Political Fragmentation on the Left
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Right‐Wing Populism and Climate Change Denial
Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Vol. 00, No. 0, 2020, pp. 1--21 Right-Wing Populism and Climate Change Denial: The Roles of Exclusionary and Anti-Egalitarian Preferences, Conservative Ideology, and Antiestablishment Attitudes Kirsti M. Jylha¨ * Institute for Futures Studies, Stockholm, Sweden and Department of Psychology, Uppsala University, Sweden Kahl Hellmer Department of Psychology, Uppsala University, Sweden Populist right-wing politicians and voters tend to dismiss climate change. To in- vestigate possible reasons for this, we tested correlations between climate change denial and variables linked to right-wing populism (Study 1: N = 1,587; Study 2: N = 909). The strongest predictor of climate change denial was an index capturing exclusionary and anti-egalitarian preferences (opposition to, e.g., multicultural- ism and feminism), followed by traditional values (Study 1) and Social Dominance Orientation (Study 2). Populist antiestablishment attitudes correlated only weakly with climate change denial, and this correlation vanished when exclusionary and anti-egalitarian preferences were controlled for. Also, the effects of authoritarian- ism (Study 2) and (low) openness vanished in the full models. Climate change de- nial did not correlate with (low) agreeableness, which is a personality trait linked to populism. However, both antiestablishment attitudes and climate change denial correlated with pseudoscientific beliefs (e.g., anti-vaccination attitudes) (Study 1). To conclude, we did not find support for a notable linkage between climate change ∗Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Kirsti M. Jylha,¨ Institute for Futures Studies, SE-101 31, Stockholm, Sweden [e-mail: [email protected]]. Acknowledgements: We are thankful for the anonymous reviewers and the editor for their valuable comments on the previous draft of this article. -
Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. -
Anti-Establishment Coalition Governments in Southern Europe: Greece and Italy
Anti-establishment coalition governments in Southern Europe: Greece and Italy Vasiliki Georgiadou Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, 136 Syngrou Ave. 17671, Athens, Greece. Email: [email protected] Jenny Mavropoulou Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, 136 Syngrou Ave. 17671, Athens, Greece. Email: [email protected] Abstract Anti-establishment parties with either a left-wing or a right-wing ideological slant have been entering contemporary European Democracies with sizeable vote shares. During the Great Recession, the Greek and the Italian party system could be perceived as convergent case-studies for the formation and breakthrough of anti-establishment parties. Given the fact that ideologically diverging anti- establishment parties – the Coalition of the Radical Left - Social Unionist Front (SYRIZA) and the Independent Greeks (ANEL) in the Greek case, as well as the Five Star Movement (M5S) and the League in the Italian one – came to power and formed coalition governments, the primary goal of this article is to enquire into supply-side parameters, exploring potential associations along a range of programmatic stances and policy dimensions that effectuated these governing alliances. Using the Comparative Manifesto Project dataset, our findings confirm the existence of expected programmatic differences as well as a converging policymaking basis between the anti-establishment coalition partners of both governing alliances. Keywords: anti-establishment parties, SYRIZA, ANEL, M5S, League, supply-side, -
The Political Spectrum -- a System of Classifying Different Political Positions Upon One Or More Geometric Axes Radical Liberal Moderate Conservative Reactionary
The Political Spectrum -- a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes Radical Liberal Moderate Conservative Reactionary The Traditional One-Dimensional Political Spectrum Radical LIBERAL Moderate Conservative Reactionary Favors _________________progress and _________________;reform Works for reform _________________within existing systems; looks to the _____________future for an improved society Favors government intervention in _________________________the economy (to improve treatment of people and the environment) Wants government to stay out of _______________________social matters (to allow expansion of rights) Radical Liberal Moderate CONSERVATIVE Reactionary Favors society _________________as it is or a _________________return to what society ________________________;once was opposed to abrupt change; Values ____________________tradition Wants government to stay out of _________________________the economy (to conserve freedom of action & maintain limited government) Favors government intervention in _______________________social matters (to conserve traditional values) RADICAL Liberal Moderate Conservative Reactionary Favors _________________dramatic and _________________immediate change; Change comes in the form of a new _________________________society or a ________________________________new political system Radical Liberal Moderate Conservative REACTIONARY Favors _________________dramatic and _________________immediate change; Change comes in the form of a new _________________________restoration -
WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report. -
The Community and the Communitarian Development Models. Emiliana Mangone
The Community and the Communitarian Development Models. Emiliana Mangone To cite this version: Emiliana Mangone. The Community and the Communitarian Development Models.. 6th Interna- tional Conference of Territorial Intelligence ”Tools and methods of Territorial Intelligence”, Oct 2008, Besançon, France. halshs-00982913 HAL Id: halshs-00982913 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00982913 Submitted on 24 Apr 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THE COMMUNITY AND THE COMMUNITARIAN DEVELOPMENT MODELS Emiliana Mangone Researcher in Sociology of cultural and communicational processes [email protected], + 39 089 96 22 87 Professional address University of Salerno - Via Ponte don Melillo - 84084 Fisciano (SA) Italy Summary: The concept of “community”, which seemed to be abandoned, is greatly being re- vived as regards to the possibility of explaining the changes and the interventions in a terri- tory. Nowadays we have to formulate a new concept of community, as a collective intelli- gence, if we want to identify development models to realize the sustainability and the integra- tion of individuals and territories. Keywords: community, collective intelligence, territorial development, identity. pre-acts - 6th annual international conference of Territorial Intelligence - caENTI – October 2008 1 1. -
The Establishment Clause and Government Religious Displays: the Court That Stole Christmas
Touro Law Review Volume 15 Number 3 Article 10 1999 The Establishment Clause and Government Religious Displays: The Court That Stole Christmas Jennifer H. Greenhalgh Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.tourolaw.edu/lawreview Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Greenhalgh, Jennifer H. (1999) "The Establishment Clause and Government Religious Displays: The Court That Stole Christmas," Touro Law Review: Vol. 15 : No. 3 , Article 10. Available at: https://digitalcommons.tourolaw.edu/lawreview/vol15/iss3/10 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Touro Law Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Touro Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Touro Law Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Greenhalgh: Establishment Clause THE ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE AND GOVERNMENT RELIGIOUS DISPLAYS: THE COURT THAT STOLE CHRISTMAS NTRODUCTION Each year, around early November, America begins to see displays of the following images strewn across the country's landscape: candy striped poles dispersed among reindeer and snowmen; Christmas trees adorned with festive ornaments; nativity scenes and depictions of Santa Claus on his sleigh; and lighted menorahs. In fact, such displays are so much a part of our culture that they are expected to appear annually in the late autumn season. For example, consider an annual display that is located in the front courtyard of a County Hall of Records building in my home state of New Jersey. The scene consists of a rendition of the Christian nativity, representing the birth of Jesus in a manger in Bethlehem.' On the opposite side of the courtyard is a menorah, a symbol widely identified with the Jewish religion. -
Clarifying the Structure and Nature of Left-Wing Authoritarianism
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology PREPRINT © 2021 American Psychological Association In press. Not the version of record. Final version DOI: 10.1037/pspp0000341 Clarifying the Structure and Nature of Left-wing Authoritarianism Thomas H. Costello, Shauna M. Bowes Sean T. Stevens Emory University New York University Foundation for Individual Rights in Education Irwin D. Waldman, Arber Tasimi Scott O. Lilienfeld Emory University Emory University University of Melbourne Authoritarianism has been the subject of scientific inquiry for nearly a century, yet the vast majority of authoritarianism research has focused on right-wing authoritarianism. In the present studies, we inves- tigate the nature, structure, and nomological network of left-wing authoritarianism (LWA), a construct famously known as “the Loch Ness Monster” of political psychology. We iteratively construct a meas- ure and data-driven conceptualization of LWA across six samples (N = 7,258) and conduct quantitative tests of LWA’s relations with over 60 authoritarianism-related variables. We find that LWA, right- wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation reflect a shared constellation of personality traits, cognitive features, beliefs, and motivational values that might be considered the “heart” of au- thoritarianism. Still, relative to right-wing authoritarians, left-wing authoritarians were lower in dog- matism and cognitive rigidity, higher in negative emotionality, and expressed stronger support for a political system with substantial centralized state control. Our results also indicate that LWA power- fully predicts behavioral aggression and is strongly correlated with participation in political violence. We conclude that a movement away from exclusively right-wing conceptualizations of authoritarian- ism may be required to illuminate authoritarianism’s central features, conceptual breadth, and psycho- logical appeal. -
Behind Left and Right. the Meaning of Left-Right Orientation in Europe
Behind Left and Right. The meaning of left-right orientation in Europe Wiebke Weber TESI DOCTOR L UPF / NY 2012 DIRECTORS DE L TESI Prof. Willem E. Saris Prof. Mariano Torcal Research and E-pertise Centre for Sur.ey Methodology0 Departament de Ci1ncies Pol2ti3ues i Socials Für meine Eltern Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to all the people who have supported me in completing this dissertation. First and foremost, I owe a great debt of gratitude to my supervisors Willem Saris and ariano Torcal. Willem Saris received me with open arms in his research group, introduced me to the field of survey research, offered me a lot of chances and challenges, and guided me throughout process. ariano Torcal was always there when I needed him and thoroughly inspired and advised me. Your support will never be forgotten. What I will also always remember is the encouragement I received in the beginning at the UPF. Clara Riba welcomed me warmly, and Ignacio Lago fostered my interest in (uantitative research. I met many people who have had an important influence not only on my professional, but also on my personal life. In particular, Lorena Recabarren became a friend and inspiration. No matter how far away she is, whenever I use the terms *left+ and *right+ I gratefully remember our heated discussions. Further conversations I do not want to miss were those with ,aniel Oberski. I admire his capability of explaining and talking over most complex methods. .nother dear friend who has given me great input is .nne van Ewi0k. -
Personality and Anti-Establishment Communication Bakker, Bert N.1
Running head: THE POPULIST APPEAL 1 The Populist Appeal: Personality and Anti-establishment Communication Bakker, Bert N.1, Schumacher, G.2, and Rooduijn, M. 3 1Bert N. Bakker Amsterdam School of Communication Research University of Amsterdam, 1000 NG the Netherlands Email: [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0002-6491-5045 2Gijs Schumacher Department of Political Science University of Amsterdam, 1000 NG the Netherlands Email: [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0002-6503-4514 3Matthijs Rooduijn Department of Political Science University of Amsterdam, 1000 NG the Netherlands Email: [email protected] Paper forthcoming in the Journal of Politics THE POPULIST APPEAL 2 Abstract With the election of Donald Trump and landmark wins for populists across Europe, one of today’s most pressing questions is: why do people support populists?1 We theorize that citizens who score low on the personality trait Agreeableness – those who are more distrusting, cynical and tough-minded – are more susceptible to anti-establishment messages expressed by populists. Using thirteen population-based cross-sectional samples collected in eight countries and three continents, we first show that individuals who score low on Agreeableness are more likely to support populists. Moreover, with a conjoint experiment, we demonstrate that it is their anti-establishment message, which makes populists attractive to people who score low on Agreeableness. As such, this paper outlines a broader theoretical framework that links personality to political persuasion. In a time when politicians tailor their messages to the psychological make-up of their voters, it is crucial to understand the interplay between political communication and personality. -
Increasing Turnout in Congressional Primaries
July 2014 Increasing Turnout in Congressional Primaries Elaine C. Kamarck INTRODUCTION ith the coming to power of the Tea Party in the 2010 Republican prima- ries, the resulting change in the factional configuration of the Republi- Wcan Party in Congress greatly increased partisan polarization — to the point where Congress began to engage in risky brinksmanship; from the debt-ceiling crisis to the government shutdown. Public approval ratings of Congress sank to new lows and more and more people wondered if polarization and the governmental dys- function it created would have negative long-term effects on the country.1 Elaine C. Kamarck is a senior fellow in the Since then, many have asked whether anything can be done about the highly Governance Studies program at Brookings and polarized state of American politics today. This paper reviews the structural changes the Founding Director of that are often suggested as a way to reduce polarization and concludes that the the Center for Effective change most likely to decrease polarization is the one most likely to increase voter Public Management. She is also senior editor of turnout in congressional primaries — the establishment of a national primary day. FixGov, a blog focused on discussing domestic OPEN PRIMARIES UP TO MORE VOTERS political and governance Scholars and practitioners of politics have long argued that primary elections are challenges. a major contributing factor to polarization. The argument goes as follows: because primary elections are (mostly) restricted to voters from one party and (usually) garner low turnout, ideologues in both parties can easily dominate those elections. Thus candidates, incumbents and non-incumbents alike, move away from the center and are driven to support more extreme policy and political positions.2 1 Public approval of Congress, never very high, hit an all-time low of 9 percent in November, 2013 just after Congress had shut down the government. -
The Political Compass and Why Libertarianism Is Not Right-Wing
The Political Compass and Why Libertarianism is not Right-Wing J C Lester Abstract The political distinction between left and right remains ideologically muddled. This was not always so, but an immediate return to the pristine usage is impractical. Putting a theory of social liberty to one side, this essay defends the interpretation of left-wing as personal-choice and right-wing as property-choice. This allows an axis that is north/choice (or state-free) and south/control (or state-ruled). This Political Compass clarifies matters without being tendentious or too complicated. It shows that what is called ‘libertarianism’ is north-wing. A quiz gives the reader’s Political Compass reading. Pristine clarity and modern confusion The modern political left/right division is too crude to accommodate many important political positions in a way that makes any sense. Libertarianism (or extreme classical liberalism) is sometimes placed, often implicitly or vaguely, somewhere on the extreme right. But can we say whether it ought to be to the right or left of other „right-wing‟ ideologies? How are we to indicate the extreme tolerance of personal choice (as regards drug use and consenting sexual practices, for instance) that libertarianism entails but which is not normally thought of as being right-wing? Samuel Brittan sees clearly the confusion in the modern left and right (though assuming a libertarian view of liberty): The dilemma of the [classical] liberal is that while Conservatives now use the language of individual freedom, they apply this only—if at all—to domestic economic questions. They are the less libertarian of the two parties—despite individual exceptions—on all matters of personal and social conduct, and are much the more hawk-like in their attitude to „foreign affairs‟.