Political Argument in Edmund Burke's Reflections: A
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Life Under Pressure: Questions for a Comparative History of Economy and Demography in France and England, 1670-1870
Yale University EliScholar – A Digital Platform for Scholarly Publishing at Yale Discussion Papers Economic Growth Center 5-1-1982 Life Under Pressure: Questions for a Comparative History of Economy and Demography in France and England, 1670-1870 David R. Weir Follow this and additional works at: https://elischolar.library.yale.edu/egcenter-discussion-paper-series Recommended Citation Weir, David R., "Life Under Pressure: Questions for a Comparative History of Economy and Demography in France and England, 1670-1870" (1982). Discussion Papers. 415. https://elischolar.library.yale.edu/egcenter-discussion-paper-series/415 This Discussion Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Economic Growth Center at EliScholar – A Digital Platform for Scholarly Publishing at Yale. It has been accepted for inclusion in Discussion Papers by an authorized administrator of EliScholar – A Digital Platform for Scholarly Publishing at Yale. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ECONOMIC GROWTH CENTER YALE UNIVERSITY Box 1987, Yale Station New Haven, Connecticut CENTER DISCUSSION PAPER NO. 407 LIFE UNDER PRESSURE: QUESTIONS FOR A COMPARATIVE HISTORY OF ECONOMY AND DEMOGRAPHY IN FRANCE AND ENGLAND, 1670-1870 David R. Weir May 1982 Notes: An earlier draft of this paper was presented to the Conference on British Demographic History at Asilomar, California in March, 1982. Helpful comments from Ron Lee, T. Paul Schultz, Susan Watkins and other Conference participants are gratefully acknowledged. Center Discussion Papers are preliminary materials circulated to stimulate discussion and critical comment. References in publications to Discussion Papers ~hould be cleared with the author to protect the tentative character of these papers. -
The Impact of the New Right on the Reagan Administration
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE IMPACT OF THE NEW RIGHT ON THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: KIRKPATRICK & UNESCO AS. A TEST CASE BY Isaac Izy Kfir LONDON 1998 UMI Number: U148638 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U148638 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2 ABSTRACT The aim of this research is to investigate whether the Reagan administration was influenced by ‘New Right’ ideas. Foreign policy issues were chosen as test cases because the presidency has more power in this area which is why it could promote an aggressive stance toward the United Nations and encourage withdrawal from UNESCO with little impunity. Chapter 1 deals with American society after 1945. It shows how the ground was set for the rise of Reagan and the New Right as America moved from a strong affinity with New Deal liberalism to a new form of conservatism, which the New Right and Reagan epitomised. Chapter 2 analyses the New Right as a coalition of three distinctive groups: anti-liberals, New Christian Right, and neoconservatives. -
The French Revolution
1. HISTORY (Class IX, Chapter 1 and 2) The French Revolution The French Society during the Late 18th Century In 1774, Louis XVI, a 20 year young from Bourbon dynasty ascended the throne of France. He was welcomed by empty treasure. France was reeling under a tremendous debt which had mounted Up to 2 billion lives.For meeting these expenses increase in the tax was inevitable. The French Society was divided into three estates. First, two enjoyed all privileges. 1st Estate: Clergy 2nd Estate: Nobility 3rd Estate: Big businessmen, merchants, court officials, peasants, artisans, landless laborers, servants, etc. Some within the Third Estate were rich and some were poor. The burden of financing activities of the state through taxes was borne by the Third Estate alone. The Struggle for Survival: Population of France grew and so did the demand for grain. The gap between the rich and poor widened. This led to subsistence crises. Subsistence Crisis: An extreme situation where the basic means of livelihood are endangered. The Growing Middle Class: The 18th century witnessed the emergence of the middle class which was educated and believed that no group in society should be privileged by birth. These ideas were put forward by philosophers such as Locke the English philosopher and Rousseau, French philosopher. The American constitution and its guarantee of individual rights was an important example of political theories of France. These ideas were discussed intensively in salons and coffee houses and spread among people through books and newspapers. These were even read aloud. THE OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION The French Revolution went through various stages. -
Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Authority and utility: John Millar, James Mill and the politics of history c.1770- 1836 Westerman, I. Publication date 1999 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Westerman, I. (1999). Authority and utility: John Millar, James Mill and the politics of history c.1770-1836. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:06 Oct 2021 The History of Authority CHAPTER FOUR 'THE COLD AND THANKLESS CLIMATE OF OPPOSITION' From May 1796 to August of the same year, Millar expressed his anxieties about the state of Britain in the light of the war with France in thirteen letters to the editor of the Scots Chronicle. The Scots Chronicle was an Edinburgh-based periodical that faced the harsh measures government took to dissuade the British populace from following the example set by the French. -
George W. Bush: a Neo-Conservative? Written by Mike Spaan
George W. Bush: A Neo-Conservative? Written by Mike Spaan This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. George W. Bush: A Neo-Conservative? https://www.e-ir.info/2015/05/25/george-w-bush-a-neo-conservative/ MIKE SPAAN, MAY 25 2015 What is Neo-Conservatism and how did this Influence American Foreign Policy during the Presidency of George W. Bush? The neo-conservative movement has been one of the most controversial in the modern post-Cold War era of International Relations (Leffler 2005 395; Williams 2005: 307). Its adherents are principally American intellectuals, writers and public servants. Despite this, much confusion still exists as to the nature of the movement and its ideas. The movement came about in the latter part of the 1960s, and garnered considerable influence since that time (Boot 2004: 21; Williams 2005: 309; Singh 2009: 34). This influence, however, remained on the fringes of policy-making until the administration of George W. Bush adopted some policies and strategies that could loosely be described as neo-conservative tenets. This paper has two distinct aims. First, to explore what neo-conservatism entails in the modern post-Cold War era and, secondly, to explore the degree to which neo-conservatives were able to influence the Bush administration. In doing so, this paper hopes to refute commonly held misconceptions about the movement and more importantly, the degree to which it was able to influence, or as some would assert, ‘hijack’ United States (US) foreign policy under President Bush (Austin 2005: 53). -
Ellen Meiksins Wood
EMPIRE OF CAPITAL V EMPIRE OF CAPITAL ------------♦------------ ELLEN MEIKSINS WOOD V VERSO London • New York For George Comninel, with thanks for many years of conversation First published by Verso 2003 © Ellen Meiksins Wood 2003 This paperback edition first published by Verso 2005 © Ellen Meiksins Wood 2005 All rights reserved The moral rights of the author have been asserted 13579 10 8642 Verso U K: 6 Meard Street, London w i f o e g USA: 180 Varick Street, New York, n y 10014-4606 www.versobooks.com Verso is the imprint of New Left Books i s b n 1-84467-518-1 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Wood, Ellen Meiksins Empire o f capital 1. Capitalism— History 2. Imperialism 3. Globalization 4. International relations 5. Imperialism— History I. Title 330.l'22 ISBN 1844675181 Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress Typeset by SetSystems Ltd, Saffron Walden, Essex Printed by R. R. Donnelley & Son, USA CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION ix PREFACE XV INTRODUCTION 1 1 THE DETACHMENT OF ECONOMIC POWER 9 2 THE EMPIRE OF PROPERTY 26 3 THE EMPIRE OF COMMERCE 44 4 A NEW KIND OF EMPIRE 73 5 THE OVERSEAS EXPANSION OF ECONOMIC IMPERATIVES 89 6 THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF CAPITALIST IMPERATIVES l l 8 7 ‘SURPLUS IMPERIALISM’, WAR WITHOUT END 14 3 NOTES 16 9 INDEX 177 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I have been exceptionally fortunate over the years in having first-rate post-graduate students, whose own work has inspired me and whose friendship I have continued to enjoy long after they finished their studies. -
Liberalism, Radicalism, and Legal Scholarship Steven H
Cornell Law Library Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository Cornell Law Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 8-1983 Liberalism, Radicalism, and Legal Scholarship Steven H. Shiffrin Cornell Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub Part of the Law and Philosophy Commons, and the Legal History, Theory and Process Commons Recommended Citation Shiffrin, Steven H., "Liberalism, Radicalism, and Legal Scholarship" (1983). Cornell Law Faculty Publications. Paper 1176. http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub/1176 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLE LIBERALISM, RADICALISM, AND LEGAL SCHOLARSHIP Steven Shiffrin*t INTRODUCTION In the eighteenth century, Kant answered the utilitarians.I In the nineteenth century, without embracing utilitarianism, 2 Hegel * Professor of Law, UCLA. This project started out as a broad piece entitled "Away From a General Theory of the First Amendment." It has taken on un- bounded proportions and might as well be called "Away From A General Theory of Everything." During the several years I have worked on it, more than thirty friends and colleagues have read one version or another and have given me helpful com- ments. Listing them all would look silly, but I am grateful to each of them, especially to those who responded in such detail. I would especially like to thank Dru Cornell, who served early in the project as a research assistant and thereafter offered counsel, particularly lending her expertise on continental philosophy. -
Barons' Wars, Under Other Names": Feudalism, Royalism, and the American Founding
Barons' Wars, under Other Names": Feudalism, Royalism, and the American Founding The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Nelson, Eric. 2016. Barons’ Wars, Under Other Names’: Feudalism, Royalism and the American Founding. History of European Ideas (July 4): 1–17. doi:10.1080/01916599.2016.1198080. Published Version 10.1080/01916599.2016.1198080 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:27529530 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP “Barons’ Wars, under Other Names”: Feudalism, Royalism, and the American Founding Eric Nelson1 Department of Government, Harvard University2 Summary The Machiavellian Moment was largely responsible for establishing what remains the dominant understanding of American Revolutionary ideology. Patriots, on this account, were radical whigs; their great preoccupation was a terror of crown power and executive corruption. This essay proposes to test the whig reading of patriot political thought in a manner suggested by Professor Pocock’s pioneering first book, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law. The whig tradition, as he taught us, located in the remote Saxon past an ‘ancient constitution’ of liberty, in which elected monarchs merely executed laws approved by their free subjects in a primeval parliament. This republican idyll, whigs believed, was then tragically interrupted by the Norman Conquest of 1066, which introduced feudal tenures and monarchical tyranny. -
Seventeenth-Century Scribal Culture and “A Dialogue Between King James and King William”
76 THE JOURNAL OF THE RUTGERS UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY SCRIBAL CULTURE AND “A DIALOGUE BETWEEN KING JAMES AND KING WILLIAM” BY ERIN KELLY The latter portion of the seventeenth century saw the emergence of a number of institutions and practices whose existence we may take for granted in the modern era: the two-party parliamentary system pitted Whigs against Tories, the Royal Society formalized many aspects of empirical science, and the Stationers’ Company lost their monopoly over publication rights, effectively paving the way for modern copyright law. These changes emerged out of a tumultuous political context: England had been plunged into civil war in the middle of the century, and even the restoration of the monarchy did not entirely stifle those in parliament who opposed the monarch’s absolute power. The power struggle between the king and Parliament had a direct impact on England’s book industry: the first Cavalier Parliament of 1662 – only two years after the Restoration – revived the Licensing Act in an attempt to exercise power over what material was allowed to be printed. Through the act, the king could appoint a licenser to oversee the publication of books who could deny a license to any books thought to be objectionable.1 Roger L’Estrange, an arch-royalist, became Surveyor of the Presses, and later Licenser of the Press, and zealously exercised the power of these positions by hunting out unauthorized printing presses, suppressing seditious works, and censoring anti-monarchical texts.2 This was a dramatic change from the state of affairs prior to the Restoration, which had seen an explosion in the printing trade, when Parliament ostensibly exercised control over licensing, but did so through inconsistent laws and lax enforcement.3 The struggle between Parliament and the monarchy thus played itself out in part through a struggle for control over the censorship of the press. -
Alexis De Tocqueville: the Traditionalist Roots of Democracy
Alexis de Tocqueville: The Traditionalist Roots of Democracy Isidre MOLAS Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Working Paper n. 9 Barcelona 1990 Both the American and French Revolutions went beyond national borders and shook the world. This was the beginning of a new age. As BALLANCHE said in the middle of the Restoration: "Nous sommes arrivés à un âge critique de l'esprit humain, à une époque de fin et de renouvellement. La société ne repose plus sur les mêmes bases, et les peuples ont besoin d'institutions qui soient en rapport avec leurs destinées futures. Nous sommes semblables aux Israélites dans le désert”1, he work of Alexis de TOCQUEVILLE (1808-1859) comes into this context of profound change. He had been born into a family of Norman aristocracy, related to MALESHERBES and CHATEAUBRIAND. The July Monarchy removed his stock from power and placed it in the ranks of legitimism. After his trip to the United States, he began his political thought, encouraged by the implicit desire to offer his world a prospect for the future in the face of the new liberal regime of bourgeoisie and officials. In 1835, when he was thirty, he published the first volume of La Démocratie en Amérique (D), which was a great success, unlike the second, which was more ambitious and detailed, published five years later. In short, it led him to political action, that was not very spectacular, and that left him with a certain feeling of disappointment. A Member of Parliament from 1839 until 1851 for Valognes, where he lived, he was not particularly enthusiastic about the Republic and was relieved when CAVAINGAC defeated the people of Paris. -
Preface Introduction: the Seven Bishops and the Glorious Revolution
Notes Preface 1. M. Barone, Our First Revolution, the Remarkable British Upheaval That Inspired America’s Founding Fathers, New York, 2007; G. S. de Krey, Restoration and Revolution in Britain: A Political History of the Era of Charles II and the Glorious Revolution, London, 2007; P. Dillon, The Last Revolution: 1688 and the Creation of the Modern World, London, 2006; T. Harris, Revolution: The Great Crisis of the British Monarchy, 1685–1720, London, 2006; S. Pincus, England’s Glorious Revolution, Boston MA, 2006; E. Vallance, The Glorious Revolution: 1688 – Britain’s Fight for Liberty, London, 2007. 2. G. M. Trevelyan, The English Revolution, 1688–1689, Oxford, 1950, p. 90. 3. W. A. Speck, Reluctant Revolutionaries, Englishmen and the Revolution of 1688, Oxford, 1988, p. 72. Speck himself wrote the petition ‘set off a sequence of events which were to precipitate the Revolution’. – Speck, p. 199. 4. Trevelyan, The English Revolution, 1688–1689, p. 87. 5. J. R. Jones, Monarchy and Revolution, London, 1972, p. 233. Introduction: The Seven Bishops and the Glorious Revolution 1. A. Rumble, D. Dimmer et al. (compilers), edited by C. S. Knighton, Calendar of State Papers Domestic Series, of the Reign of Anne Preserved in the Public Record Office, vol. iv, 1705–6, Woodbridge: Boydell Press/The National Archives, 2006, p. 1455. 2. Great and Good News to the Church of England, London, 1705. The lectionary reading on the day of their imprisonment was from Two Corinthians and on their release was Acts chapter 12 vv 1–12. 3. The History of King James’s Ecclesiastical Commission: Containing all the Proceedings against The Lord Bishop of London; Dr Sharp, Now Archbishop of York; Magdalen-College in Oxford; The University of Cambridge; The Charter- House at London and The Seven Bishops, London, 1711, pp. -
Edmund Burke and the Common Law Tradition Reconsidered
イギリス哲学研究 第 33 号(2010 年) Edmund Burke and the Common Law Tradition Reconsidered Sora Sato Introduction: John Pocock’s ‘Edmund Burke and the Ancient Constitution’ In The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law (first published in 1957, reissued in 1987), J.G.A. Pocock argues: Every one of Burke’s cardinal points, as just enumerated, can be found in Hale rebuking Hobbes, in Coke rebuking James I, or in Davies rebuking the partisans of written law;... From what sources Burke derived it, and with what elements of eighteenth-century thought and his own genius he enriched it, are questions for the specialist; but that Burke’s philosophy is in great measure a revitalization of the concept of custom and the common-law tradition may be safely asserted as part of the present study’s contentions.(1) In his essay entitled ‘Burke and the Ancient Constitution’, (2) Pocock repeats his argument that Burke’s traditionalism should be understood in the context of the common law tradition, and also that Burke was aware of this tradition. At the end of this essay he also writes: in order to explain Burke’s traditionalism, there is no need to suppose more than his continued employment and highly developed understanding of certain concepts which came from the common law (as he [Burke] recognized) and were generally in use * This essay is largely based upon the present author’s MSc dissertation submitted to University of Edinburgh in August 2009. I would like to thank Professors Thomas Ahnert, Harry Dickinson, Tamotsu Nishizawa, Kenji Fujii and two anonymous referees for their valuable comments.