Hybridity, Local Ordering and the New Governing Rationalities of Peace and Security Interventions in Somalia
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2016 Elections in Somalia - The Rise of the New Somali Women's Political Movements The Somali Institute for Development and Research Analysis (SIDRA) Garowe, Puntland State of Somalia Cell Phone: +252-907-794730 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.sidrainstitute.org This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial License (CC BY-NC 4.0) Attribute to: Somali Institute for Development & Research Analysis 2016 A note of Appreciation Many Somali women freely provided their time to take part in the surveys, focus group discussions and interviews for this study and thereby helping us collect quality data that allowed us to make sound scientific analysis. Without their contributions, this study would not have reached its findings. This study was self funded by SIDRA and would not have materialized without the sacrifice of keeping aside other cost to allocate resources for this study. Finally, this study would not have come to be without the tireless efforts of SIDRA staff through the direction of Sahro Koshin, SIDRA Head of Programmes and leadership of Guled Salah, SIDRAs Executive Director. Many other people supported this study in different ways and made it a success. SIDRA whole heartedly appreciates all these people. Page | 2 2016 Elections in Somalia - The Rise of the New Somali Women's Political Movements Table of content EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................................................6 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION AND -
Somalia Country Report BTI 2012
BTI 2012 | Somalia Country Report Status Index 1-10 1.22 # 128 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 1.27 # 128 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 1.18 # 128 of 128 Management Index 1-10 1.51 # 127 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Somalia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Somalia 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 9.3 HDI - GDP p.c. $ - Pop. growth1 % p.a. 2.3 HDI rank of 187 - Gini Index - Life expectancy years 51 UN Education Index - Poverty3 % - Urban population % 37.4 Gender inequality2 - Aid per capita $ 72.4 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Over the last two years, Somalia experienced ongoing violence and a continuous reconfiguration of political and military forces. During a United Nations brokered peace process in Djibouti, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) reconciled with one of its opponents, the moderate Djibouti wing of the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS-D). -
Forging Jubaland Community Perspectives on Federalism, Governance and Reconciliation
RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE MEETING REPORT FEBRUARY 2017 Forging Jubaland Community perspectives on federalism, governance and reconciliation The Interim Jubaland President, Ahmed Mohamed Islan, addresses the delegates during his inauguration ceremony in in Kismayu on September 12, 2015. Key points Participants • A peaceful settlement in Somalia is Joanna Crouch, Somalia Programme Officer, dependent on how a new system will be Saferworld implemented, rather than which new Peter Mackenzie, Somalia Country Director, system will be adopted. Saferworld (Chair) • The establishment of Jubaland has Hassan Dirye, SOSCENSA brought improvements in security and the delivery of public services, but the Abdi Al, Programme Adviser, Saferworld concentration of both authorities and Halima Farah, Somali Women’s Solidarity external assistance in the city of Kismayo Organization has created tensions with the peripheral areas. Idris Abdi Yarre, Saferworld Partner • In Jubaland, statebuilding—involving Ayaan Addulkadir Hared, Saferworld Partner elite bargaining—has been prioritized over social reconciliation, which has Introduction marginalized less powerful clans, youth On 22 April 2016, the Rift Valley Forum hosted and women. the launch of Saferworld’s report, Forging Jubaland, Community Perspectives on Federalism, Governance and • Surveys show there is public support Reconciliation. The creation of Jubaland state in for federalism as a mechanism to bring 2013 and the controversial appointment of Sheikh decision-making and service provision Ahmed Mohamed Islam (‘Madobe’) as President closer to the people. of its interim administration, supported by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), precipitated tensions and divisions in which has been especially weak in the Gedo, Somalia. In response, the Saferworld team in middle and lower Juba regions. -
HAB Represents a Variety of Sources and Does Not Necessarily Express the Views of the LPI
ei January-February 2017 Volume 29 Issue 1 2017 elections: Making Somalia great again? Contents 1. Editor's Note 2. Somali elections online: View from Mogadishu 3. Somalia under Farmaajo: Fresh start or another false dawn? 4. Somalia’s recent election gives Somali women a glimmer of hope 5. ‘Regional’ representation and resistance: Is there a relationship between 2017 elections in Somalia and Somaliland? 6. Money and drought: Beyond the politico-security sustainability of elections in Somalia and Somaliland 1 Editorial information This publication is produced by the Life & Peace Institute (LPI) with support from the Bread for the World, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and Church of Sweden International Department. The donors are not involved in the production and are not responsible for the contents of the publication. Editorial principles The Horn of Africa Bulletin is a regional policy periodical, monitoring and analysing key peace and security issues in the Horn with a view to inform and provide alternative analysis on on-going debates and generate policy dialogue around matters of conflict transformation and peacebuilding. The material published in HAB represents a variety of sources and does not necessarily express the views of the LPI. Comment policy All comments posted are moderated before publication. Feedback and subscriptions For subscription matters, feedback and suggestions contact LPI’s regional programme on HAB@life- peace.org For more LPI publications and resources, please visit: www.life-peace.org/resources/ ISSN 2002-1666 About Life & Peace Institute Since its formation, LPI has carried out programmes for conflict transformation in a variety of countries, conducted research, and produced numerous publications on nonviolent conflict transformation and the role of religion in conflict and peacebuilding. -
Exploring the Old Stone Town of Mogadishu
Exploring the Old Stone Town of Mogadishu Exploring the Old Stone Town of Mogadishu By Nuredin Hagi Scikei Exploring the Old Stone Town of Mogadishu By Nuredin Hagi Scikei This book first published 2017 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2017 by Nuredin Hagi Scikei All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-0331-3 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-0331-1 Dedicated to my father Hagi Scikei Abati, my mother Khadija Ali Omar, my sister Zuhra and my brother Sirajadin. CONTENTS Preface ........................................................................................................ xi Acknowledgements .................................................................................. xiii Chapter One ................................................................................................. 1 Introduction Who are the Banaadiri Maritime Traders and Ancient Banaadiri Settlements Religion and Learning The Growth of Foreign Trade, Urbanisation and the First Industries of Banaadir Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 11 The Campaign of Defamation against the Banaadiri -
Somalia's Politics: the Usual Business?
CONFLICT RESEARCH PROGRAMME Research at LSE Conflict Research Programme Somalia’s Politics: The Usual Business? A Synthesis Paper of the Conflict Research Programme Nisar Majid, Aditya Sarkar, Claire Elder, Khalif Abdirahman, Sarah Detzner, Jared Miller and Alex de Waal About the Conflict Research Programme The Conflict Research Programme is a four-year research programme hosted by LSE IDEAS and funded by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Our goal is to understand and analyse the nature of contemporary conflict and to identify international interventions that ‘work’ in the sense of reducing violence, or contributing more broadly to the security of individuals and communities who experience conflict. © Nisar Majid, Aditya Sarkar, Claire Elder, Khalif Abdirahman, Sarah Detzner, Jared Miller and Alex de Waal 2021. This work is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. 3 Somalia’s Politics: The Usual Business? Contents 1. Overview 4 2. Introduction 5 3. Emergence and Evolution of the Political Marketplace 8 4. Finance, Flows of Resources and Political Budgets 21 External patronage 23 Logistics and humanitarian contracts/resources 24 Revenue generation – taxation at seaports, airports, checkpoints 26 Business 26 Covid and the marketplace 28 5. Control of Violence 29 The FGS 29 The FMS 31 Al-Shabaab 32 External actors 33 6. (Informal) Norms and Constraints 34 The ‘clan’ system 34 Business, clan and Islam 35 Clan as a regulating structure in peace making 35 Peacemaking and state-building at the Puntland-Galmudug border 36 Justice and security in Kismayo 38 Transnational citizenship and resistance 39 7. -
External Interventions in Somalia's Civil War. Security Promotion And
External intervention in Somalia’s civil war Mikael Eriksson (Editor) Eriksson Mikael war civil Somalia’s intervention in External The present study examines external intervention in Somalia’s civil war. The focus is on Ethiopia’s, Kenya’s and Uganda’s military engagement in Somalia. The study also analyses the political and military interests of the intervening parties and how their respective interventions might affect each country’s security posture and outlook. The aim of the study is to contribute to a more refined under- standing of Somalia’s conflict and its implications for the security landscape in the Horn of Africa. The study contains both theoretical chapters and three empirically grounded cases studies. The main finding of the report is that Somalia’s neighbours are gradually entering into a more tense political relationship with the government of Somalia. This development is character- ized by a tension between Somalia’s quest for sovereignty and neighbouring states’ visions of a decentralized Somali state- system capable of maintaining security across the country. External Intervention in Somalia’s civil war Security promotion and national interests? Mikael Eriksson (Editor) FOI-R--3718--SE ISSN1650-1942 www.foi.se November 2013 FOI-R--3718--SE Mikael Eriksson (Editor) External Intervention in Somalia’s civil war Security promotion and national interests? Cover: Scanpix (Photo: TT, CORBIS) 1 FOI-R--3718--SE Titel Extern intervention i Somalias inbördeskrig: Främjande av säkerhet och nationella intressen? Title External intervention in Somalia’s civil war: security promotion and national Interests? Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--3718--SE Månad/Month November Utgivningsår/Year 2013 Antal sidor/Pages 137 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet/Ministry of Defence Projektnr/Project no A11306 Godkänd av/Approved by Maria Lignell Jakobsson Ansvarig avdelning Försvarsanalys/Defence Analysis Detta verk är skyddat enligt lagen (1960:729) om upphovsrätt till litterära och konstnärliga verk. -
State Fragility in Somaliland and Somalia: a Contrast in Peace and State Building
AUGUST 2018 State fragility in Somaliland and Somalia: A contrast in peace and state building Mohamed Farah Hersi Mohamed Farah Hersi is the Director of the Academy for Peace and Development in Hargeisa, Somaliland About the commission The LSE-Oxford Commission on State Fragility, Growth and Development was launched in March 2017 to guide policy to combat state fragility. The commission, established under the auspices of the International Growth Centre, is sponsored by LSE and University of Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government. It is funded from the LSE KEI Fund and the British Academy’s Sustainable Development Programme through the Global Challenges Research Fund. Front page image: Mohamed958543 | Wikipedia 2 State fragility in Somaliland and Somalia: A contrast in peace and state building Contents Introduction 4 The rise and fall of pan-Somalism 6 The nexus between state legitimacy, and security and conflict 9 Political compromise and conflict: Undermining state effectiveness 13 Risky business: Private sector development amid insecurity 16 Living on the edge with few safety nets 19 Somali state fragility: Regional and international dynamics 20 Conclusion 23 Bibliography 25 3 State fragility in Somaliland and Somalia: A contrast in peace and state building Introduction The region inhabited by Somali-speaking people covers the northeast tip of Africa. During colonialism, this area was divided between European powers, separating the Somali people into five territories: Italian Somalia (today’s 1 Somalia), British Somaliland (today’s Somaliland), French Somaliland (today’s Djibouti), and notable Somali enclaves in Ethiopia’s Ogaden region and Kenya’s North Eastern province. Pan-Somali nationalism long hoped to overcome these colonial divides and unite all Somali peoples in a single nation. -
The Practicalities of Living with Failed States
The Practicalities of Living with Failed States Seyoum Mesfin & Abdeta Dribssa Beyene Abstract: State security and survival are critical issues in the rough regional environment of the Horn of Africa. Ensuring security for a state and its population is a priority and a raison d’être for any govern- ment. The buffer zone has emerged as a key strategy for nations in the Horn of Africa to manage success- fully the security challenges of the several failed states in their neighborhood. Buffer zones are established adjacent to the borders of stronger states that oversee the buffer zones’ affairs directly or through proxies. This essay explores the practical aspects of power asymmetries between successful and failed states from the perspectives of two officials in successful states who deal directly with this security challenge within the constraints of current norms and practices of sovereignty. The situation in the Horn of Africa provides in- sights into the effects of failed states on the security of their neighbors and the challenges that failed states present to the wider international community. Failed and failing states lack the political will and the capacity to enter into, much less abide by, agreements with other states to ensure mutual security. This sit- uation points to problems that attend the growing asymmetry not only in the capacities, but also in the divergent character of the domestic political orders in the Horn of Africa. This asymmetry, assessed from SEYOUM MESFIN is Ethiopia’s the perspectives of two officials of a nation adjacent to Ambassador to the People’s Re- two failed states, challenges some of the basic tenets public of China. -
After the Kenyan Intervention in Somalia
ASSOCIATED PRESS PH PRESS ASSOCIATED oto /B E N CU N rtis After the Kenyan Intervention in Somalia By Ken Menkhaus January 2012 WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG After the Kenyan Intervention in Somalia By Ken Menkhaus January 2012 In this Wednesday, Dec. 14, 2011 file photo, two Kenyan army soldiers shield themselves from the downdraft of a Kenyan air force helicopter as it flies away from their base near the seaside town of Bur Garbo, Somalia. Introduction If the first decade of the new millennium bears a single enduring political les- son, it is this: Intervention strategies that plan the war but not the peace will fail. Indifference to or wishful thinking about the crafting of a post-intervention politi- cal order guarantees disorder, and can leave both the occupied country and the intervening power worse off than before. Kenya risks this fate in southern Somalia, where its armed forces are currently engaged in an operation against the jihadi group al-Shabaab in the Jubbaland bor- der region. Almost three months into the offensive, which has at times been bogged down in a combination of rainy season mud and political indecision, there is still little indication that Kenya or anyone else has a viable plan for who will govern this highly unstable and contested region if and when Shabaab is ousted. Unless this question is clearly and effectively addressed Kenya is not likely to get what it wants—a more stable and secure border area. Instead, its offensive could produce destabilizing clan clashes over the seaport of Kismayo. Aggrieved clans and communities could turn to Shabaab, reinvigorating a jihadi group in crisis. -
Kenya's Changing Approach to Peacebuilding And
Report May 2013 Shifting priorities: Kenya’s changing approach to peacebuilding and peacemaking1 By Claire Mc Evoy Executive summary Kenya’s traditional low-risk, non-interventionist approach to peacebuilding and peacemaking, which is grounded in “good neighbourliness” and respect for national sovereignty, shifted dramatically in October 2011 with its unprecedented military operation in Somalia. This shift is underpinned by its growing confidence as an emerging East African power, coupled with a heightened interest in protecting its (economic) interests at home. Kenya is currently at the heart of an unprecedentedly successful military effort to stabilise Somalia, in combination with a high-risk, regional and global, multifaceted diplomatic stabilisation effort. As Mogadishu seeks to exert control over the creation of a federal state in Jubbaland, the multilateral Intergovernmental Authority on Development stabilisation effort has been sidelined. Kenya is widely perceived as having vested interests in the area. Kismayo port, considered an economic hub in the region, risks becoming the centre of a prolonged inter-clan struggle. As part of a “whole of Somalia” stabilisation approach, it is essential for Nairobi to balance its legitimate interests in Jubbaland with its relations with the Mogadishu government. It is in a unique position to mediate between the government and the interim administration in Kismayo, but needs to mend its own relations with the government in order to do so. Kenya’s potential as a regional peacebuilder using both soft and hard power is on trial, and this will determine its future foreign policy trajectory. Background however: a paradigm shift in favour of economic diplomacy Despite being a United Nations (UN) headquarters and the and growth under former president Mwai Kibaki and an undisputed diplomatic, commercial, infrastructural, offensive military incursion into Somalia in late 2011 to humanitarian, counterterrorism, and transport hub or protect its national interests. -
Peace Negotiations in Africa
2. Peace negotiations in Africa • Thirteen peace processes and negotiations were identified in Africa throughout 2020, accounting for 32.5% of the 40 peace processes worldwide. • The chronic deadlock and paralysis in diplomatic channels to address the Western Sahara issue favoured an escalation of tension at the end of the year. • At the end of 2020, the parties to the conflict in Libya signed a ceasefire agreement and the political negotiations tried to establish a transitional government, but doubts remained about the general evolution of the process. • In Mozambique, the Government and RENAMO made progress in implementing the DDR program envisaged in the 2019 peace agreement. • The first direct talks were held between the government of Cameroon and a part of the secessionist movement led by the historical leader Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe to try to reach a ceasefire agreement. • In Sudan, the government and the rebel coalition SRF and the SLM/A-MM signed a historic peace agreement that was not endorsed by other rebel groups such as the SPLM-N al-Hilu and the SLM/A-AW. • In South Sudan, the transitional government was formed and peace talks were held with the armed groups that had not signed the 2018 peace agreement. This chapter analyses the peace processes and negotiations in Africa in 2020. First, it examines the general characteristics and trends of peace processes in the region, then it delves into the evolution of each of the cases throughout the year, including references to the gender, peace and security agenda. At the beginning of the chapter, a map is included that identifies the African countries that were the scene of negotiations during 2020.