublished and undiscussed pieces surviving GENRE: IMPLICATIONS FOR HISTORY AND CRITICISM only in manuscript will be drawn into Ehe discussion in Jeffrey Kallberg and Laurence Dreyfus, Co-chairs order to sketch a picture of the evolution of the sixteenth-century ricercar rather different than that prinarily accepted. THE CONCEPT OF GENRE AND THE STUDY OF MEDIEVAL SONG Leo Treitler, SUNY, Stony Brook GENRE AS FORM: The paper will begin with a brief survey of the THE FATE OF A FORGOTTEN METAPHOR function of the Genre concept, first in classic and Laurence Dreyfus, yale University then ln literary criticisn. The purpose of that section will be to develop a sense of what has been With A. B. Marx's influential notion of artistic expected from the concept in historical and critical form came a rarely noticed shift in thinking abouE studies in those two disciplines, which are the musical genres. Instead of emphasizing diff"r"r,.." in disciplines in which it got its start. I shal1 kind by recounting the features of the distinguish between Genre as a classificatory concept genres - - including, where relevant, their schematic and as a more heuristic one. That will entail an plans--writers began to defer to the fundamental forrns exploration of the nature of classification, under which the genres could be subsumed, Form had particularly as that has been dealt with in philosophy oeen a comnon necaphor for genre since the days of the and science. Greeks. But after Marx, the metaphor devolved into an The second part of the Paper wiII be about the apParent synonym. By forgetting this repressed figure Genre concept as it has been used in the study of or speech--by filtering genre through the lens of forur, Medieval song. I shall consider the comrnonly especially in the sense of a sectional plan--one fails designated Genre categories of Medieval song, and raise to, aPpreciate genre as a leading category of history the question whether they rea1ly differentiate in a and criticism. productive ltay in that domain, in either the To reca1l the metaphor criticlsm enables a more insightful classificatory or heuristic sense. I sha11 show that attuned to the varied operations of genie. A the use of the Genre concept really runs into a great few works by J. s. Bach illustrate some of these. -- 58 Sacurday afternoon Saturday afternoon 69 composers and rsriters on music during the 1930s and deal of difficulty, and I sha1l argue thac Ehe reason 1940s. The three general issues are illuurinated by for this is that the concept itself is one which Mussolini's political speeches, the eulogizing poetry presupposes a culture that is really quite di fferent in of d'Annunzio, the writings of popular nusic critics in irpott.rt t.y" from the culture of Medieval song. I the leadlng periodicals of the d"y, and the various shal1 refer nainly to the tradition of tropes in this attenpts at a scholarly appraisal Lf Verdi's position argument. Thls itself opens a way to better in Italian music history rnade by Alfredo Case1la, Mario understanding of that culture. Labroca, and Ildebrando PizzeExi, among ochers. The results of the study indicate that Verdi was appropriated into a quasi-rnystical circle of Italian culture heroes that functioned as the referential WHEN THE STILE ANTICO WAS YOUNG symbol of Italian cultural supremacy 1n Fascist Anthony Ner,rcomb, University of California, Berkeley writings and speeches. The popular press contributed to this irrational rDysticisn in propagandistic reviews Between 1540 and 1590 the initative ricercar went and articles that ernphasized the image of Verdi as a fron an insecure fledgling type to a well-defined genre nineteenth- century Risorgimento hero . Scholarly in Italian instrunental music. This case of emerging rirriters too remained unconscious of their own lack of generic self- awareness can be understood particularly historical obj ectivity; they often unwittingly through the set of techniques for constructing sections propagated the popular nationalistic delusion of and j olning sections to form entire pieces - - techniques superiority. In general, the esthetic suppositions of that rvere irnitated from piece to piece and that peimit their writlngs offer evidence that these writers were us to identify ernerging sub-types within the pessimistic, genre. confined and inhibited by the neo-HegeIian Especially remarkable is the rapid establishrnenC of a ambience of their age. variety of highly intellectual ideas for thernatic interrelation and developrnent that have no precedent in RESPONDENT: Rose Rosengard Subotnik, Graduate Center, the supposed ancestor of the ricercar, the motet. CUNY These ldeas continue to form the backbone of the strict fugal style through the eighteenth century. A number of largely unpublished and undiscussed pieces surviving GENRE: IMPLICATIONS FOR HISTORY AND CRITICISM only in manuscript will be drawn into Ehe discussion in Jeffrey Kallberg and Laurence Dreyfus, Co-chairs order to sketch a picture of the evolution of the sixteenth-century ricercar rather different than that prinarily accepted. THE CONCEPT OF GENRE AND THE STUDY OF MEDIEVAL SONG Leo Treitler, SUNY, Stony Brook GENRE AS FORM: The paper will begin with a brief survey of the THE FATE OF A FORGOTTEN METAPHOR function of the Genre concept, first in classic and Laurence Dreyfus, yale University then ln literary criticisn. The purpose of that section will be to develop a sense of what has been With A. B. Marx's influential notion of artistic expected from the concept in historical and critical form came a rarely noticed shift in thinking abouE studies in those two disciplines, which are the musical genres. Instead of emphasizing diff"r"r,.." in disciplines in which it got its start. I shal1 kind by recounting the features of the distinguish between Genre as a classificatory concept genres - - including, where relevant, their schematic and as a more heuristic one. That will entail an plans--writers began to defer to the fundamental forrns exploration of the nature of classification, under which the genres could be subsumed, Form had particularly as that has been dealt with in philosophy oeen a comnon necaphor for genre since the days of the and science. Greeks. But after Marx, the metaphor devolved into an The second part of the Paper wiII be about the apParent synonym. By forgetting this repressed figure Genre concept as it has been used in the study of or speech--by filtering genre through the lens of forur, Medieval song. I shall consider the comrnonly especially in the sense of a sectional plan--one fails designated Genre categories of Medieval song, and raise to, aPpreciate genre as a leading category of history the question whether they rea1ly differentiate in a and criticism. productive ltay in that domain, in either the To reca1l the metaphor criticlsm enables a more insightful classificatory or heuristic sense. I sha11 show that attuned to the varied operations of genie. A the use of the Genre concept really runs into a great few works by J. s. Bach illustrate some of these. 70 Saturday afternoon SundaY rnornlng 7I

Fugue, for exanple, is often understood as a principle, Nocturne. The research sheds ne!r light on Chopin's not a Senre , because it displays no s ingle forrnal cultural and political syrnpathies upon arriving in layout, This view mistakenly assumes that sectional Paris in the early 1830s, and suggests a unique, schene deflnes genre; in fact, genres often Possess motnentary, and somewhat oblique effort by the composer formal properties not bound to a sequential order. to esPouse the cause of Polish romantic messianism. Wichin the Well-Ternpered Clavier, Book L, one can discern various kinds of fugues with contrasting values as soon as the forrnal Anlage does not dictate the genre. Schernacic forn also overshadows the subtle ways that genres refer to one another. In this connection, SUNDAY, 9 NOVEMBER, 9 : 00 - 12 :00 A. M. the aria from the Goldberg Variations, with its allusions to the sarabande and the passacaglia, prompts a consideration of musical titl-es, generic hybrids, and FOUR RENAISSANCE WORKS modal references to adj acenc genres, which supersedes Lawrence F. Bernstein, University of nineteenth-century notions of form and contemplates the Pennsylvania, Chair affective meaning to an individual work.

A MUSICAL "I.lIRROR FOR PRINCES " : DUFAY' S ECCLESIE MILITANTIS GENRE AND IDIOSYNCRASY: Julie E. Cumrning, We11es ley CHOPIN'S NOCTURNE IN C MINOR, OPUS 15 NO. 3 Jeffrey Kallberg, University of Pennsylvania The harmonious conbination of different voices in a single conposition (discordia concors) can be Genre and idiosyncrasy might seem to be understood as a representation of good government in antithetical: the one emphasizes norms, the other many motets of the early fifteenth century. Dufay's singularity, Buc this mistakenly presumes genre to be great noCet for Pope Eugenius IV, Ecclesie militantis inherent to compositions alone, a concept defined by - - Sanctorum arbitrio - - Be1la canunt gentes, is no the characteristics found in a1l members of a type, exception. Through explication of its text and music Properly construed, genre belongs to compositions and with reference to the political context and to other to listeners; it is determined by interpretive papal rnotets, I will demonstrate that it is in fact a conventions rather than by formal features. The mirror of the papacy. In the fourth stanza of Cantus historian retrieves conventions by exploring contexts, II "Grant, O best father, . that what I have craditions, and responses of composers and listeners. brought you be a sacred objob ect that your eyes may 1n such a system, idiosyncrasy can play a key ro1e. behold as a rnirror" the motet is offered to the pope The response to an unusual r{ork may be complicated or as a musical "mirror for princes, " presenting an ambiguous, but this very ambiguity can il1ust!ate the idealized and instructive image of good government to ordinary conventions of the Senre: idiosyncrasy can the ru1er. The spiritual and temporal powers of focus attention on interPretive decisions that would Eugenius IV were threatened by the Council of Basel and shifting otherwise pass unnoticed. For composers , moreover , Italian allegiances from the beginning of his idiosyncrasy and the ambiguity that results from it reign. Dufay reflects the pope's political reality by could be powerful compositional tools, for they multiplying the discordant elements in the motet: it provided a means to expand the expressive range of a is the only five -voice work of the period; there are genre. two different pre-existent tenors instead of the usual one, which recur in six different mensurations; there Chopin's G-Minor Nocturne, Opus 15 No. 3 ' sounds at times rnore like a mazurka or an archaic chorale than are three different texts in different meters instead a nocturne, and from the start has evoked arnbiguous of the usual two; and there is a threefold contratenor. generic responses. These resPonses, which include He succeed.s nevertheless in coordinating all these Chopin's own sketch, reviews, and a piece nodeled on elements in a work of unparalleled grandeur. Listening r{rays in which the to the nagnificent harmony that results, Eugenius the Nocturne , highl ight numerous perceives normal conventions of the genre were subverted in Opus his own desired triumph in Dufay's mirror. 15 No. 3, and so provide a contemPorary "readin8" of what these conventions were. That Chopin's sketch may be classified as an idiosyncratic response to the genre invites a search for a context that would explain why he pursued this particular path in the G-Minor 70 Saturday afternoon SundaY rnornlng 7I

GEMATRIA, MARRIAGE NUMBERS, AND GOLDEN SECTIONS IN DUFAY'SDUFAY' S RESVELLIES VOUS lrhen the be11 should ring. Solutions offered by A11an i.I . Atlas , Brooklyn and F6tis , C . L. Waither Boer, College Frangois ^ and Wolfgang Graduate Center, CUNY Stephan are not fu1l,y_satisfactory in that they avoid dissonances without departing fron the explicit""irrot One of the most dazzLing of Dufay's early works is directions of the pwzzle canons. Interpretation Lt tn" the ballade Resvellies vous et faites chiere 1ye. ptzzle cano-n texts has been a central problen. A study Written in L423 for the wedding of Vittoria di Lorenzo of the handwriting- in the manusc_ript source, Brussels, Colonna (niece of Pope Martin V) and Carlo Malatesta, BibliothBque Royale Alberr I=', MS 5557, reveals the piece is extraordinarily rich in its urelodic, surprisJ-ng evidence that part of the canon inscription harmonic, and rhythnic materials. There is, however, for the secunda pars and at least one signum another feature - - a silent one - - that makes this rrork with the canonic voice are not in the hand"s"o.i"t.d of the renarkable, and that is Dufay's use of a three-tiered orlgl-nal- scribe. A large amount of circumstantial system of number that draws on gematria, Pythagorean evidence points to F6tis as the author of the marriage numbers, and the time-honored linear ratio additions, Through a sirnple mathematical approach, a known as the Golden Section. new solution to the canons can be offered foi both the Dufay uses gematria at two levels: to determine prima and the secunda pars, one that brings the the length of the work as a whole in terms of its total structure of the motet into sharp relief. Seen nurnber of breves and to shape both the length and together with its newly-resolved tenor, the cornposition content of each of the three phrases that make up the a is worth attention for its ernbodiment of old and new section of the bal1ade. Dufay is thus able to embed stylistic elernents, especially the relationship between within the piece the names of the nain players at the textual and nusical structure. event--the fanilies Colonna and Malatesta, Martin V, and Dufay hirnself- -as well as the site of the celebrations - -Arinini. CANON IN DIAPENTE, PARTIAL SIGNATURES, AND The Pythagorean marriage numbers - - five and s ix MUSlCA FICTA IN JOSQUIN'S DE BEATA VIRGINE MASS (and multiples and permutations of then) - -serve a Peter Urquhart, Harvard University three-fold function: they determine 1) the macro-rhythm of the final and synbolically climactic The coincidence of partial signatures and canons phrase of the b section; 2) the surface rhythn of that at the 4th and 5th in i^Ii. llaert's Musica Nova (1559) and j Hymnorun (1542) same phrase; and 3) the olting harmonic tnist that Musica suggests -that canons at these juxtaposes taro triads whose "roots" are a tritone intervals were meant to be read as intervallically apart. The syrnbolisn of the narriage numbers is exact, and thus with identical hexachordal solmization. obvious. This idea is also suggested by the partial signature Fina1ly, Dufay uses the proportion known as the readings of sorne of the sources for Josquin,s Ianonic Golden Section on three 1evels: the piece as a whole, chansons and rnasses. However, in the eailiest sources the individual sub - sections , and the phrase . As such, of these Josquin works the canonic followers were not Golden Sections provide a tightly knit matheuratical written out; later sources, in which the canonically framework for the seerningly kaleidoscopic ( if not, at derived voice was written out by a scribe or editor, times, irrational) surface features of the piece, often contain conflicting readiigs of the signatures In all, Resvellies vous can take its place and accidentals involved alonsside such works as Nuoer rosarum flores as one of _ This paper will treat the question of whether Dufay's virtuoso displays of "numerical composition. " Josquln's canons at the 5th wers meant to be read 9Xact1)L or diatonically, using the "Cred.o" and "sanctus" of the de Beaii virgine" mass as an exampre. A BUSNOIS.T6tTS COLLABORATION: Th:- prirnary rradition of of this nass, THE MOTET ANTHONI USQUE LIMINA rollowing Petrucci and Antico, "orri.."lacks any indication of .F1ynn Warnington, Brandeis University partial signatures. A srnall group of rL1"t.d Northern sources, however, carry a varied artay of partial In the unique source for Antoine Busnoisrs motet slgnatures, a1l of which point tor^7ards Lhe cornposer's Anthoni usque linina, the tenor voice is indicated by original intention of version exact canon. reconstructed puzzLe canons, a drawing of a be11, and other signs of the "Credo" and "Sanctus" based on this that have continued to baffle scholars for more than a exact canon theory and these particular sources is be11 - tone on century. While it is clear that a 5! is Illi-tty divergent f rorn the rnodern edirions by Smi j ers ca11ed for, there are many remaining questions about and BIurne. Other reworking Josquin canonic works show similar and obfuscation of the original p1an, both by 7t Sunday rnorning SundaY norning 11

circulated in ,EngIish sources as early as the 1670s, modern edicors and by sixteenth-century scribes and rras parodied by D'Urfey, and was cas t in several printers. versions as a ground-bass piece, Of even Etea|uet importance than revisions of these One of Henry Purcell I s most important compositions pieces are the inplications of the exact canon idea for on a ground bass, the Sonata VI of Four parts, utilizes our understanding of the workings of rnusica ficta in an identical bass to that of ,'Scocca pur, " and this this period in general. Netherlandish composers c. bass can also be found elserrhere in purcell's oeuvre. 1500 r'ere still working largely within the Thus, there is a suggestion that purcell was three-hexachord system and the 8-pitchclass gamut it by the ground bass of "Scocca pur,,, and borrowed"ttracted it for inplied, not the 7-note diatonic system that eventually his olrn rdorks. This hyothesis is strengthened by took over. Many of our difficulties with musica ficta source and stylistic evidence which indicates thar can be traced to nisunderstandings of the possible purcell hinself may have been responsible for the interactions of the 7th and 8th pitches: keyboard arrangement in Musick's Hand-rnaid II. erossrelations between Bq and Bb The procedure of This attractive piece presents an interesting "correcting" such interactions on the basis of harnonic study in authenticity, and provides sone glirnpses of acceptability is questionable in view of the nethod compositional process in the English ground. that composers assumed would be ernployed by perforrners reading from the notation. The approaches of Lowinsky, Dahlhaus, and the most recent work of Margaret Bent, THE BALLET DE COUR IN FRANCE AFTER 1672 like the approaches of most editors of renaissance Barbara Coeyman, West Virginia University music, place undue emphasis on the vertical aspect of a in a repertoire that was most often not expressed This paper offers an overview of the ballet de vertically legible form. An exploration of the use of cour in France during rhe final 50-year pfr"I- oi-T- cross -relations in Netherlandish music, as begun by existence. The influence of the ballet de cour on the Haar, Noblitt, Apel , and this study, is necessary in development of opera and ballet in the seventeenth order to arrive at workable solutions to the knottier century is emphasized in nearly all modern histories of examples of problernatic !!.gsj-9-e----fi-91-e", as well as French music and theater, which generally consid.er the logical and consistent readings of much of the genre from its origin in 1581 only through irs heighr repertoire of this tine. of popularity with rhe ballets of Jean_Baptiste I.ulfy of the 1650s and 1650s for the court of Louis XIV. While the batlet de cour was eclipsed by the nore gogylar trag6die - lyrique after l6i2 , th; year of TOPICS IN BAROQUE MUSIC Lu].1y's first opera, it did continue as an integral, Paul Brainard, Princeton University, Chair albe_it less regular, component of court life throuitrout the Regency and the early years of Louis XV,s ru1e. . -, This presentation will first offer a survey of ''SCOCCA PUR.,: GENESIS OF AN ENGLISH GROUND ballets de cour perf orrned af ter 'J_672, considering ifr"i, RoberE Klakowich, University of Alberta conposers, choreographers, and designers; their subj ect matter and organization, especially in relation to The well-known and beautiful C-minor ground for opera; and the political and/or social associations keyboard found anonymously and untitled in Henry wrth the works. It will also compare this late phase Playford's The Second Part of Musick's Hand-rnaid (1689) of the genre with court ballets fron the first half of has been tentatively attributed to Giovanni Battista the reign of Louis XIV. The paper will include data Draghi (c. 1640 - 1708), an Italian composer long regarding the conditions of some of the sites of resident in London. This assumption originated vrith Perfornance and nanes and numbers of professional the late Thurston Dart, who identified a three-part versus courtier dancers in order to evaluate both the version in an English manuscript, ascribed to "Mr. artistic and the social impact of these late pur, tutti tuoi ballets. Baptist, " with the text "Scocca Iil?ttt, three represenrarive works- -Lully's lasr straIi." However, Dart was apparently unaware of the Le TempIe de 1a paix _Richard ueralande:"1I:., of 1685 , ltichel various arrangements of "Scocca pur" in French sources' ' s Les Folies de Cardenio of Ll20, and the as well as some documentary evidence indicating that E.l1"t dn p".Illll aescribed ty erlar. l."to*fres of 1729- -wi11 be the original is almost certainly a lost work composed in order to define the last phase of the by Jean-Baptiste Lu11y early in his career. genre more concretely. As with other melodies from the works of Lu11y Documentation consists of original texts and (e,g., the "Cibe11" tune), the nelody of "Scocca pur" scores r Sotne of which can be only partially became extremely popular in England. The tune 76 Sunday morning SundaY norning 77 reconstructed; contemporary accounts of perfornances in diaries and journals; eighteenth- and twentLeth-century criticl-sm of the ballet de cour; and views by CEORGE FRIDERIC HANDEL, A REASSESSMENT contemporary and modern historians of the social and OF HIS ACTIVITIES IN ROME C. T707-I709 political climate in which the ballets were perforrned. I^/i11ian Sumrners, Dartmouth CoIlege One of the nost astonishing things that did not KIRCHER, BIBER, AND THE MYSTERY OF INSTRUMENTAL take place in Handelrs 300th birthday year was any GENRES IN THE LATE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY thorough reconsideration of his stay in Italy during Charles E. Brewer, University of Alabama c. !7O6 - L7LO. This remarkable period in his life nor only narks the tine when the foundation for his mature Questions concerning instrumental genres in the conpositional style was 1aid, but it also provided hin seventeenth century, especially as regards the sonata, with nusical associations that he would cultivate for have been the focus for a nurnber of musicological the remainder of his operatic career. conclusions have been based studies. Too frequently, This paper has trso related goa1s. The first is a on a comparison with cornpositions and theoretical works reexamination of Handel,s activities in Rome. The with no stylistic affinity to the repertoires under glaring inconsistencies that remain unexplained, such examination and have accepted \.tithout question the as the fact that he never recei-ved a salary, a court or results of earlier research. In one specific case, church posltion, or any official recognition of any so - Sonatas works H. I . F. Biber' s cal1ed "Mystery , " kind, while all the while being a musician in and a that have no title in the unique source and have no composer for the most cultivated aristocratic and dernonstrable stylistic affinity with the concept of a ecclesiastical circles in Rome, are reconsidered in sonata as discussed by contemporary theorists and found light of the structure of the working musical in the autograph manuscripts and prints. by Biber and community, best seen through an analysis of the his contemporaries in Central Europe are sti1l being activitles of the Confraternita dei rnusici di Roma. described as sonatas. Secondly, this paper examines the irnplications of Foremost among the seventeenth-century theorists the interconnectedness of the Ronan nusical cornmunity. who discuss questions of instrumental genre is the Inhile various household nusic establishrnents have Jesuit Athanasius Kircher, whose treatise on music, the received careful attention, it has never been noted Musurgia universalis (Rorne, 1650) , was found in every that virtually every professional rnusician with any rnajor library and includes an important discussion of stature was a member of the Confraternita. This paper compositional styles that has not yet been fu11y provldes the first listing of the,.rnb.r"hip i; if," utilized. In particular, his clear definition of the early eighteenth century, and an analysis of their st-v1us phantasticus has been overlooked by lacer professional assoeiations. This Confrat!rnity was the writers who have based their conclusions on the first and most powerful of the musical gui1d"" i. Ro*.. this term by Mattheson (1739). definition for !111o""t5-, singers, and instrumentalists-were orgaiized Kirchner's examination of instrumental style is of 1,"t9 collegia within the greater organizatioir, and particular importance because Biber was trained in a cnelr activities !/ere carefully regulated and Jesuit serninary and in his " Sonata representiva" uses docunented. By comparing Handel' s activities with musical quotes frorn Kircher's work. cnose of its most powerful mernbers, Corelli, Scarlatti, through an Kircher's definitions will be supported l"d Caldara, who were all Maestri, it can be examination of compositions by Biber and his oemonstrated that Handel had 1ittle chance of obtaining contemporaries: Schnelzer, V.jvanovsky, Poglietti, 'official" recognition in Roman musical circles, let Doebel, To1ar, etc. Ernphasis will be placed on the alone a position of any standing. In short, Ilandel musical autographs and manuscript sources, many as yet would never have been able to lstablish hirnself in unpublished, from the library -Xron6ii2,of P-rince-Bishop Karl Rone, even if he had wished to. Llechtenstein-Kastelkorn in who ernployed . The nost telling corroboration for this hyopthes is Biber as rnusic director from c. 1668 - 167O. These is.the fact that HandeI made virtually no Iasting conpositions show a clear stylistic distinction betneen irnpression 1llsicaIeven,.though upon his Italian contemporaries, sonatas and works of a more heterogeneous character, they had perforned some of his finest such as balleti and partias. This evidence shows that _:L1r1an period" works in the palaces of the city's the actual compositional prototype for the 15 works most important persons. It was Handel's innate which Biber dedicated to the mysteries of the Rosary c. !or Professional survival that ultinately propelled ".i-rru partia. him 1676 was not the sonata, but the :::_ :t Ita1y, righr ar rhe momenr oi t i"- greatesr iliI".i:ueen success, Ag_r_r_p_i.:ea (1709-10). rhough ri'uch has made in the abstract about Handel's deb-t to Italy, 76 Sunday morning SundaY norning 77 reconstructed; contemporary accounts of perfornances in diaries and journals; eighteenth- and twentLeth-century criticl-sm of the ballet de cour; and views by CEORGE FRIDERIC HANDEL, A REASSESSMENT contemporary and modern historians of the social and OF HIS ACTIVITIES IN ROME C. T707-I709 political climate in which the ballets were perforrned. I^/i11ian Sumrners, Dartmouth CoIlege One of the nost astonishing things that did not KIRCHER, BIBER, AND THE MYSTERY OF INSTRUMENTAL take place in Handelrs 300th birthday year was any GENRES IN THE LATE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY thorough reconsideration of his stay in Italy during Charles E. Brewer, University of Alabama c. !7O6 - L7LO. This remarkable period in his life nor only narks the tine when the foundation for his mature Questions concerning instrumental genres in the conpositional style was 1aid, but it also provided hin seventeenth century, especially as regards the sonata, with nusical associations that he would cultivate for have been the focus for a nurnber of musicological the remainder of his operatic career. conclusions have been based studies. Too frequently, This paper has trso related goa1s. The first is a on a comparison with cornpositions and theoretical works reexamination of Handel,s activities in Rome. The with no stylistic affinity to the repertoires under glaring inconsistencies that remain unexplained, such examination and have accepted \.tithout question the as the fact that he never recei-ved a salary, a court or results of earlier research. In one specific case, church posltion, or any official recognition of any so - Sonatas works H. I . F. Biber' s cal1ed "Mystery , " kind, while all the while being a musician in and a that have no title in the unique source and have no composer for the most cultivated aristocratic and dernonstrable stylistic affinity with the concept of a ecclesiastical circles in Rome, are reconsidered in sonata as discussed by contemporary theorists and found light of the structure of the working musical in the autograph manuscripts and prints. by Biber and community, best seen through an analysis of the his contemporaries in Central Europe are sti1l being activitles of the Confraternita dei rnusici di Roma. described as sonatas. Secondly, this paper examines the irnplications of Foremost among the seventeenth-century theorists the interconnectedness of the Ronan nusical cornmunity. who discuss questions of instrumental genre is the Inhile various household nusic establishrnents have Jesuit Athanasius Kircher, whose treatise on music, the received careful attention, it has never been noted Musurgia universalis (Rorne, 1650) , was found in every that virtually every professional rnusician with any rnajor library and includes an important discussion of stature was a member of the Confraternita. This paper compositional styles that has not yet been fu11y provldes the first listing of the,.rnb.r"hip i; if," utilized. In particular, his clear definition of the early eighteenth century, and an analysis of their st-v1us phantasticus has been overlooked by lacer professional assoeiations. This Confrat!rnity was the writers who have based their conclusions on the first and most powerful of the musical gui1d"" i. Ro*.. this term by Mattheson (1739). definition for !111o""t5-, singers, and instrumentalists-were orgaiized Kirchner's examination of instrumental style is of 1,"t9 collegia within the greater organizatioir, and particular importance because Biber was trained in a cnelr activities !/ere carefully regulated and Jesuit serninary and in his " Sonata representiva" uses docunented. By comparing Handel' s activities with musical quotes frorn Kircher's work. cnose of its most powerful mernbers, Corelli, Scarlatti, through an Kircher's definitions will be supported l"d Caldara, who were all Maestri, it can be examination of compositions by Biber and his oemonstrated that Handel had 1ittle chance of obtaining contemporaries: Schnelzer, V.jvanovsky, Poglietti, 'official" recognition in Roman musical circles, let Doebel, To1ar, etc. Ernphasis will be placed on the alone a position of any standing. In short, Ilandel musical autographs and manuscript sources, many as yet would never have been able to lstablish hirnself in unpublished, from the library -Xron6ii2,of P-rince-Bishop Karl Rone, even if he had wished to. Llechtenstein-Kastelkorn in who ernployed . The nost telling corroboration for this hyopthes is Biber as rnusic director from c. 1668 - 167O. These is.the fact that HandeI made virtually no Iasting conpositions show a clear stylistic distinction betneen irnpression 1llsicaIeven,.though upon his Italian contemporaries, sonatas and works of a more heterogeneous character, they had perforned some of his finest such as balleti and partias. This evidence shows that _:L1r1an period" works in the palaces of the city's the actual compositional prototype for the 15 works most important persons. It was Handel's innate which Biber dedicated to the mysteries of the Rosary c. !or Professional survival that ultinately propelled ".i-rru partia. him 1676 was not the sonata, but the :::_ :t Ita1y, righr ar rhe momenr oi t i"- greatesr iliI".i:ueen success, Ag_r_r_p_i.:ea (1709-10). rhough ri'uch has made in the abstract about Handel's deb-t to Italy, 18 Sunday morning SundaY mornlng 79

II" sonatas: this paper seeks to explain his activities in Rome from on other ,"Op. - K. 3gO and K. 296. My a Roman rather than a trans-alpine vantage point. studies show further that parts of the K. 37g model 3_2. ylozattrs reappear -i"-y:9 Opus II was published by Lrtca::la ln 1782; WoO 36 was composed in 17g5 and i.IoO 37 c. L786, in Beethoven's rnid-teens. MOZART AND BEETHOVEN Through cornparative analysis, I shall dernonstrate Thornas Bauman, Stanford University, Chair the presence of the rnodels on various levels in the new compositions. In WoO 36/l-3 rhe array of MOZARTIS SONATA FOR PIANO AND VIOLIN, K. 379:. Drovement- types , their tempo superscripts , and heters A SETTING FOR THE JEWEL natch; likewise the dispersions of tonics and. modes for movexnents Robert Riggs, Harvard University the three of each work (WoO j6 /L and 2 transpose the rnodels ) . S ingle movements exhibit In a letter of 8 April 1781, i{ozarx reported to various thematic correspondences as well as sharing his father that he had just performed a sonata for rhythuric, textural, registral, and other details. piano and violin " which I composed last night I shal1 focus analytical comnentary on the variation- finales of K. 379 between eleven and twelve, but in order to be able to , WoO 3G/L , WoO 3l , finish it, I only wrote out the accornpanirnent for showing that Beethoven knew his nodel thoroughly".ra but Brunetti the Salzburg concertmaster and retained rny that he did not fol1ow it slavishly. The thernJ for WoO I ] is oarn part in rny head, " 36/L/Lij- new but retains the dimensions of the The identity of this "one-hour" sonata has been l{ozatt one. Mozart's variations ate reordered.; a ner{, debated; The New Grove lists K. 379, but the $.{ votes variation is added to the set. The theme for WoO for K. 380. This paper evaluates the source evidence, 37 /iij- contains nuch of the surface of the Mozart which provides strong support for K. 379. However, the thene , a surface ignored in WoO 36 /l . Again the structure of the autograPh, ink colors , and other variations ate reordered; again a netr one is added. biographical clues suggest that Mozart probably A11 movements close with a reprise in quicker tempo exaggerated his feat to his father. Most of the piano followed with a coda. part was also written out at the time of the first WoO 37 / iii incorporates data from both WoO performance, and (given the important distinction for 36/T/iii and K. 379/iIL, thus enlarging the model and l4.ozatx between the composing and \triting acts) work on developing ne!r ways to use it. These operations are the sonata certainly occupied more than one hour. continued inro Opus L21"a (1795?) and beyond. one of Mozart's first K. 379 r{7as composed for RESPONDENT: plaroff, appearances in Vienna, and he was obviously anxious to John Triniry CoIlege, Hartford, CT impress, both with its novel structure and with the potency and variety of its expressive content. However, he was sinply fulfilling (albeit brilliantly) THE ABDUCTION OF THE ENTFiJHRUNG eighteenth-century aesthetic expectations, which AN INVESTIGATION INTO TIiO CONTRASTING (according to Sulzer, Koch, Ttirk, et. a1. ) emphasize SINCSPIEL TRADITIONS that every type of feeling and suffering can be Linda Tyler-Schmidt, princeton University expressed in the sonata. This paper is a conscious arnalgam of positivistic "A certain individual in Vienna , ylozart by name, ,, wr.ote Christoph Friedrich Bretzner in 17gZ, ih"" autograph study, analysis, and critical interpretation. cne had As such, it endeavors (borrowing Jacques Barzun's audacity to misuse my drama Belmonte und Constanze give j ewel the setting it !ur an opera text. I herewith protest most solennly phrase) to this against ,' deserves. " this infringernent of ny rights, Bretzner,s anger was understandable. Not only'absconded had Mozart and hls llbrettist Stephanie the younger with his YOUNG BEETHOVEN'S PIECES ON MOZART MODELS: _t"*:, they had also taken many liberties r,7ith it, producing a libretto far different A STUDY IN COMPOSITIONAL METHOD treely from the original. Ellwood Derr, University of Michigan playing with the purloined work, the abdicrors all parrs lltotF:d of rhe opera: dialogues , arias , ensenbles, and Deiters, Schiederrnair, and St. Foix have each apprehension- finales. Such thieves deserve suggested that Beethoven's WoO 36/l is based on -and careful study; their appropriation of Bretzner's work Mozart' s K. 379 . More recently, Douglas Johnson and I contrasting invites investj-gation into the have independently verified these assertions and have opera. styles of Northern and Southern German discovered that WoO 36/2 and 3 are modeled respectively 18 Sunday morning SundaY mornlng 79

80 Sunday morning SundaY morning 81

Bretzner's the suggest differences between the Mozarteum and original text 1,ras set in 1781 for .:h"a copres may Dijbblein Theater in Berlin by Johann Andr6. His DonaueschlnSen represent revisions made by setting reflects the North German predilection for Illozatx to the work. short and sirnple musical numbers. While strophic songs predominate, a few ensembles and coloratura arias help add variety. These and other elements are traceable to the Northern style's roots in the English ba1lad opera MUSIC AND LITERATURE and early oo6ra cornique ltlozarx and Stephanie Owen Jander, I,Iellesley College Chair transformed the text into a libretto suitable for the Viennese stage. They added seven arias to accommodate the ensemble of prime donne and primi uomi in Vienna. STRAUSSIS FORGOTTEN SALOME Their longer, rnulti-section solo and ensemble numbers Nadine Sine, Lehigh University that replaced the strophic forms demonstrated the more Italianate musical tastes of the Viennese. The Innediately after cornpleting the full score of rearrangement of the sextet text into dialogue and solo Salome in July 1905, Richard Strauss wrote to his numbers reflected the Southern reliance on the publisher, Adolph Ftirstner, indicating thar h", Italianate structure of the acts; an action ensemble himself, wished to undertake the translition of the such as this was inappropriate for the beginning o.f an vocal score into Freneh. He reasoned that, since Wilde act. A closer investigation of these and other had written the play in French and since the opera r{ras based directly on a translation of the pfay by Hedwig revisions within the context of the artistic traditions (as that engendered then yields a needed perspective in the Lachmann opposed to a libretto fashioned oui of the play), the Freneh vocal score ought to return study not only of Die Entftihrung aus dern Serail, but Wilde's text. co also of all Mozart's German operas, and the conventions The obvious difficuliies in adapting a that lurked behind their creation. specific French text to a vocal Iine designed to German words forced Strauss to the concluson that"airy he would have to rework the vocal Iine. During the several months subsequently spent on this pao'1..t, Strauss corresponded extensively with Romain Roilana THE TEXT OF MOZART'S 'LINZ' SYMPHONY, K. 425 regarding problems encountered Cliff Eisen, Toronto , Canada in setting the French. The resulting piano-voca1 score, published in 1906, reveals the extent to which Strauss labored, for the The autograph of Mozart's 'Linz' Synphony has been vocal line lost since before 1800, and early editions of the work has been rewritten. The changes go beyond rhythrnic alterations to adjust for acce-ntu.t"ion, apparently were based on unidentified manuscript different sy1lab1e sources or on Andr6' s non- authentic first edition of counts, and the provision of pitches for the final rnute 'e' found frequently in the irench. L793. It r,ras not until the 1930s that an authentic In some places copy of the syrnphony was discovered, a set of parts Strauss drastically altered the shape of a- phrase, in others he shifted the placenent sold by l{'ozart to the Frirstenberg court at phrase of a Donaueschingen in the summer of 1786. by several measures, and perhaps most interesti,ngly, he at times replaced a thenaticalJ-y These authentic parts served as the bas is for a neutral line 1955 Neue Mozart-Ausgabe edition of K. 425. in the German with a French vocal line "pre-print" that duplicated an orchestral leitnotiv. They also served as the basis for the 19TL definitive Due sources to complex-Fren.h publishing and performnance edition, the discovery of other important , histories of the "Strau"s,s including a , set of parts in the library of the SaIom6, efforts on behalf of Wilde,s original French Mozarteum in Salzburg, notwithstanding. virtually -ff,i" text have gone the soutces of unremarked. paper provides a brief In this paper I will re-evaluate overview of these cornplicatiorr" the 'Linz' Syrnphony in order to show that the Mozarteum of,contenporary "lorrg with a d.iscussion copy is also authentic; and unlike the Donaueschingen criticisn of performances of the French oarone. It then details the types of changes Strauss parts (which do not imrnediately derive frorn Mozart's made in the autograph or from parts used by hin to perforrn the work vocal line, the exi.rt of those changes, and the degree to which Rolland influenced in Vienna), the Mozarteum copy etas made in Salzburg in rt progressed. the work as the summer of 17 84 directly from Mozart' s now- lost score Readings common to the Salzburg and Donaueschingen copies show that an "authentic" text of the symphony differs in nany important respects from the text transnitted by the NMA. FinaIly, I want to ---

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82 Sunday morning SundaY norning 83

the association_-of these with Hardy's Tess of the MUSICO.POETIC FORM IN SATIE'S d'Urbervi1les. - The idea was apparently 'HUMORISTIC' PIANO SUTTES (191-2-191-5) stage, however, and comnentators"b".raorrEa-lt have "., Ottawa eatLy assumed Alan M. Gil1rnor, Carleton University, that it left lltt1e trace in the synphony as it now s tands . The tldelve piano suites beginning with the A deCailed examination of the sketches and other Pr6ludes flasques of 1,912 and ending with the sources suggests that, pens6es nanuscript in fact, the progran Avant-derniires of 1915 are among Satie's is of fundarnental inportance co the finished wfrk. best-known piano conpositions and perhaps the purest Verbal inscriptions appear in the manuscripts that Iink examples of his peculiar genius. In these suites, nusical and extra-musical ideas, and the character an4 comprising 51 individual pieces in all, can be found in distribution of these inscriptions reveal two inportant abundance the endearing qualities that have become points: 1)- up to a very late - stage of .orpo"ition virtually synonymous with the composer' s name : wit, Vaughan Willians intended to give some novemenrs parody, irony, fantasy. descrlptive titles; 2) the second movenent is the focus It has long been known that nost of these pieces of programmatic significance. Extrapolating from the are sprinkled with tunes indigenous to the cornposer's connection of two principal musical thernes in this - - children' s songs songs airs sonic environment , folk , movement with the inscriptions 'Tessr and 'Stonehenge,, fron once popular operettas, and occasionally themes I argue that the piece is based on a progran- deaiing from the "classics. " Equally well-known is Satie's with events from the last tr^ro chapters of Hardy,s controverslal habit of lacing his scores with odd novel. Such a study raises fundamental question" particularly performance directions as well as, in the our attiCudes to program nusic, particularly "bL.rtln later works, a nearly continuous strean of seerningly relation to compositional process and to criticisn". nonsensical verbal comnentary. To date, however, there has been littIe attenpt to analyze these works as unified rnuslco-poetic entities. Such an approach- -no less than with the nusic of Ives- -a11ows rneaningful speculation concerning the composer's aesthetic intent as revealed through his compositional rnodus operandi. Like most progressive music cornposed between 1890 and L920 Satie's resists traditional analytical me tho ds Despite its deceptive simplicity, his music--as much as Debussy's or Ives's--requires its own analytical frarnework, one that recognizes the fragile juxtaposition of multiple layers of aesthetic meaning. Through a "nusico-poetic'analysis of one of the piano suites - -Vieux sequins et vieilles cuirasses - - such an analytical rnodel is proposed, one that a11ows the parodistic and satirical elements central to the Satiean aesthetic to be perceived and savored to the fullest extent possible.

82 Sunday morning SundaY norning 83

HARDY'S ITESS' AND THE COMPOSITION OF VAUGHAN WILLIAM'S NINTH SYI,IPHONY Alain Frogley, Oxford UniversitY Vaughan Willians naintained a lifelong ambivalence torrards the question of programmatic associations and neaning in his music, even in those works to which he gave descriptive titles. This arnbivalence profoundly affected the Nlnth Synphony, his last completed major work, From the cornposer' s oltn hints , and f rorn the recollectons of some of those close to hin, it seems that the synphony began life with a Program concerned r{ich the clty of Salisbury and nearby Stonehenge, and INDEX OF PARTICIPANTS Luscig, Roger' 63- Snow, Robert J., 35 Sonntag, Mariana, 12 \\aceY, Patrick' -5E 4E Spitzer John, 37 Abbate, Carolyn, 5l Fox, parnela, 66 - Mann, Alfred, , Antokoletz, El1iott, 43 Freedman, Richard, 33 Mathiesen, Thomas J. , 60 Stauffer, George B. , 50 Atlas, Allan W., 12 Frogley, Alain, 82 Micznik, Yera, 27 Stein, Louise K., 3 Aubrey, Elizabeth, 16 Fromson, Michile , 19 Monson, CtaLg, I9 Stinson, Russell, 50 Austin, William W. , 43 cermer , Ylark, 2L Mover, Ann E', 61 Subotnik, Rose Rosengard, Charnin, )l 68 Bailey, Robert, 25 Gessele , C . M. , 65 ttue11"r, Rena Baltzer , Rebecca A. , 32 Gi1lnor, Alan M. , 82 N6das, John, 17 Summers, I,Iilliam, 77 Barone, Anthony E., 67 Gordon, Toin, L4 Ness, Arthur, 6 Taruskin, Richard, 43 Bauman, Thomas,78 cossett, Phi1ip,29 Ne!rcornb, AnthonY, 59 Todd, R. Larry, 10 CIaude V 67 1 Beckerman, l'lichael, 13, 22 Grave, FIoyd K. , 63 Palisca,r4LLne4 Tomasello , Andrew, Benedum, Richard, 48 Green, Douglass M. , 13 , T6 Parkany, StePhen, 12 Treitler, Leo, 68 41 Bent , Ian, 30 Green, Richard D . , 39 Parker, Roger, Tucker Mark, 55 Bent, Margaret, 57 , 60 Gushee, Lawrence, 43 Pasler, Jann,55 Tyler, Jarnes, 4 Bergquist, Peter,20 Hajdu, John,36 Perz, Miroslaw, 58 Tyler-Schrnidt, Linda, 79 Bernstein, Lawrence F., 1I Hanning, Barbara Russano, Phi11ips, NancY, 45 Urquhart, Peter, 73 Blackburn, Bonnie J., 59 22 Planchart, Alejandro E. , Van den Toorn, Pieter, 43 Boe , John, 31- Hardie , Jane Morlet, 1 l, 43 Verba, Cynthia, 63 Boone, Graeme, M. , 18 Harr5,n, Don, 28 Plantinga, Leon, 7 Vitercik, Greg, 9 Boorrnan, Stanley, 48 Harwood, Gregory W. , 11 Plaroff, John, 79 IWalters], Anne Robertson, Borders, James M., 43 Hawkshaw, Pau1, 12, 13 Randel, Don M., 16 31 Bowen, Willian R., 60 Hefling, Stephen 8., 25 Reynolds, Christopher, 33 I^/armington, Flynn, 72 Brainard, Paul, 74 Herlinger, Jan, 57 Riggs, Robert, 78 Weber, Wi1lian, 22 Brauner, Mitchell P., f4 Herz, Gerhard, 49 Riis, Thomas, 55 Webster, James, 8 Brevrer, Charles, E., 76 Higgins, Pau1a,45 Robertson, Anne Walters , 31 Weiss, Piero, 28 Brunner, Lance, 43 Holzer, Robert R., 62 Russom, Philip, 38 Iieiss, Susan Forscher, 47 Buch, David J., 4 Houle, George, 39 Shapiro, Anne Dhu, 54 Wheelock, Gretchen A., 23 Carter, Stewart, 36 Hudson, Barton, 18 Shreffler, Anne C., 15 Whiting, Steven lloore, 24 Coelho, Victor, 5 Huebner, Steven, 40 Silbiger, Alexander, 4 Wing, Marj orie , 24 Coeyman, Barbara, T5 Jander, Owen,81 Sine, Nadine, 81 Voods, Isobel P. , 33 Cohen, Albert,64 Jeffery, Peter,3l Sisman, Elaine, 7 Wright, Craig, 33 Sni th ltlar ian 42 Zychowi.cz, Cowart , Georgia, 29 Johnson, Glen Pierr , 7 , , James L. , 26 Crawford, Richard, 54 Josephson, David, 66 Crownfield, Elizabeth, 2I Ka1lberg, Jeffrey, 68, 70 Curnrning, Julie E , , 7I Karp , Theo dore , 44 Dalen, Brenda,15 Keiler, Allan,53 Daverio, John J. , 10 Kelly, Thomas Forrest, 44 Dean, Jeffrey J . , 46 Klakowich, Robert, 74 DeavilIe, James A., 51 Kmetz, John, 35 Derr, Ellwood, 78 Kurtzman, Jeffrey G. , 60 Deveaux, Scott, 56 Ladewig, Janes, 49 Dreyfus , Laurence , 68 , 69 Laird, PauI R. , 2 Eisen, C1iff, 80 Lewis, Christopher, 26 Fisher, Stephen C. , 7 Lewis, Mary, 45 Forte , Allen, 43 , 52 Longyear, Rey M. , 39 INDEX OF PARTICIPANTS Luscig, Roger' 63- Snow, Robert J., 35 Sonntag, Mariana, 12 \\aceY, Patrick' -5E 4E Spitzer John, 37 Abbate, Carolyn, 5l Fox, parnela, 66 - Mann, Alfred, , Antokoletz, El1iott, 43 Freedman, Richard, 33 Mathiesen, Thomas J. , 60 Stauffer, George B. , 50 Atlas, Allan W., 12 Frogley, Alain, 82 Micznik, Yera, 27 Stein, Louise K., 3 Aubrey, Elizabeth, 16 Fromson, Michile , 19 Monson, CtaLg, I9 Stinson, Russell, 50 Austin, William W. , 43 cermer , Ylark, 2L Mover, Ann E', 61 Subotnik, Rose Rosengard, Charnin, )l 68 Bailey, Robert, 25 Gessele , C . M. , 65 ttue11"r, Rena Baltzer , Rebecca A. , 32 Gi1lnor, Alan M. , 82 N6das, John, 17 Summers, I,Iilliam, 77 Barone, Anthony E., 67 Gordon, Toin, L4 Ness, Arthur, 6 Taruskin, Richard, 43 Bauman, Thomas,78 cossett, Phi1ip,29 Ne!rcornb, AnthonY, 59 Todd, R. Larry, 10 CIaude V 67 1 Beckerman, l'lichael, 13, 22 Grave, FIoyd K. , 63 Palisca,r4LLne4 Tomasello , Andrew, Benedum, Richard, 48 Green, Douglass M. , 13 , T6 Parkany, StePhen, 12 Treitler, Leo, 68 41 Bent , Ian, 30 Green, Richard D . , 39 Parker, Roger, Tucker Mark, 55 Bent, Margaret, 57 , 60 Gushee, Lawrence, 43 Pasler, Jann,55 Tyler, Jarnes, 4 Bergquist, Peter,20 Hajdu, John,36 Perz, Miroslaw, 58 Tyler-Schrnidt, Linda, 79 Bernstein, Lawrence F., 1I Hanning, Barbara Russano, Phi11ips, NancY, 45 Urquhart, Peter, 73 Blackburn, Bonnie J., 59 22 Planchart, Alejandro E. , Van den Toorn, Pieter, 43 Boe , John, 31- Hardie , Jane Morlet, 1 l, 43 Verba, Cynthia, 63 Boone, Graeme, M. , 18 Harr5,n, Don, 28 Plantinga, Leon, 7 Vitercik, Greg, 9 Boorrnan, Stanley, 48 Harwood, Gregory W. , 11 Plaroff, John, 79 IWalters], Anne Robertson, Borders, James M., 43 Hawkshaw, Pau1, 12, 13 Randel, Don M., 16 31 Bowen, Willian R., 60 Hefling, Stephen 8., 25 Reynolds, Christopher, 33 I^/armington, Flynn, 72 Brainard, Paul, 74 Herlinger, Jan, 57 Riggs, Robert, 78 Weber, Wi1lian, 22 Brauner, Mitchell P., f4 Herz, Gerhard, 49 Riis, Thomas, 55 Webster, James, 8 Brevrer, Charles, E., 76 Higgins, Pau1a,45 Robertson, Anne Walters , 31 Weiss, Piero, 28 Brunner, Lance, 43 Holzer, Robert R., 62 Russom, Philip, 38 Iieiss, Susan Forscher, 47 Buch, David J., 4 Houle, George, 39 Shapiro, Anne Dhu, 54 Wheelock, Gretchen A., 23 Carter, Stewart, 36 Hudson, Barton, 18 Shreffler, Anne C., 15 Whiting, Steven lloore, 24 Coelho, Victor, 5 Huebner, Steven, 40 Silbiger, Alexander, 4 Wing, Marj orie , 24 Coeyman, Barbara, T5 Jander, Owen,81 Sine, Nadine, 81 Voods, Isobel P. , 33 Cohen, Albert,64 Jeffery, Peter,3l Sisman, Elaine, 7 Wright, Craig, 33 Sni th ltlar ian 42 Zychowi.cz, Cowart , Georgia, 29 Johnson, Glen Pierr , 7 , , James L. , 26 Crawford, Richard, 54 Josephson, David, 66 Crownfield, Elizabeth, 2I Ka1lberg, Jeffrey, 68, 70 Curnrning, Julie E , , 7I Karp , Theo dore , 44 Dalen, Brenda,15 Keiler, Allan,53 Daverio, John J. , 10 Kelly, Thomas Forrest, 44 Dean, Jeffrey J . , 46 Klakowich, Robert, 74 DeavilIe, James A., 51 Kmetz, John, 35 Derr, Ellwood, 78 Kurtzman, Jeffrey G. , 60 Deveaux, Scott, 56 Ladewig, Janes, 49 Dreyfus , Laurence , 68 , 69 Laird, PauI R. , 2 Eisen, C1iff, 80 Lewis, Christopher, 26 Fisher, Stephen C. , 7 Lewis, Mary, 45 Forte , Allen, 43 , 52 Longyear, Rey M. , 39