INFORMATION TO USERS

This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer.

The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.

In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.

Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book.

Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order.

University Microfilms International A Bell & Howell Information Com pany 300 North Z eeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600

Order Number 9130517

Identification as process: A rhetorical study of three televangelists as social intervenors

Martycz, Virginia Kennedy, Ph.D.

The Ohio State University, 1991

UMI 300 N. ZeebRd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106

IDENTIFICATION AS PROCESS: A RHETORICAL STUDY OF THREE

TELEVANGELISTS AS SOCIAL INTERVENORS

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the- Graduate

School of the Ohio State University

By

Virginia Kennedy Martycz, B.A., M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University

1991

Dissertation Committee: Approved by

J.W. Hikins

, u o .

S.K. Foss Adviser

R.R. Monaghan Department of Communication This is dedicated to John, Joel and Charlie. They teach me much.

ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

There are many people who share a part of this dissertation. Dr. James L. Golden and Dr. William Brown were helpful in the initial stages of planning the project. The final committee members— Dr. James Hikins, Dr. Sonja Foss, and Dr. Robert Monaghan— made the completed dissertation possible. Their comments provided guidance that strengthened the work. Dr. Donald Cegala was extremely helpful as an advocate. Peg Allemang was invaluable in guiding us through the final paperwork. Lisa Zimmerman was one among many of the people at Clark State Community College who were instrumental in the completion of this project. Special thanks also go to Dr. Marsha Bordner, Dr. David Kalamas, and Joanne Lemmons. Dr. Ray McKerrow,and his wife Gayle have been the finest of friends. Without their guidance, insight and encouragement, I would not be where I am today. My entire family has been supportive and patient. My husband John, son Joel, and the baby to be have helped me see the value in completing the project. My mother provided much needed physical assistance and love. VITA

November 5, 1954 ...... Born - Springfield, Ohio

1976 ...... The Defiance College, Defiance, Ohio

1976-1978 ...... Graduate Teaching Assistant, University of Maine at Orono, Maine

1978 M.A. , Speech Communication, University of Maine at Orono, Orono, Maine

1979-1980 ...... Administrative Aide, Bangor Community Theatre, Bangor, Maine

1980-1983 ...... Instructor, University of Maine at Presque Isle, Presque Isle, Maine

1983-1987 ...... Graduate Teaching Assistant, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1986-Present ...... Adjunct Faculty Member and Human Resource Development Specialist, Clark State Community College, Springfield, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Communication

Studies in Rhetoric and Public Address, Communication Theory, and Telecommunication LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

1. Methodological framework employed in the study ...... 60

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION ...... ll

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iii

VITA ...... iv

LIST OF FIGURES ...... V

CHAPTER PAGE

I. IDENTIFICATION AS PROCESS: A THEORETICAL GROUNDING OF SOCIAL INTERVENTION...... 1

Background ...... 1 Nature and Relevance of the Problem . . . 3 Purpose of Study ...... 8 Source Material/Primary Data ...... 13 Organization of the Dissertation ...... 14

II. RHETORICAL CONTEXT: TRADITIONAL AND CONTEMPORARY VIEWS OF RHETORIC'S ROLE IN RELIGION ...... 15

Introduction ...... 15 General Approaches to Preaching ...... 16 Televangelism ...... 25 Conclusions ...... 3 0

III. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE RHETORICAL SITUATION, IDENTIFICATION, AND SOCIAL INTERVENTION . . . 32

Introduction ...... 32 The Rhetorical Situation ...... 3 2 Exigence ...... 3 3 Constraints ...... 3 5 Audience ...... 3 7 S u m m a r y ...... 38 Identification in Rhetoric ...... 3 9 Brown's Model of Social Intervention « . 42 The Needs Sub-Cycle ...... 45 The Power Sub-Cycle ...... 49 The Attention Sub-Cycle ...... 55 S u m m a r y ...... 59

IV. THE PTL CLUB: A RHETORIC OF H O P E ...... 63

Introduction ...... 63 Basic Format ...... 64 The Attention Cycle and PTL ...... 67 The Need Cycle and PTL ...... 79 The Power Cycle and PTL ...... 85 Summary ...... 87

V. A STUDY IN THE WORD: A RHETORIC OF THREAT . . 88

Introduction ...... 88 Basic Format ...... 89 The Attention Cycle and A Study In The Word 90 The Need Cycle and A Study In The Word . . . 98 The Power Cycle and A Study In The Word . 105 Summary ...... 112

VI. THE 700 CLUB: A RHETORIC OF ACTION .... 114

Introduction ...... 114 Basic Format ...... 115 The Attention Cyce and The 700 Club . . . 116 The Need Cycle and The 700 Club ...... 125 The Power Cycle and The 700 C l u b ...... 129 Summary ...... 132

VII. IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL INTERVENTION: CONTRASTS AND IMPLICATIONS ...... 133

Introduction ...... 133 The PTL C l u b ...... 133 A Study in the W o r d ...... 137 The 700 C l u b ...... 141 Bases for Identification ...... 145 Implications for Future Rhetorical Studies 151 Limitations of the S t u d y ...... 156

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 158

vii CHAPTER I

IDENTIFICATION AS PROCESS:

A THEORETICAL GROUNDING OF SOCIAL INTERVENTION

Background

George Gallup declared 1976 "the year of the evangeli­ cal" as a soft-spoken born-again Christian named James Earl

Carter became President of the United States. Conservatism appeared to gain a stronger foot-hold in America as Ronald

Reagan was elected President in 1980, backed by Jerry Falw- ell and the Moral Majority. Televangelism is intimately

linked to the apparent resurgence of fundamentalist religion in America. Ben Armstong, executive director of the National Religious Broadcasters, states that

Starting in the predawn hours each Sunday morning, the largest religious gathering in America takes place, drawing almost 10 million people to their radio and television sets. What happens is both exciting and miraculous. It involves a new approach to a problem as old as the Bible: how to introduce struggling, helpless individuals to a loving God who wants to help them meet Him and be born again.

This amazing event takes place every week, all week, from early Sunday morning through the final midnight stroke on Saturday night. Making this possible is the awesome technology of broad­ casting, which many consider to be one of the major miracles of modern times; and making it

1 2

meaningful is the overwhelming love of a God who cares passionately about each one of the world's four billion people. I believe that God has raised up this powerful technology of radio and television expressly to reach every man, woman, boy, and girl on earth with the even more powerful message of the gospel. (1979: 7)

The 1970s saw a proliferation of religious broadcast stations. More dramatic than the numbers, however, was the change in the style of many of the broadcasters. As one writer claims

There was a time when one could spot TV evangelism immediately because it took the form of a televised sermon. The preacher was often robed, and he usually preached at high volume and with maximum sanctimony . . . But with the sound turned down on the "700 Club," it would take a while for a viewer to discover that this talk show is broadcasting the Gospel. (Barton, 1979: 886)

Perhaps even more impressive was the fact that reli­ gious broadcasting became more than a way of carrying the message. Time estimated that religious broadcasting became more than a way of carrying the message— it represented a money making industry, taking in 2 billion dollars per year

(April 6, 1987: 60). The funds generated are received through donations solicited over the air. This financial success indicates that the televangelists were effective in presenting their message to the audience. As Bruce (1990) points out 3

. . . presence in the American mass media is largely (although not exclusively) a supply phenomenon. It represents the willingness of conservative Protestants to spend their money on funding this sort of activity. Only secondarily is it an index of demand and it is at best a very rough one. (235)

An issue to be considered is: what are the televangelists doing that increases this sense of "willingness?"

Nature and Relevance of the Problem

Few communication analyses have been conducted on the impact of televangelism on American society or more important, on the strategies employed by such rhetors to maintain their audiences. In terms of rhetorical criticism, the majority of religious studies, especially those prior to 1970, have focused upon the sermon as traditionally conceived (i.e., a minister presenting a sermon from the pulpit to a particular congregation).

The literature of the late 1970s and 1980s demon­ strates a shift in focus. With the advent of religious television and the perceived political impact of conserva­ tive, fundamentalist religious groups, critics and theolo­ gians have exhibited more concern with the form and content of religious broadcasting. While earlier rhetorical and religious studies focused on advice to ministers in general, seemingly working under the assumption that specific theological orientation was not a crucial

variable, current criticisms are being leveled by the more

traditional mainline churches against these evangelical

groups. Among the leaders of televangelism there is

disagreement over the proper interpretation of the word.

As Horsfield observes

It is apparent that the conflict within the church caused by the growth of evangelical broadcasting in recent years is more than just a case of "sour grapes" or "ego-defensiveness." It represents a marked difference in approaches to religious faith and practice arising out of theological, social, and practical differences. (1984: 72)

As is shown in the literature review in Chapter 3, much of the current rhetorical and popular literature seeks

to (1) describe the general nature of televangelism; and

(2) condemn the televangelists. The criticism often

focuses upon the various personae and/or it questions the theology being presented. There is a tendency in the

secular literature especially to treat televangelism as a

single entity that offers a uniform, highly consistent view

of reality to television audiences without substantiating this tendency.

A consistent theme throughout the criticism is the claim that televangelists in general are merging the

secular with the sacred without a concern for doctrinal authenticity and integrity. The merger of the secular with 5 the sacred presents an apparent tension between the ways in which one may view the world. Of rhetorical interest is the manner by which such apparent tensions are resolved, permitting the audience to maintain a coherent view of the world. That such tensions are resolvable should not be surprising. As Paul Tillich claims:

Religion as ultimate concern is the meaning-giving substance of culture, and culture is the totality of forms in which the basic concern of religion expresses itself. In abbreviation: religion is the substance of culture, culture is the form of religion. Such a consideration definitely prevents the establishment of a dualism of religion and culture. Every religious act, not only in orga­ nized religion, but also in the most intimate movement of the soul, is culturally formed. (1959: 42)

From Tillich's perspective, then, a viable approach to televangelism is that televangelists would rely upon that found in the "secular" to help give form to the "sacred."

Conversely, by examining the nature of the rhetoric involved in televangelism, one would gain insight not only to the nature of the religion but also to the nature and substance of the culture. Thus, one may assume that successful televangelists have found a manner by which to identify, in the Burkean sense, the secular with the sacred. For their audiences, the rhetor/evangelists need not establish only a sense of identity with them but also provide the means by which their theological expressions can identify with the larger culture of which they are a part. Concurrently, the possibility exists that, since the ministers are competing for an audience, they could employ differing rhetorical strategies to present a consistent

image of the secular/sacred world; or conversely, they could use similar strategies to present alternate views of the secular/sacred merger. By more thoroughly understanding the ways in which the ministers present their messages, one may be able to gauge more accurately their potential as a social force.

The issue of televangelism as a social force has been widely debated. Some writers, such as Hadden and Shupe

(1988) argue that televangelism represents the opportunity for conservative Christian movements to convert America.

Others, such as Burce (1990) contend that religious broadcasting only demostrates that

a minority with a distinctive culture has found a new medium in which to express its beliefs and values and to strive for increasing acceptance and respectability. (124)

While Bruce argues that the impact of televangelism does not herald sweeping social changes, he does admit that

American religious broadcasting is an interesting phenomenon which tells us a lot about changes in the relative strength of different traditions within American Protestantism and about changes in fundamentalist and pentecostal thinking. (239) 7

So while he is not in agreement with others concerning the potential impact of the group, he does admit that studying them can reveal something about the culture.

Jeremy Rifkin (1979) argues that the new Evangelical and Charismatic movements in America, represented by televangelists, are indicative of a Second Protestant

Reformation. As he points out:

It is important to bear in mind that the physical and spiritual planes of human life exist in a symbiotic relationship. Religious beliefs are constantly being integrated into the physical world of human existence. Similarly, people's economic life is continually being defined by their religious convictions. As already noted, the first Protestant Refomation was a driving force behind the economic expansion of the West. Capitalist development, in turn, helped insitutionalize the Protestant ethic as a world view. Together, Protestantism and the liberal economic philosophy of capitalism transformed the planet. Now, a new order is emerging from the realization that the world is moving from the age of growth to the age of scarcity. Whether the emerging order will more closely resemble the cooperative steady-state paradigm of the ecologists, or the Hobbesian paradigm of a war of all against all, will to a large extent depend on the kind of religious transformation that American Protestantism undergoes in the ensuing two decades.

Of two things we can be sure: a massive religious awakening is in the offing and the first rumblings of this change can already be heard. (96)

Boulding (1968, 1981) also argues that religious, economic and social structure shares a symbiotic relationship. Therefore, changes in one part of the system 8 will result in changes in other parts. In regards to the changes he sees in economics and the future trends, he claims:

I am pretty sure religion will remain a major interest to the human race and new forms will arise and new prophets will attract a new generation of devotees in the endless search for meaning and goodness. What the content of these new sects will be one cannot, of course, predict. This is part of the symbolic system, the most wayward and unpredictable of all the systems with which we have to deal. Combining this wi.th the inscrutable mysteries of the dynomics of authority and legitimacy, almost the only recipe for facing the future is to prepare to be surprised and enjoy the infinite variety that exists in the human potential. (1981: 3 38)

Televangelism represents both the "first rumblings" expressed by Rifkin and one of the "new forms" suggested by

Boulding. Due to their reliance upon rhetoric, they become of interest as a communication study. Televangelists attempt to resolve tensions and provide a coherent world view to their audiences. The rhetorical manner in which they engage in this process can tell us more about the nature of communication.

PURPOSE OF STUDY

In this study, I am concerned with the ways in which the televangelists use rhetoric as a means of identifying with their respective audiences. To achieve this understanding I am using Bitzer (1968) as an archetechtonic 9 model which allows me to employ a specific critical vocabulary to illuminate the rhetorical response of each of televangelists to what is in essence the same rhetorical situation. In specific, Brown's Model of Social

Intervention allows the critic to focus the concepts of need, power, and attention on the discourse as it attempts to meet an exigence. These concepts will be discussed more fully in the remainder of this Chapter and Chapter III. At issue in this analysis is how each program adresses its audience in a manner that promotes its own perpetuation.

Bitzer argues that each rhetorical situation arises

as a natural context of persons, events, objects, relations, and an exigence which strongly invites utterance; this invited utterance participates naturally in the situation, is in many instances necessary to the completion of situational activity, and by means of its participation with situation obtains its meaning and its rhetorical character. (1968: 5)

The exigence is in some way modified or alleviated via a "fitting response." The exigence which creates the tele­ vangelists' rhetorical situation is found in the tension between the secular and the sacred. The resolution of the tension which occurs through overt identification of the minister with the audience also provides the means by which tensions may be resolved at the more subtle levels which may not be readily observable at a cursory glance. 10

The exigencies involved in the rhetorical situation to

which televangelists attempt to provide fitting responses

may most accurately be viewed as occurring on several

levels. The most blatant exigence is that which they

perceive as their calling— to bring their particular

interpretation of the word of God to those who need and

want it. At a second level is the exigence involved in the

potential tensions between the secular and the sacred— how

does one adapt the precepts of Christianity and make them

compatible with the American way of life? The third level

is found as a result of the Bakker scandal and its

fall-out.1 How do the ministers maintain the audiences

that they have gathered when the credibility of

televangelism as an institution is questioned? To respond

to any of the three exigencies outlined requires consider­

ation of the others. In essence, each exigence functions

as a constraint for the others.

x0n March 19, 1987, Jim Bakker stepped down as head of PTL Ministries. It was revealed that Bakker had engaged in adultry and subsequent blackmail to cover up his indiscretion. As the ultimate result of this discloure, Bakker was convicted of fraud and conspiracy in October 1989 and sentenced to 45 years in prison. At the time of this writing, Bakker's sentence has been overturned on the basis of judicial bias. Bakker is awaiting a new sentence. While the scandal caused the world to carefully scrutinize the activities of televangelists, it is not the central focus of this study. It is, however, an integral part of the dissertation in terms of the time frame which will be examined. 11

This attempt to examine the nature of fitting response to exigencies functioning at several levels is compatible with Burke's view of the ways in which identification oc­ curs. According to Burke, identification may be viewed as occurring in three basic ways

The first is quite dull. It flowers in such usages as that of a politician who, though rich, tells humble constituents of his humble origins. The second kind of identification involves the workings of antithesis, as when allies who would otherwise dispute among themselves join forces against a common enemy. This application can also serve to deflect criticisms, as a politician can call any criticisms of his as "unpatriotic," on the grounds that it reenforces the claims of the nation's enemies. But the major power of "identification" derives from situations in which it goes unnoticed. My prime example is the word "we," as when the statement that "we" are at war includes under the same head soldiers who are getting killed and speculators who hope to make a killing in way stocks. (1972: 28)

I am concerned with determining strategies of identification employed by leading televangelists at the third level discussed by Burke. Televangelism is not viewed as a composite phenomenon in which each program is necessarily the same due to the label of televangelism.

Rather, it examines individual rhetors/programs to determine similarities/differences in their approaches to identification within the general construct provided by the rhetorical situation they face. In an attempt to seek a response to the issues outlined above, the Burkean concept of identification is employed. As Burke notes in his various works, the ways by which one may achieve identification are virtually limit­ less. To thoroughly understand the process of identi­ fication as it occurs at the "unconscious" level, one needs to be able to examine the world which is presented and the multi-dimensionality of existence.

Brown's Social Intervention Model enables the critic to capture the process of development/creation and enactment of social reality at this level of understanding.

This model is comprised of three "cycles": need, power, and attention (each of which is discussed in detail in

Chapter III) . The cycles operate in a given rhetorical situation simultaneously. Often the strategies/tacts functioning overtly in one cycle let us see the below the surface code of another area. So, for example, by identifying needs the intervenor is also tacitly implying the nature of the power code which the audience is to enact. By its nature the model permits one to observe not only the surface strategies but how such strategies permit the rhetor/intervenor to identify on a level which is "out of sight." Thus, an examination of need, for example, sheds light upon the concept of power which in turn 13 provides insight as to the desired attention switch. It enables one to see the strategy beyond the strategy.

Source Material/Primary Data

In order to explore the issues outlined above, I have selected a three week period of time which marked the end of era of televangelism and the beginning of another. On

March 19, 1987, leading televangelist Jim Bakker was accused of adultery and the payment of bleackmail money to former church secretary Jessica Hahn. On this date, he stepped down as head of his PTL ministry ("Praise the

Lord"). Prior to this date, Bakker's PTL ministry, Jimmy

Swaggart's World Outreach Ministry, and Pat Robertson's

Christian Broadcasting Network were the financial leaders of televangelism. Their reported revenues the previous year were $129 million, $149 million, and $159 million respectively (Newsweek. April 6, 1987).

For the analysis of rhetorical strategies, I will focus on the programs of The PTL Club. Jimmy Swaggart's A study In The Word and Pat Robertson's The 700 Club from

March 23, 1987 to May 1, 1987. Bakker was gone from PTL on

March 19. However, Richard Dorche maintained the program in the Bakker tradition until his removal by Jerry Falwell.

Since this time, there has not been a religious show of the 14 same style on the air. Jinuny Swaggart's A Study In The

Word represents his daily approach to the audience in a manner distinct from the more traditional Sunday sermon which he still presents on Sunday mornings. Robertson's

The 700 Club represents yet a different approach to presenting the gospel.

These programs will be examined so that we may better understand how they functioned rhetorically. They are caught in a time of transition for the world of televangel­ ism.

Organization of the Dissertation

In Chapter Two, I provide a review of the literature on religious rhetoric in general and televangelism in specific.

In Chapter Three, the method employed in the study in the analysis is discussed.

Chapter Four is an analysis of The PTL CLUB.

Chapter Five is an analysis of Jimmy Swaggart's A

Study in the Word.

Chapter Six is an analysis of The 700 Club.

Chapter Seven contains a discussion of conclusions. CHAPTER II

THE RHETORICAL CONTEXT:

TRADITIONAL AND CONTEMPORARY VIEWS

OF RHETORIC'S ROLE IN RELIGION

Introduction

The relationship between rhetoric and religion is long and complex. From the advent of Christianity through the

1900s many of the leading rhetoricians were theologians concerned with conveying the word of God. With the current rise of "Secular Humanism," this relationship in terms of development and study has been obscurred somewhat. The ensuing literature review is an overview of what rhetoricians and preachers consider to be the significant elements of preaching and the sermon. The review is not exhaustive but rather examines writings that a're representative of the whole. I first examine writings on the nature of traditional preaching in general. In the second major section I focus on the area of electronic evangelism. In this review I am concerned with the general nature of the role of rhetoric in religion.

15 16

General Approaches to Preaching

This body of literature is perhaps the most thoroughly developed. Throughout the centuries numerous writings have given advice to the minister. Consider, for example, The

Yale Lecture Series on preaching. Begun in 1871, the lectures were designed to give young ministers training in the art of homiletics. The lecturers were not limited to any particular denomination; rather, they were, chosen on the basis of pulpit expertise. Topics covered by the series range from what should be included in a sermon in terms of its structure to the educational training a minister should receive. On the whole, the elements of the sermon do not differ from advice given on speech making in the secular realm. Perhaps the most consistent advice is that the preacher should not rely solely upon faith in God to provide him/her with a good sermon, but rather the minister must prepare carefully for the act of preaching

(Baxter, 1947). Thus, the series re-established the need for careful training.

Concern about the need for training is a repeated theme throughout much of the literature. Perhaps the earliest writer to address this issue is St. Augustine in

De Doctrina Christiana. Reacting to those who would have the Christian rhetor not be concerned with such a pagan institution as rhetoric, Augustine urged the minister to consider the desirability of rhetorical training. The issue continues to be addressed by contemporary writers such as Lantz (1955), Engle (1979), and Dance (1982), who argue that ministers need to utilize principles and research findings from the field of communication. Noble

(1957) calls for seminaries to offer more practical training in preaching. Such training would include extemporaneous speaking for self-expression and spirit; classes in outline and composition that would focus on simplicity; and advanced courses in the sermon as a special form of communication (he does not indicate, however, what makes the sermon a special form). Bachman (1959) carries the need for training a step further and maintains that one way of assessing a minister's sincerity is through the minister's devotion to the discipline of rhetoric. While these writings, among others, emphasize the need for training, the type of training does not differ from that found in other disciplines.

This similarity is also seen in regard to the specific purpose of the sermon. While many writers talk about this, there is very little difference from those purposes identified in general rhetorical theory. Buell (1954), for instance, identifies four purposes for preaching: to 18 educate, to evangelize or convert, to stir to action, and to help create a worship experience. Whatever the specific topic, the major purpose is to convey the word of God, either in an informative or persuasive manner. It is difficult to see any difference between this and any other communication form, although the spiritual dimension does become a factor.

Noble (1957) indicates a shift in the scope of sermons when he reminds ministers, "it is our task through preaching to release previously untapped spiritual power in people and to give them direction and objectives for triumphant living." This "direction and objectives" is open to many interpretations, but one area which receives attention is "social ministry." In terms of contemporary ministers, Harry Emerson Fosdick was perhaps the forerunner of social ministry. Fosdick maintained that the minister should not simply lecture on the word of God but rather should preach on problems faced by the congregation, both in their spiritual and community lives (Crocker, 1971).

This move from a form of oratory concerned with explication of biblical texts to the particular religion's involvement in social issue is a major focus of contemporary writings on preaching and sermons. 19

Fry (1969), maintaining that the standards/strategies once used to develop "great sermons" are no longer appropriate for there are no longer great churches, argues that the contemporary form of religious rhetoric is one that converts the congregation to social action. In a similar vein, Gonzalez and Gonzalez (1980) present a form of theology directed toward the traditionally powerless.

They feel that the function of the Gospel is not only to provide people with spiritual comfort and salvation but to provide them with the strength to fight for justice. They urge ministers, through their rhetoric, to become involved with social issues and provide guidelines for bringing the scriptures back to life.

This social-action rhetoric is a theme supported by many of the writers. While it appears they would like to expand the scope of the traditional sermon, there is not suggested any difference in form or rhetorical strategies.

The studies focus on what the output should be, but not the means by which it should be achieved. Indeed, in terms of the specific form of the sermon and the invention process in general, there do not appear to be any significant differences between religious rhetoric and secular rhetoric. 20

Freshley (1959), for instance, states that the major components of preaching are the preacher, the sermon, and the congregation. Lantz (1943) suggests that there are four principles for effective sermons: 1) the type of sermon; 2) aid in solving spiritual problems; 3) evidence of the sermon being a cooperative adventure between the minister and the audience; and 4) placing intellectual climax first in the speech and emotional climax last.

Spurgeon's Lectures to My Students (1954) reads like a basic text for public speaking. Engel's work, Contemporary

Christian Communications: Its Theory and Practice (1979), is an evangelical version of Ehninger and Brockriede's classic text, Principles and Types of Speech Communication.

Another similar text by Jackson (1968) is designed to provide church leaders with a better understanding of the role of communication and how it may be helpful to their particular situations. While the terminology may differ, it does not seem to change the basic nature of the general concepts.

In the area of specific considerations, Crocker (1959) maintains that personal proof is the most important form for the preacher. This finding is further supported by

Salem and Moffitt (1980) who determined that religious audiences regard character and competence as the most 21

important dimensions of credibility for the minister. In

addition, they state that religious audiences do not perceive any differences in the requirements for

credibility between a minister and a secular speaker. From this it would appear that audiences do not necessarily make a distinction between the two realms.

In terms of individual style, Yeakley (1979) found that conversion rates differed based upon the persuasive style employed by the minister. Ministers who exhibit a non-manipulative dialogue communication style were responsible for seventy percent of the converts in the overall group studied. The thrust of Yeakley's argument is that the "communication theory" a person holds, either consciously or unconsciously, affects his/her performance.

He urges ministers to evaluate their own theory so they may become more effective. This serves to reinforce the need for training on the part of the minister as rhetor.

Another approach to style and strategies is presented by Bob Harrington (1970) who maintains that his successful ministry is due to the application of the same selling strategies he employed as an insurance salesrepresentative.

His book details how he has put these strategies into practice on the streets of New Orleans. This would tend to support the earlier observation that the content may 22 differ, but the form remains the same. The general nature

of the sermon does not appear to differ, as presented by these writers, from any other rhetorical form. There is a body of literature that moves from concern over form to consideration of the substance.

In a representative essay, Perry (1979) calls for a revitalization of preaching in churches. The decline in preaching is due, he argues, to a failure to "put preaching on firm philosophical and theological foundations." He advises ministers to follow four basic strategies: preach with purpose, preach as an ambassador, preach to people, and preach with power. He does not give specific advice as to how this is to be accomplished. The thrust of his position is that the minister should be filled with the

Holy Spirit and have a sound homiletical theory.

Similarly, Harms (1978) maintains that Christ is missing from the heart of contemporary preaching. The minister must deliver a message that meets the needs of the people. If the preaching is full of Christ and meets the needs of the people, leading them to Christian action, then results will occur. In essence, then, the effective, inspired sermon is one that works. These issues appear to be at the heart of contemporary preaching practices, but from a rhetorical perspective to assess the extent that one 23

is "full of the spirit" or even on a sound homiletical

foundation is difficult.

In recent years, some writers have attempted to

explore the issue outlined above by considering the

functioning of religious symbols and religious forms in

American society. McGee (1970) argues that "Christian

rhetorics may be read as unique theories rather than as

bastardizations of ancient and absolute principles." He

surveys the pattern of Christian preaching from the medieval period to the late 18th century and maintains that the Christian world-view changed the meaning of rhetorical theory as opposed to the form of rhetorical theory.

In a similar vein, Reid (1983) examines the

development of the religious concepts of apocalypticism and typology and attempts to identify their relevance to a

societal/cultural rhetorical vision. He argues that both concepts have been crucial in the development of symbolic reality for American society. Further, he argues that conditions are once again forming in the manner that permits both themes to have great persuasive force.

Similarly, Bercovitch (1978) examines the development and

impact of the Jeremiad on America and shows the impact of religious ideals on the development of the myth of America. 24

Fawcett (1971) provides a study of religious language and concludes that religions are losing symbolism due to secularization. He sees this loss as a major problem confronting contemporary religion.

Kennedy (1984) has argued that there exists an entity called "radical Christian rhetoric," which is based upon proclamation rather that traditional enthymematic reasoning. Kennedy's work is concerned with examining this concept in terms of the New Testament, but it may suggest an avenure for further research in terms of contemporary religious rhetoric.

In general, the literature on the general nature of religious rhetoric suggests that rhetoric plays an important role in religion. There are guidelines provided for the minister, but it is difficult to determine the manner in which they differ, if at all, from rhetorical principles used in non-religious rhetoric. There is an emphasis on rhetoric which will meet the needs of the people and move them to action, but the form remains the same. A key issue in contemporary writings appears to be the influence of the society on the symbolism of the religion and vice versa. This theme is further developed in the literature on televangelism. 25

Televanaelism

Whereas many of the writings discussed in the first

section of this chapter are concerned with the sermon as traditionally conceived, the literature of the 1970s and

1980s has a different focal point. In recent years, with the advent of religious television and the political impact of conservative, fundamentalist religious groups, critics

and theologians have been concerned with the form and

content of religious broadcasting. The majority of televangelists represent fundamental pentecostal and/or charismatic religious orientations. Earlier studies

focused on advice to ministers in general, seemingly working under the assumption that specific theological orientation was not a crucial variable. Much of the current literature seeks to 1) describe the nature of televangelism; and 2) condemn the televangelists. The criticism often focuses on the various personae and questions the theology being presented. I read the

literature to attempt to place it in a context not concerned with the verity or falsity of a particular theology. Rather, issues of concern to the rhetorical critic are identified.

One major area of concern is the reason for the apparent success and influence of televangelists. Hadden ■ 26

(1980) maintains that the primary reason for the success of the televangelists is the current drift towards conservatism in general American culture. He argues that the televangelists are part of a large effort to reshape

American culture. He suggests:

The new Christian Right is a burgeoning social movement. It is one of the most important social movements of this century. It may even signal a revolution of the order and magnitude of the revolution that Martin Luther's nailing of his ninety-five theses to the cathedral door in Wittenberg symbolized. The politically minded televangelists have been and will continue to be critical to this unfolding social movement. (Hadden, 1984, p. 153)

He thus indicates that the success is based upon the relationship of religion to the culture and the need that religion fulfills.

In an attempt to assess how this need is being filled,

Horsfield (1984) maintains that many contemporary American televangelists "reflect a harmonious blending of the

Christian faith with various aspects of traditional

American life and culture." Specifically, he argues that there are five dominant television/cultural myths apparent

in the messages of televangelists: 1) the fittest survive;

2) happiness consists of limitless material acquisition; 3) consumption is inherently good; 4) property, wealth, and power are more important than people; and 5) progress is an inherent good. The often-blatant appeals to these salient 27

myths has caused many televangelists to be criticized by

the more "mainline" denominations.

William Fore (1977), for instance, maintains that the

"whole weight of Christian history, thought and teaching

stands diametrically opposed to the media world and its

values." In their attempt to devise a message that would

appear to be consistent with that called for by many of the

writers cited in the first section (i.e., a message that

moves the audience to action and is concerned with social

issues), televangelists would appear to be condemned due to

the rhetorical strategies which they choose to employ.

This suggests perhaps that the merging of the secular with

the sacred is not acceptable in some circles.

Some writers feel, however, that the ministers are

providing the message that audiences want to hear and are

simply adapting to the times. Barton (1979) maintains that

the language employed by the televangelists is a clear

indication of the connection between popular culture and modern fundamentalism. This relationship is characterized

by a personalized relationship between the minister, the

audience and God. Many viewers indicate that they "know"

the minister and his/her staff. When they view the

program, they are having their friends appear in their

living room— not an overpowering authority figure. This 28

could reflect the type of shift indicated by McGee which was discussed earlier.

The theme of merging the secular and sacred cultures

is extened by Frankl (1984) who discovered that motivational appeals, specifically appeals to personal needs, are the dominant appeals of the televangelists.

Whereas traditional revivalism focused more upon Christian altruism as the basis for giving, the televangelists focus

on providing services for the viewers, i.e., prayer requests, instructional material, and the like.

Solomon (1983) also addressed this issue and determined that the basis for Robert Schuller's success is

found in the rhetorically powerful vision of American civil religion produced by his merging of secular and religious values. Solomon argues that while Schuller provides a message well adapted to affluent Americans, it ignores the

less affluent. This may limit the effectiveness of the message for the medium.

This effect of the medium on religious rhetoric is examined by Oberdorfer (1982) who maintains that current mediated ministries rely upon the hypodermic model of mass communication. He argues that there is a tendency not to consider a variable theory of communication carefully.

Rather, religion in America traditionally has relied on the message being given: if the Holy Spirit is behind it, then the injection takes. He argues that the electronic church is engaged in monologue as opposed to ministry. He cautions that audience size (or financial success), should not be used as a basis for determining effectiveness. He calls for a serious consideration of what media theory is appropriate for religious communication. This argument appears to be a reframing of that presented by earlier writers concerning the general nature of the sermon.

While most of the writings cited thus far are a bit negative towards the relationship of television to religion, perhaps one of the staunchest supporters of religious broadcasting is Ben Armstrong (Armstrong, 1979).

Armstrong is convinced that the airwaves provide the opportunity to spread the word of God in the tradition of the apostles. In reply to critics of televangelism's slick packaging and fundraising, Armstrong maintains that the financial support is proof that the message is being carried to the viewers (i.e., they would not send money if they had not been touched by the Holy Spirit). For

Armstrong and others of his ilk, the end justifies the means. He adamantly maintains that if the Holy Spirit did not approve of the strategies utilized by television ministers, then their programs would not be successful. 30

Conclusions

As the preceding review indicates, there is a variance in approaches to religious communication. The studies and advice given in terms of the more traditional sermon differ little in terms of substance from that given to orators in the secular realm. The major differences tend to be the reliance upon the Holy Spirit for success. This indicates that while a rhetor may employ effectively devices known to humans, he/she may be ineffective in the achievement of success due to spiritual weakness. Such a variable is difficult to assess in terms of rhetorical criticism, but it seems at the same time to be worthy of consideration in some manner.

In the area of televangelism, there has been very little systematic study in terms of the rhetorical strategies employed by Christian rhetors. Much of what has been written is a condemnation of the tendency for the religious to duplicate the secular. At the same time, this mirroring is appears responsible for the success of the programs.

There appears to be a contradiction in the standards which used to evaluate the religious rhetor in the two realms. On the one hand, if one is ministering in the traditional religious form, i.e., the local church, complete utilization of secular forms is not only accepted but encouraged. However, with the introduction of a new medium, television, and the removal of the traditional institution, i.e., the local church, the same rhetorical appeals suddenly become suspect. This contradiction provides difficulty for the rhetorical critic in assessing the efficacy of the strategies. What is needed is a means to rhetorically look beyond the surface strategies and evaluate the forces at work underlying those strategies.

What is missing in much of the literature to date is a consideration of what are the rhetorical forms and strategies of televangelism. This may also provide a means by which one can more readily discern the impact of the intangible variables cited earlier. CHAPTER III

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE RHETORICAL SITUATION,

IDENTIFICATION, AND SOCIAL INTERVENTION

Introduction

In this chapter, I discuss in detail the methodological framework that guides the analysis.

Specifically, I focus on Bitzer's concept of the rhetorical situation, Burke's concept of identification, and Brown's

Model of Social Intervention. I will show how the three theoretical frameworks can be merged together to illuminate more fully the nature of rhetorical strategies employed by the programs under analysis.

The Rhetorical Situation

As noted in the first chapter, Bitzer defines a rhetorical situation as

. . . a natural context of persons, events, objects, relations and an exigence which strongly invites utterance; this invited utterance participates naturally in the situation, is in many instances necessary to the completion of situational activity, and by means of its participation with situation obtains its meaning and its rhetorical character. (1968: 5)

32 33

This definition carries with it the direct implication that the opportunity for rhetorical discourse occurs out of a necessity and is pragmatic in nature (Bitzer, 1968: 3) .

There are three main components in any rhetorical situation: exigence, constraints, and audience.

Exigence

An exigence is "an imperfection marked by urgency; it is a defect, an obstacle, something waiting to be done, a thing other than it should be" (Bitzer, 1968: 6). Bitzer further explains the concept of exigence when he states,

"An exigence is rhetorical when it is capable of positive modification and when positive modification requires discourse or can be assisted by discourse" (7). He then goes on to assert that there is at least one controlling exigence in a rhetorical situation which functions as the organizing principle. It is this controlling exigence which specifies the audience to be addressed and the change to be affected (7). By nature, a rhetorical situation demands a fitting response (6). Of rhetorical interest in the case of televangelists is how do three separate rhetors respond to the same controlling exigence?

The study of televangelists in this respect also provides the basis for a possible expansion of Bitzer's notion of exigence. By examining the programs, I am focusing not on what one rhetor does to respond, but rather how a group of programs respond over a period of time. In this situation, there are multiple rhetors responding to the same basic controlling exigence: the need for acceptance of Christ. In addition to this, at the period of time under scrutiny, there is also the issue of the moral actions of televangelists. Finally, another significant issue the rhetors must address is how do they keep their individual shows on the air?

To summarize the general situation of televangelism, there is a group of people who feel that their •'calling" is to win souls to Christ. The fact that there are "sinners out there" is the perceived imperfection. That they believe discourse may help modify the exigence is beyond question. Since the programs are ongoing, the rhetors are faced with the possibility of encountering other exigencies which exist and they must make decisions as to which to respond.

One personal exigence faced by each rhetor is how to keep the show on the air. They must find a way to persuade audiences that their ministry is that which can best alleviate the controlling exigency. Their responses to this center around the need to maintain a sense of urgency 35

in their messages. This is in turn influenced by the items which may in some way constrain their tendered responses.

Constraints

Bitzer maintains that

. . . every rhetorical situation contains a set of constraints made up of persons, events, objects, and relations which are parts of the situation because they have the power to constrain decisions and action needed to modify the exigence. Standard sources of constraint include beliefs, attitudes, documents, facts, traditions, images, interests, and the like; and when the orator enters the situation, his discourse not only harnesses the constraints given by the situation but provides additional important constraints— for example, his personal character, his logical proofs, and his style. (8) Televangelism would appear to abound with constraints which in some way modify the response which can be offered.

One major source of constraint was discussed in Chapter I— the merging of the secular with the sacred. Televangelists who are attempting to do so must find a message which is acceptable in both realms.

A second source of constraint arises naturally out of the first: the nature of religion. While this may not be spelled out directly in any of the programs, there is a sense of how ought a minister act and what type of program should he/she present? As was indicated in Chapters I and

II, a major controversy in the acceptance of televangelism 36 is whether the secular medium of television is appropriate to the sacred message and whether the strategies employed by the televangelists are doctrinally sound. So while the ministers are attempting to raise funds in addition to saving souls, are they acting as a minister should?

A third potential constraint arises from the characters of the ministers themselves. During this time period, The PTL Club faced a tremendous crisis, in credibility. Its founder and mainstay, Jim Bakker, was accused of very serious moral charges from the Christian perspective. The fact that he had engaged in adulterous acts called into question the ethics of his entire approach. During this time, Dortche and others at PTL were attempting to show that Bakker's vision and mission were good, even if he did have personal failings. The "fall­ out" from the Bakker scandal caused all televangelistic ministries to be questioned by the world at large. This caused them to receive a tremendous amount of attention during a short period of time.

A fourth major constraint lies within the audiences.

This element may best be established through a discussion of the concept of "rhetorical audience." 37

Audience

According to Bitzer the "rhetorical audience consists only of those persons who are capable of being influenced by discourse and of being mediators of change"(8). Since the audience is that which is to "be constrained in decision and action"(6) and thus is an integral part of a situation, it then follows that the audience's make-up will in some way serve to constrain the nature of the discourse being created.

Televangelism finds itself in a unique situation in terms of audience. Since it is on the airways, the potential is present for everyone who has a television to be part of what is considered a traditional audience.

However, its specific audience is those who are willing to buy in to their particular vision. Therefore, the rhetors have a responsibility to employ strategies which are applicable to those individuals whom they see as being potential mediators of change. Of concern in this study is not so much what demographics may tell us of the nature of religious audiences, but rather, what do the rhetorical strategies employed by the televangelists tell us about their perceptions as to the nature of the audiences? On the surface it would appear that there are several

"audiences" who could represent potential mediators. First 38 of all, there are the people who have been continually supporting the programs in general. Then there are those who support a particular ministry. There is also the

"open" audience of potential converts, even though the issue of how successful televangelists are at actual conversion is still under debate.

The programs during the period of time being examined needed to focus on all three audiences. Of potential rhetorical significance is whether the televangelists are designing messages appropriate for the same audiences.

Summary

The discussion to this point has focused on Bitzer's concept of the rhetorical situation and a brief discussion of the general nature of the situational elements facing televangelists. While such a discussion provides the backdrop for analysis, it does not in and of itself illuminate the manner in which the rhetorical situation is being responded to by the rhetors. Burke's theory of identification and Brown's Model of Social Intervention provide the vehicle by which this may be done. 39

Identification in Rhetoric

As has been discussed, the rhetorical situation to which televangelists attempt to provide a fitting response is guided by three interrelated exigencies: 1) their calling; 2) the tension between the secular and the sacred; and 3) the credibility of the ministers. In an attempt to respond and perhaps transcend these situational exigencies, the televangelists are concerned with what Burke considers the major impetus for rhetoric: identification and consubstantiality. As Burke says,

In pure identification there would be no strife. Likewise, there would be no strife in absolute separateness, since opponents can join battle only through a mediatory ground that makes their communication possible, thus providing the first condition necessary for their interchange of blows. But put identification and division ambiguously together, so that you cannot know for certain just where one ends and the other begins, and you have the characteristic invitation to rhetoric. (1955: 25)

The ambiguity which exists on the surface between the secular and the sacred would appear to have significance for televangelists. Hofstader points out that by adapting religious programming to the overall television structure the televangelists focus on adapting their image in a manner consistent with the overt images presented by commercial broadcasters. "The goal, or at least the effect, of such image adaptations of the Christian faith to the culture is to erase the distinctions between the

Christian message and the cultural environment" (160).

Such effects are viewed by many contemporary Christian leaders as problematic. William Fore, among others, maintains "the whole weight of Christian history, thought and teaching stands diametrically opposed to the media world and its values" (1977: 36). He further maintains that "our Christian theology is fundamentally at odds with the theology of our society . . ." (1977: 38). In their attempt to respond to the first exigency, the second exigency is called into existence and also constrains the response to the first. Thus, the televangelist is faced with the task of: 1) adapting a religious message to the secular medium of television and 2) doing so in such a manner that the viewer does not feel isolated from the overall world of which they are a part. As Burke reminds us, when we identify with one another, we identify not only with the immediate situation but with the larger context of which we are a part, whether we are conscious of such identification or not (1955: 27). Thus, an understanding of the strategies of identification in a particular setting would also shed light on how the participants view themselves as part of a larger setting. This perspective expands the overall rhetorical situation. 41

Burke indicates that identification may be a process which is developed over time. He cautions us to not judge the success of identification based upon the quality of the rhetoric or a specific instance. Rather, he suggests:

Where public issues are concerned, such resources are not confined to the intrinsic powers of the speaker and the speech, but depend also for their effectiveness upon the purely technical means of communication, which can either aid the utterance or hamper it. For a "good" rhetoric neglected by the press obviously cannot be so "communicative" as a poor rhetoric backed nation-wide by ’ headlines. And often we must think of rhetoric not in terms of one particular address, but as a general body of identifications that owe their convincingness much more to trivial repetition and dull daily reinforcement than to exceptional rhetorical skill. (1955: 25-26)

So to understand the possible identification best, one should look at an array of rhetoric involved to discern patterns as opposed to focusing upon one piece of discourse for specific rhetorical superiority or inferiority.

For Burke, the means by which one may identify are varied and virtually unlimited. As Burke says "... persuasion cannot be confined to the strictly verbal, it is a mixture of symbolism and definite empirical operations"

(1955: 161). He elaborates on this concept by indicating that

. . . an act of persuasion is affected by the character of the scene in which it takes place and of the agents to whom it is addressed. The same rhetorical act could vary in its effectiveness according to shifts in the 42

situation or in the attitude of audiences. Hence, the rhetorician's exploiting of opinion leads into the analysis of non-verbal factors wholly extrinsic to the rhetorical expression considered purely as a verbal structure. (1955: 6)

Thus, the strategies for identification employed by a given rhetor may go beyond simply the verbal structuring of appeals. In terms of televangelism, potential sources of

identification may be found in, but not limited to, the

format of a given program, the types of guests included in the program, the types of stories covered in the program

(regardless of specific content), camera shots, as well as the verbal messages. As such, identification cannot be neatly placed into categories prior to the analysis of a given program, but rather the categories arise from the material itself. Or, as Bitzer reminds us, it is part of the "natural context" and gains its status as rhetorical through participation in the context.

Brown's Model of Social Intervention

William Brown uses the label "ideology" to mean "any symbolic construction of the world in whose superordinate

'name' human beings can comprehensively order their experiences and subsume their specific activities" (1978:

124). Brown maintains that the expression and development of an ideology is the result of communication as process.

He is concerned with the means by which rhetors influence and shape the social reality for the audience and how the audience influences and shapes the social reality for the rhetor. Thus, at the heart of the process of ideology formation lies the concept of identification and a basis from which one may most thoroughly understand the rhetorical situation. Through the development of an ideology we provide the basis for identification with each other and the means by which identification may occur. It is the manifest expression of the rhetor's perception of the exigence and the interrelationship of situational elements. For the purposes of this study, rhetors are viewed as intervenors in the process of reality creation and maintenance, responding to perceived rhetorical exigencies. It is through such a process that members of a given community are able to identify with one another and make sense of the world.

In the creation of an ideology, Brown maintains that there are three basic processes involved: "... the needs sub-cycle, the power sub-cycle, and the input switching cycle" (1978: 135). These sub-cycles are interdependent, yet in a given communication transaction, due to the linear nature of language, one may appear to be superordinate. 44

Through an understanding of which cycle appears dominant in a given instance of ideology formation, one may better understand the ways in which the participants are identifying with one another and the nature of the world which is being created through their communication. Thus, the Brown model provides a means by which one can examine the various rhetorical means of achieving the Burkean notion of identification and ways by which the participants attempt to reach consubstantiality and respond to the exigence. As Brown notes, the concepts of identification and attenhtion switching complement each other, yet shed light on differing aspects of the rhetorical act:

Though the two terms imply one another, each makes sense of human communication in its own way. "Identification" inclines theorists and critics toward human intra- and inter-relationships as the "stuff" of communication, contextually derived in a dramatistically conceived universe. "Attention-switching" [with its corollary cycles of need and power] would incline scholars toward symbolic configuration as tho "stuff" of communication, systematically arising in an evolutionally-conceived universe. Since, despite their aspirations, such key terms as identification and attention-switching are still only partial views on human communication, there is value in multiplying them for the sake of increasing understanding. (1982: 26)

For the purposes of this study I am concerned with the overall rhetorical situation in which the communication occurs and specifically the types of relationships which 45 the televangelist as intervenor is attempting to establish via symbolic configuration. Such an approach enables the critic to "stop the action" on a process which is evolving.

By focusing upon the types of "human intra- and interrelationships" which are developed through the processes of need, power, and attention, one may have a greater understanding of the dynamics involved in the situation than would either method in isolation.

The Needs Sub-Cvcle

The needs cycle focuses upon the development of intrapersonal categorizing. Brown maintains that there are certain growth and survival needs which may be attributed or denied during a need shift. As the salience of one need becomes lessened, the salience of other needs will grow.

Rhetoric at this stage focuses upon naming and advocating the individual growth and survival needs. Through this, the individual determines what is necessary for one to function as a human. It is through this process that one shapes the notion of one's self.

According to the Brown model, need is both "a phenomenal 'given* to be expressed in communication and . . a symbolic creation to arise in communication" (1987: 5).

Thus, needs may be derived from one of two sources. They may be either biosocial givens or "names take as phenomena"

(1987: 5), or both. Needs of the first type are not dependent upon communication for their origin, while the second class comes in to being based upon the act of communication. The two types are not mutually exclusive.

They share a symbiotic relationship and reflect a greater sense of "both/and" as opposed to an "either/or" dichotomy.

So for instance, while hunger is a biosocial need, the ritual of eating, and hence what is needed to fulfill this need, arises out of our interactions/communication with others. Thus, from our communication we determine what food becomes necessary for fulfilling our need, the situations in which it is appropriate, etc. Similarly, it may be argued that humans feel a need for religion or spirituality (whether this is biosocial or a "name taken as phenomena" is not the issue), but the manner by which this need is met can vary greatly. In the process of identifying needs, the televangelists express basic needs and through their offered fulfillment of needs, create needs. They also offer the audiences a form by which a basic need can be met.

Brown maintains that need can best be viewed

as the event of persons experiencing or attributing a need relevant to their growth or survival. A logically prior requirement is that there be a socially shared name for the need. 47

Next, and concomitantly with need salience, there occurs individual and/or group advocacy for needs-meeting by relevant others in the communication system. Specifically, such advocacy can range from the catatonic's rigid silence to the charismatics' mass movement, from petition to agitation, from discursive to iconic message modes. Thirdly and concomitantly with experiencing and advocating needs is an opening or dampening of attention to others in the system who conceivably have the ability to be responsive to the advocated need. This attention, whatever degree or form it takes, is the interface with "others"— individuals or groups— in the society; it includes being not only more or less attentive to needs-meeting responses from others but also being more or less open to the advocated needs of others to which it is possible to be responsive. (1987: 12-13)

Two basic strategies, then, are involved in needs as agents of social change: "individual-centered needmaking and group-stressing needmaking" (Brown, 1987: 22). Each strategy functions within the other, representing a holographic approach to the examination of need. Both are premised upon being advocated by the rhetor as intervenor.

As the salience of one type of need increases, there is a decrease in the salience of the other type of need.

In addition to needs being determined in two basic ways, they take their shape in two forms: primarily individual or primarily group-centered. Individual needs are basically personality needs. "Such drives or motives range from the craving to satisfy creaturely appetite to the need for subordinating them" (Brown, 1987: 4). They 48 may range from the biological needs to our higher personality needs such as transcendence or self-actualization.

The basic tactics by which individual or group centered needs are established are

(1) Intervenors may affirm/deny needs, either by needers' own self-attribution, or that of others.

. . . (2) Concomitantly, intervenors may prompt some means of advocacy and at the same time discourage others.

. . . (3) Concomitantly, intervenors mays facilitate/impede attention by needers to potential need-meeters. (1987: 23)

Brown claims that the maneuvers which are used to establish a need intervention are "long and will grow with the improvisations of practitioners and the inventions of scholars. Clearly, the familiar doctrines of rhetorical practice apply here, as well as constructs in interpersonal, small-group, organizational, and mass communication" (1987: 24). In a manner similar to Burke, he suggests that intervenors will use what is available, and critics will identify them as they are encountered.

In the general religious arena, needs may be either centered upon the individual, i.e., "here is what you need to do as a person"; or upon the group, i.e. "here is why you need us to meet your needs." The means of advocacy may be either affirmed, i.e., "to reap the rewards, you need to 49 use this church as the channel"; or they may be denied, i.e., "here is why what the other group suggests is wrong."

Attention may be focused by, but not limited to, the areas „ to which the "good" member will pay attention and devote energy.

With these basic elements of Brown's concept of need as a backdrop, the need analysis will identify specific maneuvers employed by each televangleist and identify similarities and differences between the three. This will provide one source of understanding potential avenues of identification offered by the televangelists as intervenors interpreting rhetorical exigencies.

The Power Sub-Cycle

The power cycle is viewed as an interactive process which leads to stability and alteration in a given society.

More specifically, it is defined as "relational and hierarchical communication which effects choices among competing policy or action alternative" (Brown, 1986: 187).

Power is conveyed by means of a power code which provides the basis for boundaries of authority, attribution of power, constituitives of power and expectations about behavior. A power code is usually a set of taken for granted rules which provides individuals with asymmetrical 50

preferences and sanctions which may be avoided through

acceptance of the preferences (Brown, 1986: 182).

Crucial to Brown's notion of power is the idea of

choice without the overt recognition of choice being made.

According to Brown, power codes "develop amidst interpreted

interdependency as trades in enacting futures" (Brown,

1986: 182). As such, the power code provides the parameters for acceptance or rejection among the choices

for future actions. The power code most frequently

functions as a set of taken-for-granted rules which are not

explicitly stated or recognized. From the Burkean perspective this would represent the ultimate form of

"unconscious identification." The basis for the actions

are not deliberated in the classical sense, but are chosen

"without thought" due to a sense of consubstantiality. For example, as my brothers and I are leaving my mother's house, she mentions in passing that her back porch "needs to be painted sometime." Without a clear demand or entreaty being made, we begin discussing the project.

While this example is simple, it accurately depicts the power code at work. Implicit in the scenario is a system of preferences: 1) Do things to please/help Mother; 2)

Worry about your own affairs. The sanction at work is

"Mother's displeasure." While we are both encouraged to lead our own lives and please Mother (it is part of our familial boundary structures of acceptance and rejection), the two preferred alternatives are not completely equal when they are dynamically at work in determining future actions. The sanction can be avoided by choosing alternative one over alternative two. True to the "taken for granted" nature of the power code, the choice may be presented and the decision made without being .discussed as such. Indeed, we may not perceive any choice in the matter— it is "just the way things are done." There is no discussion of "should we paint the porch?" The issue is expressed as "when will we paint the porch?" Thus, we decide to expend time, money, and energy in an activity without ever being asked to do so, and avoid a sanction which is not mentioned. In this act we have identified with one another. First, mother never made a direct request of demand. Second, by choosing to paint the porch together, we are enacting our sense of interdependency as a family. Third, the decision to engage in the act is based upon a past understanding and repayment for things mother has done for us and for future acts. Fourth, through working together there is an implicit agreement that such help will be forthcoming to each of us in the future.

Without ever discussing the metacommunication of the act, 52 we have granted mother power and established her place in the family hierarchy. By accepting our help, she grants us power. Thus, we have enacted the basic strategies and tactics of the power code which are made visible by examining mother's maneuver of "vague statements."

There are two basic strategies which can be observed in the functioning of a power code: those which facilitate cooperative interdependence and those which facilitate competitive interdependence (Brown, 1986: 193-194). These two strategies together challenge and affirm the hierarchy implicit in the power code. In the previous example, an overall strategy of cooperative interdependence is utilized which assures Mother's place at the top of the hierarchy.

A sense of competitive interdependence evolves as the siblings assign each other specific tasks for the overall act. A sense of which sibling is the "leader" (or highest in the sibling hierarchy) is developed as one sibling begins telling the others what he/she needs to do and the siblings accept or reject such orders.

This process leads to the expression of the three basic tactics of the Power code: integry, exchange, and threat (Boulding, 1978). Integry functions as a "social organizer." At root it is "based on a shared meaning dependent on the identity of the parties" (Brown, 1986: 53

194). Thus, Mother can ask things of us due to her

identity as mother and the shared interpretation the family has of the role. Concomitantly, she also asks us because of our shared identity as her children. The

interpretations of what the roles mean are based in part upon larger cultural definitions of the role, but more directly upon our particular family's evolution and

invoking of the power code.

Exchange functions as the name implies. An individual does something for another based upon the expectation of repayment in kind. I will help paint my mother's porch, but I do it not only because of who she is (integry) but also with the knowledge that in the future I can expect

like assistance.

Threat, the third tactic, is not always blatantly employed but is often at work in the power code. Never stated, but clearly understood, is the certainty that

failure to participate in the painting will result in the

"cold treatment" from siblings. Threats may run the gamut from psychological manipulations to physical force.

However, as Brown notes, "... the invoking of sanctions really means the breakdown of power" (1986: 198).

As is the case with need, maneuvers are not limited to any particular class of acts but will "... increase in 54

number with practitioners' inventions and scholars' analyses" (Brown, 1986: 194). Maneuvers "provide the actualization of strategy and tactic as they make existential the sanctions and avoidance alternatives as

supports for asymmetrical preferences in the power code"

(Brown, 1986: 194).

In the religious realm, power can be seen as working

in a variety of ways. The most basic example common to religions is that involving the choices. For example, a key issue is making the choice between actions preferred by our "baser" natures as humans, and those which are more in

line with spiritual growth. In the Bible, Eve had the choice to offer the apple, and Adam had the choice to accept it. The story provides the basic boundaries of acceptance and rejection: to choose the apple was to

follow Satan and suffer the consequences or sanctions of ejection from the garden. Depicted in the scenario are humans as agents of consciousness and choice who by their choices determine their future. While they are given choice, they are shown to be at the lower end of the power hierarchy— for God is the ultimate authority. One may see the possibility of interpreting all three basic strategies at play in the Garden. Eve acted on an exchange theory— what Satan had to offer. Adam functioned based upon 55 integry— he accepted the apple from Eve based upon who she was. Threat was not invoked as a direct strategy, but became apparent as an outcome of the act. Satan encouraged a sense of cooperative interdependence between Adam and

Eve— they both needed to make the choice for it to be a fait accompli.

With these concepts of the Brown model as a backdrop, each analysis chapter will examine basic maneuvers employed by the televangelists, thus illuminating the asymmetrical preferences for future choosing. Implicit in the notion of choice is the resultant identification which occurs when a given choice is made.

The Attention Sub-Cvcle

The in-put switching, or attention, cycle is concerned with the manner in which individuals make an entire situation coherent. Brown claims that

an attention switch requires that (1) at least two patterns or interpretative "templates" always be potentially involved in our sizing up of a situation; (2) each pattern itself be capable of rendering the situation coherent; and (3) movement from one to another— with a consequent reconstituting of the situation— be necessary before a "switch" will have occurred. (1982: 17)

Through our communication, we choose one template over another and resolve the tension which exists between the two. So for example, an individual has the choice to interpret the world as a warm and loving environment or a cold and hostile environment. On the basis of communication interactions, the individual will prefer one over the other. Either interpretation of the world can provide a sense of coherency. Yet if two individuals view the same event, they will see different events based upon the template they choose.

The two primary strategies for the attention cycle are anomaly masking and anomaly featuring (Brown, 1982). In these situations the rhetor-as-intervenor will either play down input which is non-fitting to a given world view or will highlight such non-fitting relations. Thus, if members of a rhetorical community perceive an individual as acting in a deviant manner, this behavior may be interpreted in one of two ways. It the individual normally acts in a calm and rational manner, but suddenly reacts explosively and irrationally, the anomaly [the irrational, explosive behavior] may be masked ("Everyone blows up occasionally, it's really no big deal"), or the anomaly may be featured ("That's his real nature coming through"). In the masking situation the anomaly will be covered up and virtually ignored. In the featuring situation the anomaly will be the primary focus of discussion and the normal 57 behavior of the individual as calm and rational will be virtually ignored.

Three basic tactics are involved in developing anomaly masking and featuring. These tactics are interrelated, so an appeal to one leads to the other two. First, we will mask or feature information related to our being. As I find myself interacting and interpreting the world, my interpretations tell me who I am. If in a given situation

I find myself telling a lie, I may decide to feature an anomaly and decided that I am not an honest person. This can lead to reflection of the second tactic, my basis for knowledge. If in the past I had perceived my being as residing in the Christian tradition which emphasizes truth and honesty as portrayed in the Bible, if I feature the anomaly I must engage in an act of contrition to ease the tension which exists between the two templates. If I decide to mask the anomaly, I may reevaluate the Bible and the Christian tradition as a source of knowledge of the world (i.e, "It provides good guidelines, but it does tell us no one is perfect").

The scenario also demonstrates the workings of the third tactic, valuing. Through this tactic we enact our goals and sense of values. Based upon the earlier example, if I feature the anomaly, I determine that truth should be a constant and that lies are never acceptable. By masking the anomaly, and accepting a less than perfect image of myself, I may decide that ethics are situational. I may be able to tell a lie, but depending upon the situation, this may be the most appropriate action, and I will not experience guilt. The tension between the two templates

(myself as honest or as a liar) is thus resolved.

Dependent upon my overall strategy of featuring or masking,

I am able to resolve tensions between templates in two different ways even though I employ the same starting point. These tactics serve a transcendental function and may involve progressively more abstract levels of metaphor.

Hence, I may move from the situation outlined above to interpreting the behavior of those around me, to that of society in general, to the nature of the world.

The maneuvers which are employed in this portion of the intervention may be identified through basic rhetorical moves such as: depiction of vicious circles, argument by paradox, sign, cause-effeet, authority, analogy or metaphor and, and the like. Therefore, it is not simply an issue of identifying the strategies, but focusing upon the function of the strategies.

For televangelism, attention switches may be accomplished by either anomaly masking, i.e., "immoral acts 59 do not denigrate a ministry, they merely reflect our human failings"; or anomaly featuring, i.e., "these acts demonstrate the entire nature of the ministry and these are the important factors." Either strategy allows the adoption of a template which can make the world coherent

("Ministers are only human"; "All ministers are crooks").

With these concepts in mind, each analysis is concerned with the specific maneuvers employed by each televangelist. This section will also shed light on the manner in which the televengelists both provide their viewers with and reflect a sense of identification with the larger culture of which they are a part.

Summary

By understanding the relationship between the three cycles, one may more thoroughly account for the sustaining, maintenance, and/or decay of the ideology which is advocated by a given group. Thus, an understanding of these cycles will illuminate the specific strategies of identification and can possibly demonstrate the differences and similarities which exist among given rhetors. An understanding of the types of identification which occur at the unconscious level provides a rationale for differentiating televangelists and thereby shattering the 60

received view of their uniform, moralistic character. In

responding to the rhetorical situation each televangelist presents a different image of the secular/sacred world view. In essence, then, the methodological structure of this

study is captured in the following:

RHETORICAL SITUATION

Exigence Constraints Audience » J

Assimilation through Identification

By means of strategies of need, power, attention,

Figure l

By turning these strategies into an analytical frame

of reference and applying them back on the overall

rhetorical message I will be in a position to understand more clearly the dynamics of the situation and more clearly

identify significant similarities and differences among the

televangelists. This will enable me to understand not only 61 the basis for their success, but to understand the process of tension resolution for rhetors in general.

While on the surface there may appear to be a contradiction between Brown's approach as an apparent constructivist and Bitzer's approach as a realist, philosophically the two approaches are compatible.

Philosophically, rhetoric deals with epistemic claims about the real world (or claims that purport to be about the real world), while from Brown's perspective, rhetoric operates sociologically. That is, people act as if— and they may believe— they "construct reality." However, consistent with Bitzer's position, in reality Brown's intervenors select the exigencies on which they focus from a wide variety which may exists. The "facts" of the situation are not in question so much as the interpretation of the facts.

Hikins (1990) points out that individuals often confuse beliefs and opinions with knowledge. When individuals engage in such a process, they often do so based upon the limited portion of reality which they are able to view at a given point in time. Thus, from Brown's perspective, rhetors as intervenors "see" the exigencies and constraints within a given rhetorical situation and through the process of focusing the attention on one set as opposed to another (limiting the view of what is real) enable the audience to "see as if" they have viewed the complete situation. The "seeing as if" is successful if through the intervenors' establishment of need, power and attention they are able to establish a sense of identification. CHAPTER IV

THE PTL CLUB:

A RHETORIC OF HOPE

Introduction

The analysis in this chapter is based upon an examination of The PTL Club during the time period March

23, 1987 to May 1, 1987. I begin the analysis with a discussion of the basic format of the program which briefly outlines the general rhetorical situation. I then analyze the programs in terms of the elements of Brown's Model of

Social Intervention. Through the discussion of attention, need, and power, I further identify key elements of the rhetorical situation. The bases for identification are sketched in this chapter, but are more thoroughly discussed

in Chapter VII. My purpose in this chapter is to determine how the factors of attention, need, and power are employed in the programs. With this focus in mind, I have not cited every example which may appear in every program, but rather

63 64 those which, after repeated viewings, best exemplify the use of the strategy or tactic involved.

Basic Format

It began with a close-up of drum sticks pounding upon a kettle drum. The announcer said forcefully "The PTL

Network presents the PTL Club." As the camera pulled back to a full shot of an orchestra reminiscent of "The Lawrence

Welk Show," the PTL Singers began optimistically urging viewers to "Praise the Lord, now's the time to lift our voices/Sing in one accord/Everybody praise the Lord." The camera shot widened to take in a panoramic view of the entire set. The screen switched to a shot of "Uncle Henry"

Harrison smiling and exhorting the audience to "Give a great big PTL welcome to our host, Richard Dortsch." In the next shot, Dortsch walks on stage, in front of the orchestra. The audience members clap loudly and long.

Smiling, Dortsch said

What a wonderful day to serve the Lord. We're so glad you're part of today's program and it's going to be an exciting time. James Robison is here today and we've just completed a staff meeting with the entire PTL family and we had an outpouring of the Spirit of God and if you look at the staff today they are full of the Holy

Ghost and fire. What a time. What a tremendous 65

timeI Wonderful!2

These opening moments of the March 25, 1987 broadcast were

typical of the program developed and ultimately destroyed

by televangelist Jim Bakker.

The PTL Club and Heritage Village were unique in the

world of televangelism. Whereas many evangelists would

have their programs associated with a specific church or

educational institution, Bakker had reenacted the American

Dream and built a town. The appeals on PTL were geared to

not only maintaining the television show, but to building a

Christian Resort and Community. Heritage Village, U.S.A.

was designed to be a nearly self-contained community,

providing all that Christians needed from Bakker's own

perspective. The success of the project, if judged solely

on the amount of financial contributions, was considerable.

While at the time of this writing Heritage village is

waiting a buyer, in the spring of 1987 it was still the

focal point of Bakker's ministry, even though he had

resigned.

2This and all other references from the three programs examined in the dissertation are from the time period of March 23, 1987 to May 1, 1987. The specific time at which the statements were made is not germaine to this study. Therefore, while individuals making the statements are identified where possible, the specific broadcast date is not. 66

Through the development of his "vision" Bakker and his followers provided an image of life should be for the contemporary Christian. By examining the basic rhetorical strategies and maneuvers employed in the daily program in light of the Brown Social Intervention model, one is able to discern this vision more clearly and more thoroughly understand the basis for identification established between the program and the followers. Viewed in isolation, many of the rhetorical strategies look simplistic and perhaps a bit absurd. Viewed as tendered responses to the perceived rhetorical exigencies, they provide a comprehensive explanation of the world and a basis for the audience's own existence.

The basic format of the program consisted of a talk/variety program. The host would welcome the audience, give a brief monologue on the status of PTL, and introduce the guests for the day. Songs were an integral part of the message. The songs were always upbeat and hopeful, speaking of the glories of God's love and His grace. They would be sung by a special guest or by the PTL Singers, a bright, young sextet who glowed with enthusiasm.

The sets of PTL were light and open. They conveyed a feeling of middle-class, homey, country charm. The major set resembled a living or family room. Guests were seated together on several couches, giving the impression of a family talking. They would frequently interrupt each other and make inside jokes. The patio set was often used for songs. The sets conveyed a message to the audience that hope abounds and happiness is their right. The sense of openness was further conveyed by the use of guest ministers. Even when Bakker was in charge of the program, guest evangelists appeared regularly. The show often seemed to be a "Who's who in American Televangelism." Rex and Maud Aimee Humbard, Oral and Richard Roberts and their wives, James and Betty Robison, and many others would appear and testify that the work of God was being carried out by PTL.

The Attention Cycle and PTL

The overall message of PTL is hope. The statement cited earlier by Dortsch is a primary example of this. He made this statement at a time when the future of PTL was in question. The legal battles were just beginning. But consistent with the overall theme developed by Bakker over the years was the message of hope still in sight for all good Christians if they would only latch on to the vision.

The current trials and tribulations only meant that God had 68 great things in store for them. As Dotche reminds the audience

We're all a part of the family of God. We need that closeness. We need that touch. And if we lean on each other and lean on the Lord, God's going to bring us through victorious.

From the PTL perspective, the world is often depicted as a cold, uncaring and unsafe place. The traditional

American way of life with the family as the focal point is depicted as dying. The world is a place which lacks values. Drugs and sexual promiscuity are ruining the youth. It is a place in which it is difficult for Good

Christians (those responding to PTL's vision) to function.

Against this grim template, the PTL Club offers a better vision— one in which Christians may function freely and without guilt. Heritage Village was designed to provide the Christian Community with that from the past which was good about this country. It was a place which was for the family— for the family was portrayed as the most important element of American and Christian culture.

As Robison pointed out on March 25:

ROBISON: This is a family place. And I don't have to go to see Mickey Mouse to go to a family place where my family can go where some worldly person would be. And I'll tell you something else. [Loud applause and cheers from the audience] I don't have to be rich and build my own swimming pool for my grandkids.

DORTSCH: That's right. 69

ROBISON: My little grand baby is sitting out there on the front row. Will you get a picture of her? You want to see innocence? Somebody flip a camera right over there. Get a camera on that little baby. There she is. Look it here. Now I'll tell you what. Not every preacher's got enough money to have his own pool. Not everybody's got enough. Where '3 your grand kids going to swim? I think you're going to have modesty here. If you're not, shame on you. Tell those girls to put some clothes on.

DORTSCH: That's right.

ROBISON: You do. You do have that kind of standard.

DORTSCH: Absolutely.

ROBISON: I checked it out this morning. I said, "Do they make sure those girls don't run around out there like a lot of those kids do at the beach?" Your kids go to the public pool or to the beach and the people are half naked. And right here they're trying to have some standards without being mean about it.

DORTSCH: Absolutely, absolutely.

ROBISON:. And so Jim Bakker, Jim Bakker hadn't been in the pool. Jim Bakker doesn't ride that train. He doesn't ride it. He knew when he was a little boy he liked to ride trains. Some of us had forgotten that. He built the town for your kids.

DORTSCH: That's right.

Through focusing attention on the family, Dortsch and

Robison are indicating the exigencies as they perceive them. The "imperfection" is American society in general— it is not a decent place for our children. Tied in with this is the major tension between the secular and the 70 sacred. They do not portray an "either-or" dichotomy. The issue is not whether you reject American society or you are not a Christian. Rather, they present the potential response to the exigency as a "both-and" proposition. You can both have the "fun" of American society and the benefits of the Christian lifestyle. Hence, the method for responding to this perceived exigency is a delicate balance which provides the means for tension resolution. This balance is further clarified when one examines the strategies employed for attention switching.

The primary strategy for attention switching was anomaly masking based upon the overall tactic of the family analogy. At this point, it was stressed that the family is sacred and all Christians are part of the same family. As such, disagreements are not an anomaly, they are to be expected.

A secondary tactic which supported the family analogy was the overall format of the program. The "regulars" were often only referred to by first names. Unlike "The 700

Club" the names of the guests did not appear on the screen.

This helped to reinforce the feelings of intimacy and equality which the show favored.

In accordance with anomaly masking, the program participants would frequently point out the "Christians 71 aren't different from anyone else, they're just saved."

This them neatly erases any potential tensions one may experience between the secular and the sacred. It makes possible an easier acceptance of PTL's Christian doctrine.

It does not require a radical restricting of the individual's lifestyle— simply an acceptance of the need for salvation and the requisite admission of shortcomings.

Thus, they offer a response to a secularlt posited exigency by maintaining that there is no exigency.

The strategy of anomaly masking is employed not only in terms of the individual but in terms of the relationship to religion. According to Dortsch and Robison on the program of March 25, God does not want us to discriminate on the basis of religious affiliation. In fact, to do so, to in essence feature anomalies, is to go against the word of God.

ROBISON: I'd like to pray and I want you to join me in the spirit of love and just pray, . . . I want to make it very clear even as I begin the prayer that the family of God and the different parts of the body are not the problem. There are problems in the parts, but the enemy is not the body, the parts. The problem is in the power, in the heathen lies, the rulers of darkness that are assaulting the people of God. But we're going to turn the tables on Satan, and we're going to receive through this refining fire a stronger, purer, church and that means all the church.

If you pick a part, you're going to pick the body apart. You don't pick a part. All of us are a part. All of us are a part. We have one head, 72

the head is Jesus. And God is saying to the church today very clearly "You take your eyes off men and fix your eyes on me. And I'm going to be exalted as your Lord. I'm the Lord that healeth you, I deliver you, I love you, I forgive you and I restore you."

And we are to fix our eyes on Jesus right now everyone of us. We're not to fight back. We're not to fight one another. We're to fix our eyes on Jesus, submit to God and resist the Devil and he will fell from us. That is God's command today. [Loud applause]

You are never to strike back at a brother. You are never to strike back at another believer even if you think they're wrong. If they're doing something wrong, you're to forgive, you're to love them.

We don't ignore evil, we repent of it. We repent of all unfruitful works of darkness. We do it continually. And I know it to be the desire, the people in this ministry from the time that I arrived last night until I got up and went to staff this morning and looked into their faces. And I saw the desire in the heart of the people.

Oh God, purify us, purify your Church. Heal Your body Lord. Touch the broken hearts, bind them up. Use us to exalt your name. I felt at as I came on these grounds and I believe it to be the prayer of the people of God all over America.

And I want to say even before I pray, you are not to choose sides. You are not to choose a part. You are not to bow to a denomination. You are to bow before the Lord Jesus Christ of whom we are a part.

The "fitting response" for audience members, then, is to in

essence ignore what some may perceive to be an exigence.

As a substitute, Robison suggests a redefinition of the

exigence. The exigence is one which we all possess due to 73 our nature as humans. The exigence may best be resolved through audience subservience— not direct action. By

"fixing our eyes on Jesus" audience members mediate the exigencies in the world.

The attention tactics of being, knowledge, and valuing for PTL are individually centered. These are most often conveyed through the development of a God who talks to the individual. The good Christian knows the will of God through what God tells him/her. It is important that the individual put trust in his/her own perceptions.

DORTSCH: I've come to see things through the years. I didn't learn that all in the last week or two, that what I am is not affected by what somebody says of me. I am what I am by the grace of God. And somebody commenting or giving their observation doesn't change that even remotely. We are what we are and when men speak well of us we still are what we are. So you know, during these days I have had a peace and a calm that has been unbelievable. Regardless of what anybody else has said because I know in Whom I believe and I know who I am.

In addition to individuals gaining their sense of self through their personal relationship with God, the bases for being, knowledge, and valuing are expanded to include the

Bible. To make this process easier, PTL developed the

"Year at a Time" Bible. In this version, PTL staff developed a series of meditations based upon different parts of the Bible for each day of the year. These studies were designed "to strengthen your relationship with God and 74 let you know what to do as a Christian." Thus, PTL offers itself as a way for the good Christian to become more complete. So the overall template offered by PTL is one of hope.

It permits the individual to make decisions on his/her own.

It is the individual who can determine the rightness or wrongness of an action. The program does not draw an explicit template of the "other" world. It is hinted at in rather broad strokes so each individual can have her/his own private vision of the details. The viewers are told that the secular world is different and not good for

Christians, but instead of emphasizing these, the program left the specific details in the minds of the audience.

The viewers are told through what the program has to offer that what is out there is not working. Hence, PTL provides for that. So in a subtle manner, the rhetorical exigence is both identified and responded to. The audience is make into a rhetorical one in the Bitzerian sense due to the fact that it is given not only the opportunity to modify the exigence, but in fact to define the exigence in a very personal sense.

While anomaly masking is prevalent, the program does rely upon anomaly featuring in an almost paradoxical manner. While Christians are portrayed as being the same 75

as everyone else, they are also different and need to be

separated from the world. Through this emphasis Christians

are given a view of the world which is not friendly to

Christians. Christians need what everyone else has, but

they are incapable of functioning "out there." The

response to this need is to come to Heritage Village.

Audience members are told that "Good Christians can't go to

a place like Disneyland— they're indecent down there and it

would make a person blush with shame."

The show also provides a message that the outside world is not providing solutions to the problems of

society. Along with the Disneyland type atmosphere of fun,

Heritage Village also provided a Home for Unwed Mothers

which could arrange for adoptions by Christian families.

Fort Hope was designed to be a work program focusing upon

retraining the homeless. The Marriage Workshops provided

Christian counseling to strengthen marriages. Not only

could PTL provide for your spirit, it could also provide

the means for healing society at large. By giving to PTL

one could take care of one's spiritual needs and one's

social obligations. In a sense, then, PTL offered a

Christian one-stop shopping mall for the secular and sacred needs, thereby effecting the merger and providing the

overall boundaries of the rhetorical situation. The 76 ultimate sense of constraints is achieved through the

audience's interpretation of what constitutes a "good"

Christian. A major source of constraint which appears to be an underlying theme in religious programming specifically and society in general is the enormity of the task involved with "healing" society. While this may also be viewed as an exigency, it is presented in a manner which permits the audience to view it as a constraint. PTL's offered solution to the exigency reduces the enormity of the burden. By simply giving, the exigency may be removed.

By establishing the various social programs at PTL and

Heritage Village, once could trust them to see that monies were given where needed. The viewer did not even have to decide what the important causes were. PTL established

Fort Hope as a place for indigent workers to come and be trained. PTL offered a home for unwed mothers. The mothers received education if needed. It also provided the opportunity for adoption of the the illegitimate children by Christian families. In essence. PTL offers itself to the audience as a means of exigence removal. True to the nature of Brown's Social Intervention Model, this provides the audience with a means of advocacy.

The overall strategy of the show asking for money and being specific in requests provided a means of advocacy to 77 be used by the audience. The underlying message was that

"It's all right to ask for the material possessions you want." Audience members were encouraged to send "Prayer requests." When they did this, the requests would be hung in the "Upper Room" so that visitors to PTL could join them in prayer. In essence, the viewers were told that perhaps their direct prayers to God were not enough— the group was needed for fulfillment. As Dortche explains the process

I'm saying to you that twenty-four hours a day your can pick up the telephone and you can call and know that somebody is going to be there who will listen and who will pray with you and for you. I don't care when it is, you can call 1- 704-544-1000. Not just to give a gift, not just to make a complaint or offer suggestions. But just to say "I need to talk to somebody. I need to pray." Well, I want you to know that we care when you're going through tough times and it seems like no one cares . . . a trained counsellor will be on the phone and listen to ■your request and to your need and extend -through the miles love to you. And they will say I will pray with you and for you.

We don't just let it drop there. You know what we do? We take those prayer requests to the Upper Room . . . And then those prayer requests are brought to our Church service every Sunday morning and all across that audience, thousands of people take those prayer requests, sometimes several of them, and pray' specifically for you.

Viewers were encouraged to participate in the show in one of two basic ways— all of which involved financial payment on the part of the audience. If they wanted to call the Prayer Line— the caller paid. If they wanted to 78 come to Heritage Village— they paid. Through the means by which the system was opened, the individual had the power to determine the future. Hence, if PTL were to fail, then

Christianity would be in trouble and the fault of the audience. In this sense, through the development and expression of needs, PTL was able to take the omnipotent and powerful and make it something over which the audience had power. The "ways of God" did not appear as remote and abstract. By bringing them to the level of human action, they become something over which the individual may gain control. The mystery is alleviated.

Attention, then, is focused with a primary reliance upon anomaly masking. The audience is specifically asked to overlook any potential tensions which may exist not only between the secular and the sacred, but also any potential contradictions between the "sacred" world in general and

PTL in particular. There is a heavy reliance upon argument from analogy, the primary analogy being that of the family.

Audience members are given the opportunity to not only modify the rhetorical exigencies, but to define the rhetorical exigencies. Through the desired attention switch to hope, the audience is given power. The theme of

"You can make it" suggests that life's obstacles can be overcome with grace. The alternate templates of the grim, 79

cold secular world, verses the optimistic, loving sacred

world provides the basis for examining audience needs. An

examination of the attention cycle permits an understanding

of the world view offered by the rhetor as intervenor. The

need cycle permits an understanding of what is necessary

for individual survival and fulfillment within the world

view.

The Need Cvcle and PTL

At the most basic level, the PTL Club appeared to

focus upon the individual and on providing for individual needs. A constant issue on the show was "What do you as a

Christian need?" Thus, at this level also the rhetors as

intervenors are concerned with identifying rhetorical exigencies on a smaller scale than that observed in the attention cycle. This constancy provides for continual development and urgency of the exigency (ies). Through what the program offered, it becomes evident that

Christians need what everyone else needs— and if you are blessed by God you will receive it. More specifically, if you are forgiven, you will receive what you need. PTL relied heavily upon what has been referred to as the

"Health and Wealth" philosophy of television. Through personal testimonies, audience members learned that the way 80

to salvation is through giving, and when you give money,

the Lord gives back to you. Personal wealth is determined

by material possessions.

Christian business person David Copple lends support

to this approach. He presented Dortche with three checks

for $1,000.00, each taken from his business, ministry and

personal accounts "because I need to be blessed." He then

told how he had a goal to be able to give $100.00 a week to

God. It took him ten years to reach this goal

But at the end of ten years God had blessed me with some real estate investments and I was able to start giving $100.00 a day. God multiplies.

Copple then finishes his testimony by telling of duplexes which he owned in Sacremento, California. He believed God

spoke to him and told him to sell the property. His family

was against this move because they felt it would be better

business to hold on to such valuable properties, but

I told the Lord, I said "Lord, I'll sell them if I get a cash buyer." A cash buyer came along. I sold them. I won't tell you how much money I made on them, but I was able to retire for the rest of my life at age 50.'

Two years late, in 1986, a flood came through, broke the dike and took those properties. Had I have not heard the voice of God and had I listened to the reasoning of man, I would have lost hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Now there's a lot of people don't understand this. But God is interested in you. Job 32: 8 81

says there's a spirit in man and the spirit of God giveth understanding. And if you start planting in fertile ground like PTL. God will give you understanding.

The individual is portrayed as weak and in danger of falling from grace due to human frailties. Even those who are in positions of leadership are subject to failings. As

Jim Bakker told the audience

It was seven years ago that a situation happened when Tammy and I were having problems. I did not have an affair. Tammy and I were having difficulty in our marriage. We were hurting. And I got some idea in my head that I could make Tammy jealous and somehow win her back to my love. I made a mistake. I was wrong.

Such weaknesses are not negative, however, they are to be expected. What matters is that the person recognizes this lack of perfection and repents.

ROBISON: Don't idolize. Throw down your idols. Don't you idolize Jim Bakker of Jimmy Swaggart of your denomination or Billy Graham or Jerry Falwell. We're all men. All of us are men— not a lily white one in the bunch. Only Jesus is perfect. I believe these men have perfect hearts. I won't tell you I believe Jerry Falwell has a perfect heart. I believe he wants to please God. That doesn't mean he's perfect, it means his heart is perfect. I believe Jimmy

Swaggart wants to please God. I believe Jim Bakker wants to please God. Now that's what we've got to do is submit before God.

So what the individual needs is not a form of external approval, but an inner sense and willingness that what 82 he/she is doing is for the greater glory of God and based upon a submission to the will of God— which the individual is able to know through prayers to God. In this case,k it is more a form of intrapersonal communication which may provide the fitting response. To leave the exigence modification at this level, however, would negate the necessity of PTL. As was discussed in Chapter III, an exigence which the televangelists in general attempt to create is a need for themselves as mediators of change along with the audience.

While the show has as its theme "You can make it" an analysis of rhetorical strategies makes it clear that the individual could not function without the group. From the PTL perspective, the best way to have your individual needs met was to give to the group, in this case Heritage

Village, U.S.A. If Heritage Village did not succeed, then

God's work would not succeed. If the individual did not help God's work succeed, then she/he would not be blessed with material possessions. This enthymematic form of reasoning took various shapes in the program. One of the most popular strategies was the testimony from individuals who had great things happen to them immediately after sending money to PTL. Often this would take the form of material possessions. They would suddenly be able to pay 83 off their homes or win a pick up truck. Rewards also occurred on the more personal levels— marriages were healed and children addicted to drugs were cured. The show in essence played upon the gullibility of audience members in mistaking possible correlation (coincidence) for causality.

Without material success, the show indicated that there was no way for the viewers to be sure that God loved them. This need worked as a justification for the entire

Bakker project of Heritage Village. People would not give money to Heritage Village if God had not truly inspired the project and given the people the inspiration to send money.

Since Heritage was such a success, God wanted it— no matter what the outside secular world said about it. This circular reasoning masks potential fundamental anomalies and presents a neat response to potential exigencies. In affirming this need, the need for suffering on the part.of

Christians is denied. Pictured is not an angry, wrathful

God who expects suffering to prove faith, but a happy people who can show the world God's blessings through their material possessions. In essence, what Christians need is consumerism.

Thus, the Christian leadership at PTL is permitted to

"live well" due to their sacrifices for the Lord. This removes atially which critics of televangelism in general 84 and PTL in particular attempted to feature. For PTL, one could not only have wealth, but the fact of wealth was a glory in itself. Christians were portrayed as not really being different— they had a right to all of the pleasures that the rest of the capitalistic society had.

As has been noted, sin was viewed as a normal occurrence— "we all fail." The theme of forgiveness was especially strong during this period of time. .With the allegations against Bakker at this point in time, efforts were made to show that such behavior should not be viewed negatively. Indeed, Dortsch pointed out to viewers repeatedly that the real test of the current "problems" is how the Christian community reacted to the problem. To not forgive Bakker and accept him back to the fold would be an indication that the Christian community was ill.

The need the individual has for the group is also conveyed through the body analogy which was depicted especially vividly on the March 25 program. This was most succinctly expressed by Robison:

I have had the privilege of knowing all of these men well [leading televangelists]. And many others 1 1ve not named. And do you know what? I love and admire everyone of them. And they are parts of the body. And the Bibles says in 1st Corinthians, chapter 12 "Let not the eye say to the hand "I have no need of thee." And that in itself is a commandment. We need one another. 85

This ministry needs the spiritual input of other men of God.

Thus, through the expression of needs came the basis of power which dominated the PTL ministry.

The Power Cvcle and PTL

The primary power strategy in the PTL ministry was one of exchange— you give to PTL and God will give to you. The ultimate power was God, who was depicted as a very loving, caring, and forgiving deity. While forgiveness was a persistent them throughout the existence of PTL, during the time period in question it became even stronger. Viewers were shown the "Forgiven" board on a daily basis. This consisted of letters from individuals who had received or needed to receive forgiveness. Visitors to PTL would then pray for the individual. Dortche tells the audience

We're hearing from people who say "I have a father, a mother, a loved one who needs forgiveness." People who are lost without Christ. An you know, it may even be Christian people who have roots of bitterness in their spirit. We're going to plaster this wall with the names of people who need to be forgiven, and then we're going to take these letters to the Upper Room. And when the tens of thousands of people come to Heritage, U.S.A., you know what they're going to do? They're going to the Upper Room and they're going to go to each of these letters and put their hands on these letters and they're going to pray that while we're praying in the Upper Room that in Omaha and Des Moines and Mobile, Alabama and Los Angeles, California that 86

God's going to transform these people and they're going to be forgiven.

This strategy further established the power hierarchy— the individual's independent appeals to God may not be sufficient. An intermediary channel was required if one wanted to be certain of salvation. The group which had the power to function as intermediary was PTL. On the

March 25, 1987 program, guest evangelist James Robsion makes the channeling function of PTL very clear.

And these people who do that today [send in money] and say "i'm going to cast a vote for the message of Jesus Christ to never be interrupted or hindered ever, pour on the earth and I'm going to help PTL be one avenue of keeping that flow going. Through the means of advocacy discussed earlier, PTL partners were given an image of both submission and power.

By employing exchange as a major strategy, audience members are given a sense of perceived power. In a society which is depicted as overwhelming, PTL Partners were able to have a sense of control.

Integry was used as a strategy to a lesser degree. We are to do God's will because He is God is one form this strategy takes. Integry also comes in to play in trusting the men of God.

Threat was used very lightly in the PTL ministry.

Viewers were told that by going against God they could not 87 be saved, but it was mentioned more as an aside than any other strategy. For a ministry based upon eternal hope and optimism to have resorted to threat too frequently would have provided an anomaly for audience members. The threat most often came through the urging to support the ministry and the emphasis on partners being essential. So, consistent with Brown’s argument the resort to threat would mean a loss of power, threat was not employed explicitly.

Summary

The overall strategies of intervention employed by PTL were those of anomaly masking, the stressing of meeting individual needs through the group, and exchange. These combined to form a basis of identification for the audience. These appeals were designed for those who have a view of the God as being open and loving. It was designed for those who want to enjoy a sense of free will and control in their lives. By providing the means to take care of social needs, PTL permitted the individual to abdicate responsibility to society as a whole. Hence, the program was not one which would be acceptable to everyone.

The basis of identification was limited, yet highly effective. CHAPTER V

A STUDY IN THE WORD:

A RHETORIC OF THREAT

Introduction

The analysis in this chapter is based upon an examination of A Study In The Word during the time period of March 23, 1987 to May 1, 1987. I begin the analysis with a discussion of the basic format of the program which briefly outlines the general rhetorical situation. I then analyze the programs in terms of the elements of Brown's

Model of Social Intervention. Through the discussion of attention, need, and power, I further identify the key elements of the rhetorical situation. The bases for identification are sketched in this chapter, but are more thoroughly discussed in Chapter VII. My purpose in this chapter is to determine how the factors of attention, need, and power are employed in the programs. With this focus in mind, I have not cited every example which may appear in every program, but rather those which, after repeated viewings, best exemplify the use of the strategy or tactic involved.

88 89

Basic Format

Swaggart's daily program takes a much different form from that found in either PTL or the 700 Club. The show begins with an overlay of the program logo and a mild voiced announcer inviting us to join in "A Study in the

Word." The next image seen is a serious Jimmy Swaggart.

The set is stark. The major adornment is a large world map in the back and the sign "World Outreach Ministry." The panelists are either standing behind podia or seated at conference tables with well-thumbed bibles in front of them. While the format is ostensibly a discussion, the amount of actual interaction is limited. The panel members— who are infrequently referred to by name— will only occasionally speak to affirm a point made by Swaggart.

There is no question from the start that the ultimate authority is Jimmy Swaggart.

Typically, direct appeals for money are limited to the end of the program— after the day's Bible discussion is finished. There is normally a commercial featuring Jimmy's son Donnie, or occasionally Jimmy's wife Francis, urging the viewer to attend some other aspect or special project of the Jimmy Swaggart ministries. The closing moments of the program are typically dedicated to Swaggart making a plea for contributions to his World Outreach Ministry. The 90

format of the program indicates the way in which Swaggart

interprets the rhetorical situation. Implied through the

format is the need for structure and discipline.

Distractions are kept to a minimum. The reference to

"World Outreach" expands the scope of the situation. The exigency is focused upon the lack of knowledge on the part of the audience and their need for authority.

The Attention Cvcle and Swaggart

The program from March 25, 1987 comprehensively outlines Swaggart's approach to religion, society, and the world. On this date, the text was Exodus 12:12:

For I will pass through the land of Egypt this night, and will smite all the firstborn in the land of Egypt, both man and beast; and against all the gods of Egypt I will execute judgement; I am the Lord. (King James Version)

Swaggart maintains that God is taking this same approach in the contemporary world. Swaggart says that:

The world's plight is not so much the destructive forces of darkness, that is there. But the world's plight is the anger of God directed at a world that has forgotten Him days without number.

And that's what we never have preached anymore. It's never discussed. It's never talked about because we're so busy portraying the God of love that we do not really understand what's behind it all and you really don't know love until you know His anger. Why He evidenced that love. It was born out of anger against sin, against men that denigrated and desecrated His holy name. Swaggart thus presents a very grim template of the world. The world as we know it is headed for destruction and man is the cause of the destruction. This template is drawn through Swaggart's overall strategy of anomaly featuring. He focuses upon the basis for knowledge of all things— the Bible. Through the featuring of anomalies,

Swaggart presents a very clear image of the world that

Christians should not want. It is a world in which many of the advances of modern society are not suitable for

Christians. This includes not only technological and material advances, but also philosophical advances. If the use of something cannot be found in the Bible, then according to swaggart, it is against God. To use the tools of modern society is to cause the destruction of the world.

Thus, from Swaggart's perspective, the major imperfection or exigency is to be found within humans themselves. This exigency, while it remains the constant theme, takes its form on a variety of levels. At the most basic level, people on an individual basis do not know God. This rises to the next level of religion in general whereby the religious leaders themselves do not know God. Through anomaly featuring, Swaggart expands the potential chasm between the secular and the sacred by letting the audience 92

know that society in general is also responsible for the

exigence due to reliance upon its own inventions.

One of Swaggart*s panelists calls Swaggart's, and the

audience's, attention to the biblical support against this

danger:

Beware lest any may spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ.

So the world which Christians are to guard against is

that created by humans. Human beings are the source of the

exigence. The human race has put God in the position of

having no choice but to express His wrath. And it is not

the individual acting on her/his own, or even those called

"secular"— it is from within the Church. As panelist Dr.

Miller said:

What's so tragic in all of this is that up until recently man was devising alternative ways to save himself and it was outside the Church from which most of these theories of self-salvation came from. Now the Church is doing the work of the world. The Church is propagating demonic doctrines that in these various ways you've [Swaggart] just been outlining were able to find salvation instead of in the blood. It's the Church that's doing the work of the devil by presenting alternative ways and bypassing the blood, giving the blood no attention.

Swaggart and his followers then feature the exigencies created not only by the distinctions which may be found between the secular and the sacred, but also upon that 93

which is founded in what the various leaders interpret as

their calling. By so doing, he chooses to respond to these

two exigencies by focuses upon the exigency which he faces

to maintain his audience.

Swaggart approaches the various theological sects by

arguing directly against an approach which stresses the

"family of God" and Christian unity. Indeed, he seeks to widen the gulf:

The Ecumenical move— I'm not talking about the old modernistic ecumenical move, I'm talking about the new ecumenical move. The new one. For instance, they've got one that's going to take place in the Pentecostal realm and Charismatic realm and Catholic realm in New Orleans, Louisiana, in the Super Dome. It's in the month of July, it's going to be called, it is called the Congress on the Holy Spirit and World Evangelization. It is man, in essence, trying to play Holy Ghost. They are trying to force an issue that has no scriptural validity to it.

The alternative template he presents is drawn only in

broad strokes. What we are to accept is God's salvation.

We are not given any particular vision of what this will

entail in detail. Indeed, Swaggart intimates that to

question the particular form of this vision would be to

question God. If we are Good Christians, then we will

accept with blind faith the certainty that the alternative

is wonderful beyond description. This strategy is played

out effectively by Swaggart. There are no definite promises made, so the lack of success in life, for 94

instance, cannot be used against Swaggart. He uses fear as

the basis for his argument and he portrays it dramatically.

Swaggart preaches separatism of the secular and sacred. He

leads the audience to accept that there are no external

signs of God's approval or salvation, therefore, material possessions and happiness in this life mean nothing. The

God of Swaggart will provide love only in the future— after

one has experienced His wrath. So in essence,. Swaggart's

response to the rhetorical situation is to provide God's

salvation through suffering as the fitting response for a

Christian society— and world— out of control.

While drawing this grim template of the world in

general, Swaggart also includes the current state of the

Church as part of the problem. It is, in general, a church which has forgotten God. It relies upon the tools used by

the secular world and the not the word of God. Swaggart

argues that there are three major factors which are destroying the world: Darwinism, Marxism, and psychotherapy. According to Swaggart, these three forces weaken "the morality of the human race." Swaggart claims that Darwinism or evolution "affects the social mores of a people." Marxism, or communism, affects the economic

structure and enslaves nearly half the planet." Freudism, or psychology, "affects the morals of the people." It is 95 through his arguments against these elements, in particular psychotherapy, that one gains the clearest image of

Swaggart's view of the individual.

For Swaggart, individuals are basically powerless.

They have no sense of what they need or what is good for them. As such, Swaggart focuses very much upon group stressing needs. It is only through association with the right group that one may gain a sense of identity. This strategy is put to play not only in the form of verbal arguments, but through the entire structure of his show.

Swaggart does not express a particular concern for individual members, or even the United States. His focus is upon World Outreach. As such, he asks people to look beyond themselves and their petty problems and focus upon the needs of a world that has strayed from God.

The means of advocacy presented to the audience to participate in the system are extremely limited— support

Jimmy Swaggart ministries. If one becomes a partner for

$ 20.00 a month, then one can support the great, mysterious work of God. The commercial spot for his "Partners in the

Harvest" shows this graphically. It consists of a stadium filling with people. It then shows pictures of people in some unnamed country (but obviously not the United States) receiving medical care and farming tools. Families are 96 shown in shacks with a television on which they are watching Swaggart. The announcer tells the audience that

"the challenge before us is massive, but the results are eternal." When the commercial ends and Swaggart appears on the screen he tells the audience

We are just pitiful instrumentation and very poor instrumentation at that. If this ministry was stopped, most pure evangelism would come to a grinding halt. This particular ministry here, because of the leading and the guidance of the Holy Spirit, because of His annointing and His power— through nothing that we can do except be a vessel He can use— is winning more souls than eveery other effort on the face of the earth put together.

Swaggart does not present other alternatives— he focuses upon destroying them as alternatives. If sin and evil are within the Church itself, then there are few persons or institutions which can be trusted. The tensions which one may feel existing between the secular world or in the other religions can only be resolved by a total subservience to Swaggart because

I believe God has told me that He's dealing with every person that's watching through our telecasts. I mean every husband and wife alike and sometimes the teenagers, that everyone of you are to become a partner. I believe that's what God has told me. And if you don't obey Him, you will fail Him and you will fail what Jesus did at Calvary. Others are throwing away money on things they think is the Gospel, but it's not. . This is God's ministry. 97

Once one accepts swaggart one does not have to worry, for he will tell them the truth. This very myopic means of advocacy forms a basis of identification for those who are overwhelmed by the overload of information and choices in contemporary society. Swaggart simplifies the constraints by letting the audience ignore them. He also reduces the work which they must do to function as mediators of change.

By arguing that one can only understand God's love if he/she understands His anger, Swaggart is presenting the audience with the idea that suffering is not only a part of life, it is a prerequisite to salvation. It is a scenario reminiscent of Job. Anguish is a sign that you are being tested by God. Therefore, the individual does not need to be concerned with the material comforts of life. This is reinforced on the program by the design of the set. The set is not opulent, or even comfortable. On some of the programs the panelists do not even sit, but stand behind podia. The only props are the world outreach map and the bible— a succinct statement on Swaggart's part as to what individuals need: nothing but the word of God and to carry out His work beyond ourselves.

For the attention switch, then, Swaggart relies upon an overall strategy of anomaly featuring. He focuses not only upon anomalies which may be found within the secular world, but also those which he believes exists in the sacred. By emphasizing a God of justified anger and a world which misuses its knowledge to twist the word of God,

Swaggart develops an exigence for the audience based upon the helplessness of the individual. The individual in

Swaggart1s world view is paralyzed by human frailties. For an alternative template, Swaggart offers an even grimmer template of what will happen if his means for exigency modification is not adopted.

The Need Cycle and Swaggart

The good Christian, as portrayed by Swaggart, does not have a distinct personality. He/she is subservient to God and only wants God(s will to be carried out. These is no distinct sense of self developed in the Swaggart ministry.

The individual is even incapable of discerning G od^ will.

This is reinforced by the format of the program. The group

of panelists serve as "yes-persons" for Swaggart, constantly deferring to his interpretation and looking to him for guidance. There will occasionally be women as panelists but their role is very limited. They tend to

fill the traditional fundamentalist social roles as opposed to the more forceful, equal secular roles. Their role is one of support and following. The camera shots focus 99 primarily on Swaggart. There is no evidence of an audience. This approach helps reinforce the Swaggart position that what is needed is ultimate authority:

Now Peter here has plainly said that for the human soul, for the human psyche, for the problems of humanity He hath given us all things that pertain to life. It's in this book, between the covers of this book [Swaggart holds up the bible]. Now somebody said, "Well, all truth is God's truth. I will buy that. All truth is God's truth.

However, we must be careful that we do not substitute facts for truth or reality for truth. A lot of people are substituting reality for truth. Psychology is beautiful at that. It outlines the symptoms of a difficulty amazingly so. And it works on an assumption of realities and thinks it's truth. You can do certain things and certain things happen. True. But it's not truth.

What is truth? Jesus Christ is truth. All truth, whether written in this book or incarnate was wrapped up in Jesus Christ. In Him is all truth, all light, all knowledge when you get right down to it.

People are unable to function on their own, they need to be told what to do. This is depicted through Swaggart's entire approach to his daily program. He explains to the audience what the Bible really means. By choosing things such as widening the scope of the Church, individuals have strayed from the word of God and miss the entire approach to salvation. To be saved, one must suffer through the blood of Christ. So very simplistically, Jesus Christ represents the ultimate means of exigence modification. 100

While this is, on the surface, the same means suggested by

PTL and The 700 Club, in substance this is a different God.

Through this process of group stressing, the audience is told that the ministry is all that is important. The needs of this country in particular are not important, what is important are the souls of the world. While the individual is needed to provide financial support, what we as individuals need is to move outside of ourselves and support the work of God. Swaggart*s approach denigrates the desirability of such things as prayer requests. All we need worry about is whether we are saved and whether other people are saved.

Material possessions and other sorts of needs are not emphasized. The World Outreach Ministry focuses upon the importance of spiritual and physical needs not being met elsewhere in the world. Hence, if we help meet physical needs of the world then our own spiritual needs will be met. When PTL is narcissistic in valuing persons for their acquisitions, Swaggart is other directed, denying the worth of materiality which is not oriented toward meeting the needs of others.

Swaggart is also outspoken against the trend in contemporary society for individuals to get to "know themselves." He views the trends of psychotherapy in 101 society in general and the church in particular as being the antithesis of God's will:

SWAGGART: Freud, the father of modern day psychology— that affects the morale of the people. Which is a bankrupt philosophy that has no basis or foundation in the world of God. However, this philosophy has taken root and grown to such an extent— ... It's [psychotherapy] not a legitimate science. And yet it has pervaded the church as a cure for souls.

Now listen, the very word psychology— psyche— has to do with soul. In the secular world they call it the cure for minds. In the religious world the same terminology is brought in and called the cure for souls. However, it's foundation is from atheist, humanist agnostics that really have no knowledge of God and don't even believe in God.

Thus, for the individual to engage in psychotherapy is to move away from the plan set forth by God. There is no need for the individual to know her/himself— she/he must only know the word of God, and that is difficult to know.

The God of Swaggart is portrayed as being difficult for most humans to understand— we are easily led astray.

Swaggart himself admits that when it comes to the World

Outreach Ministry "I think I don't even understand it myself. It's the magnitude of what God is doing." So while on the PTL program viewers are given a God that they can understand on a personal basis, the God of Swaggart is beyond the comprehension of most people. This helps for

Swaggart to reinforce and establish his sense of exigency.

It further widens the gap between the secular and the 102 sacred. It limits what is needed by the individual.

Through this process, Swaggart further appeals to the individual's basic need for safety. The only possible means of meeting this need from Swaggart's perspective is to put trust in on person: Jimmy Swaggart.

The individual as presented by Swaggart is also lazy.

Humans are constantly trying to find an easier way to salvation and the will of God. The following exchange between a panelist, who was never identified by name, and

Swaggart shows this image most clearly:

PANELIST: Brother Swaggart, I think there's a direct connection here with the blood of Jesus Christ and the judgement and the death that we've been talking about. Because basically what has suddenly crept in is the effort to have transformation or redemption without death. Because the blood of Jesus Christ represents death. And when we, rather than counsel them with positive thinking or all of the other things that have crept in suddenly, it's not having to face the reality judgement of sin, not having the blood of Jesus Christ but we'll have transformation rather through avoidance of death.

If I can avoid that and just have transformation it's so much more attractive. I don't have to die myself. I don't have to deny myself. I don't have to take up my cross. We don't need the blood of Jesus Christ any more so that is devalued.

It's a subtle creeping in and an avoidance against human nature. It's against us to want to die— which the blood of Jesus Christ represents and a facing of judgement of our own sin. So 103

it's so much more attractive to have transformation through psychology.

SWAGGART: The world understands that. Your secular community understand transformation through psychology. They understand it perfectly, but they have absolutely no understanding of transformation through the applied blood of the lamb. It is totally anathema to them# isn't it? They have nothing but contempt for it.

PANELIST: But I would love to avoid death. My, natural man, my natural body wants to avoid death.

SWAGGART: But there is no way.

PANELIST: There's no way. It must be through the blood. There must be death involved there. Death of the self.

Swaggart's view calls for a total loss of sense of self. It downplays any need for the individual above these at the physiological and safety levels. Any sense of belongingness is limited to the need for acceptance and approval from Swaggart and his God. If that is achieved, then higher order needs are negated. This is in contrast to the PTL Vision which focuses primarily upon those found at the levels of belonging and esteem.

Due to this essential nature of humans, what is needed is a source of authority who will keep individuals on the right track, the "less-desirable" and "more contemptible" approach. Swaggart's overall tactic in the development of need— both at the individual and group level— is to point 104

out the weaknesses of the people involved. By painting a

portrait of our failings, audience members are told what

they need— redemption through death. So the individual in

Swaggart's world can accept suffering. Quoting Leviticus

17: 11, Swaggart reminds the audience that "the Blood of

Life must be given for attonement for your soul.

Forgiveness only comes to us through suffering." In order to receive forgiveness through suffering, audience members must remember not to follow "false doctrines" which are

being offered by other approaches to salvation. In fact,

as the image is presented by Swaggart, the individual needs the suffering and the only way to relieve the suffering is

through God and one needs the group to find God. Swaggart

consistently reminds the audience that without their

support of his ministry, God's work will fail. Thus, the

group is needed. This development of need compliments

Swaggart's focus of attention discussed earlier. He

reinforces the base nature of humans that is the source of

all problems. In order to avoid the even grimmer

alternative template which he presented, we need the sort

of redemption which he offers. Thus, for Swaggart, what we need is directly related to the concept of power. 105

The Power Cycle and swaggart

The strategy of having the panelist of "experts"

gathered to discuss the meaning of the day's verse helps to

reinforce the idea that what one needs in one's life is a power outside of one’s self. The panel conveys a sense of powerlessness— individuals are not capable of figuring out what the Bible says— they need someone to tell us what God

is saying. The person they need is Jimmy Swaggart. The panel always defers to Jimmy's interpretation because God has called him to lead. This provides a sense of the power hierarchy. The individual is at the bottom and is

subservient not only to God, but to his appointed

interpreter. Swaggart admitted to his position in the power hierarchy in an interview with TIME magazine:

The board [of directors] does not run these organizations [Jimmy Swaggart Ministries]. Legally it has the final say. It is said, "No, you can't build a Bible College," I couldn't build one. But you know what I'd do? I'd fire the board, because I'm the spiritual head of this organization. It can't run without me. (August 3, 1987, 53)

Indeed, on the Swaggart program, protocol is followed

at all times. When a panelist has a comment to make, he/she asks for permission to interrupt. Panelists will

ask "Brother Swaggart, if I may?", and they will go not

further with their comments until he gives his nod of

approval. Normally, the earner is focused upon Swaggart and 106

the particular panelist involved and Swaggart makes eye

contact with the panelist before he or she asks permission.

This is in direct contrast to the free form of conversation which takes place on PTL, where interruptions are frequent.

When left on their own, according to Swaggart, people make the wrong decisions. The decision of many churches to utilize counseling, for instance, is what has led to the decrease in actual salvation. Swaggart quotes one minister— who is never named— as stating that before

introducing counseling, when his church relied upon soul saving, they had a congregation of 5,00-7,000. It dropped down to 2,000 after they strayed.

He said if we don't get back to soul winning we're going to close the doors. . . We're gonna close the doors. Now listen to what I'm telling you. He said, "Brother Swaggart, we brought in the psychologists, we brought in the counsellors, we took particular men that are very famous in this nation and we started adopting their methods." And he said "They were good men and they loved God but their methods were not Biblical."

Thus, from Swaggart's view, people are incapable of making a decision of what is needed. Even when motivated by "right" reasons, they make drastic errors if they do not know the Bible. And this is not limited to the religious groups outside of the traditional scope of Swaggart's

influence: 107

SWAGGART: So the Pentecostal churches today are following suit. The Pentecostal and Charismatic churches are following right in those footsteps as fast as they can follow. And I think they don't even know what they are doing.

Completely setting aside, listen to me, what made the Pentecostal churches, and I don't know anything about the Charismatics, what made the Pentecostal churches great. Assembly of god, Church of God, Pentecostal Holiness, Four Square, Open Bible, so forth. It was the preached word of God which was the blood of Jesus, under the power of the Holy spirit who convicted men of their problems and difficulties or sins or whatever it was, saint and sinner alike. Brought them to a place where the holy Spirit could work in their lives, leading them into all truth.

And the work was accomplished until, but we've veered off from that today. Until now what I am talking about seems foreign even in many Pentecostal circles. Totally foreign.

Let me tell you what we've done as Pentecostals. Not only have we gone that psychological route, which is wrong, but on the other side of the spectrum we have engaged ourselves in another area that is wrong.

We think we can, through gifts of the spirit, we can take the place of the Holy Spirit. We operate the gifts and that will work the work in the lives. It won't. It's not being used properly when it's done that way.

The basis for knowledge of the world, then, for

Swaggart is very limited. It may come only from the Bible.

Any other method— including many churches— is to be questioned and rejected. It is from this source that one gains their sense of being and values. But the basis is much more limited than the other ministries. If audience 108 members are not following an angry God who demands subservience, they can have no sense of self. If they do not know the Bible, then they know nothing. And if they are not committed to winning souls as our ultimate concern, then they have no real values. Swaggart consistently points out those elements of the secular and religious worlds which are not consistent with his view of Christian values. Thus, the overall strategy of anomaly featuring provides a basis for identification for those who are dissatisfied with that which they find in the world around them. This is in direct contrast to the PTL program which masks anomalies to encourage Christians to participate in the world around them.

The individual who participates in Swaggart's vision will see the world as a grim place in which the only salvation can come from God. Due to the nature of the need strategies employed, the individual is told that his/her role in the world is very limited. By the constant emphasis on the need for soul saving, the individual is being told that there is no need to become involved with the problems facing the world— it is doomed to destruction.

Therefore, one does not have to be directly concerned with social or political issues. Salvation will not come from any programs which humans may design because they do not 109 understand the true nature of salvation— it comes from the blood which represents death. Therefore, the potential

"end of the world" is not to be feared or prevented. Our concern must be saving as many souls as possible before the inevitable end. The power code presented by Swaggart is very definite, the parameters for choice among future actions is extremely limited. According to Swaggart "I have no choice. Jesus didn't have a choice. You really don't have a choice if you are a Christian." (March 20, 1987) Indeed, even God does not have a choice:

In the twelfth verse of the twelfth chapter of the book of Exodus it tells us that God is going to smite the first-born in every house of Egypt. He would completely wreck Egypt. It would go all the way from the Pharaoh's house on down. We have lightly touched upon the reasons for God doing such a thing. There was really no alternative or choice.

If God has no alternative but to stay with the plan of

His own devising, then how can individuals truly have any alternatives or any sense power in the world? The enthymeme is drawn neatly. If you are a Christian, then you must follow God's word. Therefore, if you believe as

Swaggart does, then you will accept without question his vision of what needs to be done and how you should live your life. 110

The Swaggart power code functions primarily from the

strategy of cooperative interdependence. Through this

strategy the sense of the power hierarchy is developed. If you help Swaggart, then you are helping God. As previous examples have shown, Swaggart advocates that his ministry

is the most successful. He pleads to the audience

I thank you for helping us, but there are thousands, tens of thousands, that for one reason or the other, you've not said yet "I want to be a World Outreach Partner" which means you'll give $20.00 a month or whatever you can give per month to help us do this what God has called us to do.

Due to the strategies employed for need and attention, the

individual has no real sense of self, therefore, competitive interdependence is minimal.

Integry is employed by Swaggart in terms of the audience accepting his authority as a spokesperson of God.

He can ask that audience members participate in his ministry and they will participate based upon his role as an authority figure.

Exchange is offered by Swaggart in a very basic sense also. We will engage in the saving of souls so that our own will be saved. This is a very limited form of exchange. Swaggart promises nothing beyond salvation.

Therefore, we may not have any physical or material manifestations of God's salvation. All that we will have Ill

is our knowledge of salvation. Therefore, in exchange of

giving the money and the time needed to keep the ministry

going, we receive eternal life. This is a much more

limited form of exchange than is employed by the PTL or 700

Club Ministries.

Swaggart*s primary power tactic is that of threat.

Threat of damnation pervades his programs. Working from

his base of fear, audience members are essentially asked to

support him not so much because of what they will get, but

because of what will happen if they do not support him. By

drawing the grim template of contemporary society and religion the audience is given the image of dire

consequences, which may be avoided only through salvation.

Swaggart employs this tactic rather blatantly. However, due to his continued success, while Brown suggests that

"the invoking of sanctions really means the breakdown of power" (1986: 198), it would seem that for Swaggart*s

audiences, fear and uncertainty are a primary source of motivation. Ergo, they most strongly identify with an

authority who can effectively wield threats. So in this

case, threat forms the basis of the power code developed by

Swaggart. Perhaps what prevents the breaking down of the

code suggested by Brown is the fact that Swaggart is able

to have the threat not coming from him directly, but from 112 an omnipotent God, For those who see the angry God of

Swaggart, to not have threats forthcoming would weaken the concept and present an anomaly with which they could not deal. So in that sense, portraying a God of hate and anger, in essence featuring an anomaly in terms of current theological presentations of a loving God, provides a means of tension resolution which is not found in either PTL or the 700 Club. So for Swaggart's audiences, the threats are not perceived as threats, but rather as the only logical consequences which may follow a lack of subservience.

Swaggart's theology of threat rather than of hope, based primarily on the tactic of power, provides a coherent alternative template for his audiences.

Summary

The overall strategies of intervention employed by

Swaggart were those of anomaly featuring, the stressing of meeting group needs as perceived by Swaggart, and threat.

These combined to form a basis of identification for the audience. These appeals were designed for thos who have a view of God as being wrathful, omnipotent, and angry. It was designed for those who wish to have their lives controlled. By providing the questions and the answers to life's problems for the audience, the individuals are able to abdicate any sense of responsibility for the world around them. Hence, there is a limited, yet powerful basis for identification established. CHAPTER VI

THE 700 CLUB;

A RHETORIC OF ACTION

Introduction

The analysis in this chapter is based upon an examination of The 700 Club during the time period March

23, 1987 to May 1, 1987. I begin the analysis with a discussion of the basic format of the program which briefly outlines the general rhetorical situation. I then analyze the programs in terms of the elements of Brown's Model of

Social Intervention. Through the discussion of attention, need, and power, I further identify key elements of the rhetorical situation. The bases for identification are sketched in this chapter, but are more thoroughly discussed in Chapter VII. My purpose in this chapter is to determine how the factors of attention, need, and power are employed in the programs. With this focus in mind, I have not cited every example which may appear in every program, but rather those which, after repeated viewings, best exemplify the use of the strategy or tactic involved.

114 115

Basic Format

In contrast to the other two programs already examined, The 700 Club offers a more comprehensive ministry to the audience. The 700 Club is the flagship program of the Christian Broadcasting Network. Due to its part of a

larger whole, it is not faced with the overt need of solicitation of funds, and the like, that faces PTL and

Swaggart.

In format the show is much more like any other television talk/information program found on the air. The shows generally are concerned with one major theme for the day. CBN has a staff of reporters who provide news and feature presentations. The main staff for the day are typically Bob Kinchole, Pat Robertson (although he was missing at times during this period due to this bid for the

Presidency), his son Tim Robertson and a variety of different females. When in the studio, the three are seated in what would appear to be a den or library of an upper middle class home. There are well-stocked bookcases

in the background. They sit in wing-back leather chairs.

The overall tone is subdued and elegant. The purpose of

The 700 Club is to keep Christians informed on the issues of the day and what they as Christians can do about them. 116

The 700 club is designed to establish rhetorical exigencies for the audience. By its format, it is engaged in the process of exigency identification on a daily basis.

Through the selection of which issues are to be covered, it lets the audience members know what they as Christians should focus on. The show approaches this function by viewing audience members as part of the world as a whole.

It serves the role of agenda-setter, letting Christians know which of the multitude of problems facing the world they should be concerned with. The major constraint from this perspective is how can the common problems be resolved from a Christian point of view?

The Attention Cycle and The 700 Club

According to Brown's Model of Social Intervention, in order for an attention switch to take place, there must be at least two alternative templates, either of which are capable of rendering a situation coherent. In The 700 Club these templates are drawn in a very subtle manner. The distinctions between the secular and the sacred world are seen as relatively minor due to an overall strategy of anomaly masking.

The show's basic nature proves to be insightful in terms of the world views expressed. As noted earlier, the 117

show's basic format is the same as that found on any other

television talk show. It revolves around a group of people

gathered to discuss the issues of the day. On the surface,

then, it is difficult to discern the distinctions between

the secular and the sacred templates. The topics discussed

are those of interest to the world in general— i.e., day

care, drug addiction, the economy, other political issues.

The difference is the basic perspective of how should

Christians deal with them. By attempting to establish this perpsective, the show argues that there is a difference.

So the distinction which is developed is not in the form of

the problems, but in the substance of the responses to the problems.

Tim Robertson makes this distinction clear when he is

discussing the scandal at The PTL Club. He points out that

it is not so much a problem that people were caught having human weaknesses, the real difficulty is in the manner in which such issues were handled:

ROBERTSON: The first thing we need to look at is that in many ways in this situation that the Matthew 18 scripture was attempting to be carried out but unfortunately it sort of went haywire because all of this in this group of various electronic churches are so visible now and the press is looking at everything we do. It got public before it really should have gotten public. Before people had the opportunity to try to follow the mandate that Jesus gave us. So I think that we should look at it from a point of view, first of all, that it is unfortunate. 118

Second, from a positive point of view that indeed some error was discovered and indeed the Church has cleansed itself in that way.

Third, we need to look at it from a point of view that our brother Jim Bakker has indeed said, you know, "I want to get this thing together. I want to. I've done wrong." He has said that. And we want to pray for him that God would restore him and restore, you know, not necessarily to the leadership there, but restore him personally unto himself. That God would restore that.

And I think in a way that's a positive thing because you know, that's what's so good about this thing is that indeed these ministries and the Church at large has seen an error and has seen a problem and has acted.

That's what people don't really understand. That there's not some governmental organization that's involved here. There's not some legal group that's come in. The Church itself has indeed been involved in the process of cleansing itself. Now what we need to do is pray for reconciliation. That's what we should all do is pray.

The view expressed here is that the exigence is not necessarily the major problem. What is of the essence is the form which the response takes. The audience as potential mediators of change must be careful that their response takes into account the major rhetorical constraint recognized by The 700 Club— the Christian perspective. It is recommended in the program that this perspective is found by carefully considering what the Bible has to say on a given issue. In this sense, while maintaining that in terms of exigence identification an overall strategy of 119 anomaly masking is employed, in terms of constraints and response, a strategy of anomaly featuring is at work.

Thus, in The 700 Club, both strategies to focus attention are employed conjointly with one subtly reinforcing/supporting the other. It is not an issue of either masking or featuring, but both masking and featuring.

A reframing of the situation occurs when .Robertson asks the audience to view this particular exigence (the PTL scandal) as a "positive thing." Strongly implied through this approach is a message that the exigencies which we may perceive are not a negative reflection of the status of the

Church or Church leaders, but rather they provide the opportunity for growth. Therefore, the adversities which audience members may face should be viewed as a positive test of the Christian spirit.

Also in this portion is depicted a major difference between the secular and the sacred. The members of the sacred realm were attempting to carrying out the mandates of Christ (in terms of how to deal with controversy) but they were not given the chance to do so by the secular world (i.e., the press). Robertson expresses the idea that the issue ". . . got public before it really should have gotten public." This provides the basis for an argument 120 that Christians will handle matters on their own and that some of the problems which face them should not be open for scrutiny to the secular world. This further reinforces the overall strategy of balancing the two templates (secular and sacred) by showing that Christians are both the same as and different from the rest of the world.

In essence, this balancing of templates depicts an extremely complex rhetorical situation. Potential exigencies may be found in a variety of areas, but the primary exigency established by the program is that of maintaining the thin distinction between the secular and the sacred. This increases the potential for audience involvement as mediators of change. It also provides a basis for identification which can be hard to counter. For many of the exigencies, the issue does not become "do they exist?," but rather, "How do we as Christians deal with them?" So while there is some sense of anomaly featuring at play, the primary source for identification lies in the strategy of anomaly masking.

In terms of specific tactics for focusing attention and bringing about the desired attention switch, the bible is to function for all three tactics suggested by Brown.

Our sense of being which tells us who we are is found in the Bible. This is also reinforced by the nature of the 121 role models presented on the program. The individuals are portrayed as being thinking, active and forgiving.

The basis for knowledge is also the Bible. Robertson and Kinchole constantly remind audience members that the source of information for us is to be found in the word of

God. To reinforce this element, the program has a segment entitled "Operation Good Shepherd" which focuses on how to study the Bible. On one day, for instance, the structure of the Bible is explained. This tells the audience the ways in which the different books fit together. On another day, the focus may be on the interpretation of a specific issue. The total approach makes the appropritate study of the Bible appear to be very logical and systematic. If this proves to not be enough for an individual, he/she is reminded by Kinchole that those at The 700 Club will ". . . try to keep you posted and keep adding biblical perspective as we see it here in 700 Club." Thus, the basis of knowledge is expanded. In addition to this, at various times the program leaders may recommend a given author's work on some topic as supplemental reading.

The 700 Club also relies heavily upon outside experts as sources of information. The majority of the feature segments revolve around interviewing an expert in a given field for support for the ideas which are being explored 122 and advocated. For the day care segment featured on this particular day, for instance, they had CBN correspondent

Janet Boyd interviewing Susan Bredekamp, Ph.D, Director of

Accreditation, National Association for the Education of

Young Children and a young couple concerning their child care experiences. Following this taped segment, Terry interviewed Brenda Hunter, author of Beyond Divorce and

Where Have All the Mothers Gone? Hunter frequently quoted experts in the field of day care and child research.

Following this discussion, Ben Kinchole interviewed Linda

Groves of CBN's School of Education, who designed and developed the day care program for CBN and Cathy Wanders, a mother of three who utilizes the CBN program. This segment identifies several elements relevant to The 700 Club's approach to the basis for knowledge. First of all, there is a heavy reliance on outside experts. This conveys the sense to the audience that it is permissible and desirable to look outside of yourself and your particular group for knowledge. Second, the in-depth nature of the segment suggests that all matters are to be considered thoroughly before action is taken. Third, it posits that decisions are best arrived at through group consensus. This expands for the audience the pool for potential mediators of change, thus enlarging the perception of the entire 123

rhetorical situation. It encompasses more than just the

sacred. The "secular" may be consulted if it is utilized

appropriately.

The tactic of valuing which provides information on how to enact goals and our sense of values seems to flow

naturally from the first two tactics. The primary focus is

attempting to balance some of our natural inclinations as humans and acting in a manner of Christian love and

forgiveness. Tim Robertson reminds the audience that the

fruits of the spirit that we who are Christians who are walking and living in the spirit are supposed to evidence in our lives are . . . love, joy, peace, long suffering, gentleness, goodness, faith, meekness, temperance.

The portrayal of individuals as active and involved suggests that what is important is that we take a sense of responsibility for the world around us. The show constantly features individuals who are taking such an active role. A couple from Fort Meyers, Florida, for

instance, who has taken in handicapped and abused foster children for years, was the focus of one feature story.

The couple expressed that they "could not sit back and watch the suffering." For taking on such responsibilities, people are rewarded. The Fort Wayers couple eventually took in a young boy who was considered to be severely retarded. Through their love and prayers, the boy began to 124 develop normally. They adopted him and were thus able to have the son they had always wanted.

The 700 Club does not focus on what will happen to individuals if they do not make the desired attention switch in terms of dire consequences. The sense of what will happen if you do make the switch is conveyed more through the attitudes of the show's spokespersons. This is not a direct form of blatant testimony, but rather an implication which arises as the show's participants react to rhetorical exigencies which are developed. The nature of this template is more fully developed through an examination of the other two elements of Brown's Model of

Social Intervention.

On the whole, "The 700 Club" presents an image of the world that is positive. The focus of the stories presented is the successful resolution to the problems facing the world. The Word of God and the works of His people are saving the world. This lifts the audience members above the current situation and helps them focus on what is ahead. So, while the world is in need of help and there are a multitude of problems, the templates developed suggest that the audience can and should make the changes which are necessary for the removal of the exigencies. The program attempts to tightly balance the distinctions 125 between the secular and sacred worlds by employing an overall strategy of anomaly masking. This is subtly supported through the use of anomaly featuring. The tactics of being, knowledge and valuing are based upon the

Bible as the primary source, but are also highly reliant upon argument from testimony and experts. These tactics help to expand the overall rhetorical situation in an attempt to further blend the secular and the sacred.

The Need Cycle and The 700 Club

In terms of intrapersonal categorizing, The 700 Club focuses upon the meeting of individual-centered needs as opposed to group-centered needs. There is an emphasis placed upon the meeting of esteem and transcendental needs.

The goals of The 700 Club and its world view is to help people meet their potential. The way to reach this potential is through salvation. In discussing Father John

Bertolucci, a Catholic priest who has become evangelical in orientation, Ben Kinchole points out that when one receives the Holy Spirit:

That's what happens. It's like if you take, one of the other words that comes from that word Deuodomos is like a dynamo, a thing that generates power. And if you've got little headlights, you know, and it's got a little weak battery on it and you've got the light and the battery's there and the light is kind of weakly showing in the dark, what happens if you take 126

some lights and you hook them up to this huge dynamo that's generating all the power that light can handle. Well, it makes it bright and explodes it. and that's exactly what happens to our talents when we get the baptism of the Holy Spirit.

So not only does the individual need to experience self-actualization, but The 700 Club will help provide the means by which this may be accomplished— salvation through baptism.

The range of the stories also indicates the need for the individual to become involved with the world as a whole. Christians are shown being active in alcoholism and drug addiction treatment, working toward child care

legislation reform, teaching methods of jouralism in foreign countries, and many other issues. During the period in time examined for this study, the CBN crew went to Israel to receive first hand information on the situation in the Middle East. Whatever the specific scenario, Christians are shown moving outside of themselves. In Burkean terms the individual is portrayed as the agent in the scene. If one receives the power of the Holy Spirit, one can make a difference. Favorite feature stories on the program focus upon individuals making a difference. The individual receives a calling— it may be in the business, personal or political realm— and is compelled to become involved. Pat Robertson himself serves 127

as a role model for this approach by attempting to move

from the role of evangelist to that of President of the

United States.

The individual in The 700 Club does not set back and wait for the world to take care of problems, he/she works to take care of them. The scenario is depicted well through the feature story on the day in question concerning the child care dilemma in America. After examining the problems of quality day care, Ben Kinchole informs the audience that:

... to meet that need in the context of the Christian family, CBN University has developed a unique family day care program. And in the secure and comfortable environment of one of these providers homes, a child can receive lots of attention, personal instruction and most important of all, love.

By its example, CBN University lets the individual know how to function. You see a problem and then act upon

it within the Christian perspective. The individual become active. By joining with the group, one may receive additional support, but the only necessary support is the

Holy Spirit.

Traditional values are also seen as crucial for the contemporary Christian. As Tim Robertson pointed out:

"The family is still, I mean apart from God, the family is still the most important institution in society today." 128

Implicit in this is the need for the individual to have a sense of identity and support from the group.

In terms of other aspects of individual needs, Tim

Robertson also paints a picture of how the good Christian should act:

...those of use who are Christians, you know, we're not called to be wild, raucous people who gather attention to ourselves. We are to be quiet, meek, humble, walking before the Lord in all things. Understanding that it's only by God's grace we have what little we have.

So The 700 Club paints a very specific picture of the individual and how he/she should act. The contemporary

Christian is aware of the world around her/him. He/She is an active participant in the world who does not ignore problems but attempts to face them squarely. Yet they do so quietly and with humility and gratitude.

The sets of the show further reinforce the sense of self, but provide an image which is never discussed directly. The subdued, quiet provides the sense of humility and meekness referred to by Robertson. The elegance indicates a sense of material comfort which is not readily available to everyone. Enthymematically, this would suggest that by "walking before the Lord in all things," such comforts would be forthcoming. While The 700

Club is careful to never promise material acquisition as a result or by-product of Christian living, the inference is 129 clear. The filled bookcases would indicate a need for knowledge beyond ourselves.

The individual is depicted as needing help from outside sources to function completely. It is in this sense that the need for the group is subtly stressed. One component of the program at this point in time was

"Operation Good Shepherd— How to Study the Bible." Through its structure, the program implies that the Bible is very complicated and that unless one knows how to approach it, one can misinterpret it. The emphasis of the segment is not so much upon a specific interpretation per se, but rather on establishing a common basis for interpretation.

Thus, a person can receive a sense of "group" while at the same time maintaining a sense of self-reliance.

The Power Cycle and The 700 Club

The power code which is established on The 700 Club has a fairly flexible sense of boundaries. This is done in large part to the sense of control given to the individual.

The individual is portrayed as being the prime motivation in terms of salvation and change in the world at large.

From The 700 Club1s. world view, God's plan will unfold only in conjunction with the willingness of the individual. 130

The individual is given the choice as to how to function as a Christian. It is made clear that some individuals choose to reject the proper act. This is demonstrated in the following interchange when Tim

Robertson is trying to demonstrate the proper choices to be made in a situation such as the PTL scandal.

ROBERTSON: "...there have been those who are setting themselves apart from the Matthew 18 word where Jesus spoke to Matthew and He basically laid out three steps for those of us who are in the church or in the body of Christ who do come

against what we consider to be error in others or in those whom we love.

First of all you go to them one on one and you say, if I have something with you Ben, I'd come to you and I'd say "Ben, one on one together as brothers, I have a problem with you."

Second, if you then say, ah you know, "Take a hike Robertson," I then get another friend, perhaps Terry, someone else. We'd go to you together... and we'd come again and say "This is serious, you really need to hear us." And if again you say "Go jump in a lake," we'd then go before the church if there's a denomination involved or whatever.

That's how we do it. We don't air it in the pews, we don't go public, we don't call up a reporter in the newspaper and say "I've got the goods on Kinchole." But we do it in love, in an order by fashion. And I think that's critical.

This scenario illustrates several items in terms of * the power code at work at "The 700 Club". First of all, it emphasizes the power of the individual to make choices in terms of future choosing. It establishes the boundaries of acceptance and rejection in terms of future choosing. The individual is permitted to recognize flaws or problems in the behavior of others. In this sense, the individual is given the power to identify rhetorical exigencies. Indeed, the manner in which it is presented strongly suggests that the individual is obligated to identify such imperfections.

The major constraint at work in the situation— that which establishes boundaries of acceptance and rejection— is that the choices for exigency modification must be accomplished in a matter compatible with theological doctrine. The overall strategy which is relied upon is one of cooperative interdependence. As Christians they must work together to find the appropriate solution to the problem. The primary tactic which is utilized is one of integry— we do what we do "as brothers and sisters." Thus establishes a sense of unity and the fact that we act for the good of others because they are our brothers and sisters— not due to what they can give us (exchange) or because of fear (threat).

This basic pattern of the individual's identifying and responding to a perceived exigence, within the boundaries of theological doctrine, based upon a strategy of cooperative interdependence by means of integry is repeated throughout The 700 Club. This provides a flexible yet cohesive power structure which emphasizes the means by 132 which individuals can identify with each other as

Christians and as part of the larger Christian world. This structure is reinforced and made possible by the establishment of intrapersonal needs as discussed in the previous section.

Summary

The overall strategies of intervention employed by The

700 Club were those of anomaly masking, the stressing of the group needs being met through the works of individuals, and integry. These combined to form a basis of identification for those who desire to be politically active and view God as concerned with social action. It was designed for those who enjoy a sense of free will and control in their lives. By encouraging the individual to take responsibility for society as a whole, the basis for potential influence of the ministry is expanded CHAPTER VII

IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL INTERVENTION:

SIMILARITIES, CONTRASTS AND IMPLICATIONS

Introduction

I have examined programs of three leading

televangelists— The PTL Club. A Study In The Word, and The

700 Club— in an attempt to determine the rhetorical

strategies employed to discern the basis of identification

established by each rhetor. The analysis worked from within the general framework of the rhetorical situation.

I then examined each program in light of Brown's Model of

Social Intervention. In this chapter I will summarize the

findings of each chapter of analysis, discuss the

similarities and differences among the strategies employed

by each rhetor as social intervenor, and lastly, discuss

the rhetorical implications of the findings.

The PTL Club

The basic format of The PTL Club suggests a very open type of program. It is light, cheery, and inviting.

133 134

Physically, the set conveys a feeling of middle-class, homey, country charm. The primary set resembles a living room or family room. A family atmosphere is established through the guests sitting together on several couches, interrupting one another, making inside jokes. The show often seems to be a "Who's who in American Televangelism," with major fundamentalist preachers appearing on a regular basis. This served to give the impression th^t televangelism is one big happy family. Guests' names were not identified in writing on the screen, and often they were simply referred to by first name— indicating a sense a familiarity and intimacy.

Everything about the program is up-beat. The overall message of PTL is hope. Even at a moment in time when the integrity of televangelism in general and PTL in particular were in question, Richard Dortsch and his guests kept stressing the positive.

Attention is focused in the program with a primary reliance upon anomaly masking. Through the rhetorical strategies employed, audience members were asked to overlook any apparent tensions which existed between the secular and the sacred and between the "sacred" world in general and PTL in particular. The show relied heavily upon argument from analogy, with the family being the prime 135 source. Audience members were given the opportunity to not only modify the rhetorical exigencies, but also to define them.

In the area of need, The PTL Club was portrayed as

"needing" everything that everyone else needs. The program relied heavily on the "Health and Wealth" philosophy of television. Audience members learned that the way to salvation was not through pain and suffering, but through giving.

Humans are portrayed as being weak and in danger of falling from grace due to human frailties. Such weaknesses are not surprising— they are part of the normal human condition. The key is not the failings, but the recognition and repetence of such failings.

Individuals within the PTL world do not need external approval, but rather more an internal sense and willingness that what he/she is doing is for the greater glory of God.

PTL suggests that a form of intrapersonal communication via prayer provides the most fitting response to the perceived exigency of being a "good" Christian.

While this individually based conception of need is often in the forefront, it becomes clear that the only way to get individual needs met is by giving to the group. The success or failure of Heritage Village and The PTL Club are 136

offered as signs that God's work could succeed. If the

individual did not help God's work succeed, then he/she

would not be blessed with material possessions— a sign that

the individual had received God's blessings and salvation.

Through the full development of this argument, the need for

suffering on the part of Christians is denied. The God of

PTL is not angry or wrathful, but one who shows His people

His blessings through their material possessions.

In terms of power, the major strategy for PTL was

exchange— the individual gives to PTL and God gives to the

individual. The ultimate authority in the power hierarch is

God, but direct communication between the Christian and God

is not sufficient— an intermediary channel is needed.

Audience members are given a perceived sense of power

through the use of exchange. PTL partners are given a

sense of control over the world by their willingness to

give. Integry was used on a limited basis in the program,

as was threat. •** In sum, the overall strategies of intervention

employed by PTL were those of anomaly masking, the

stressing of meeting individual needs through the group as

advocat, and exchange. The basis of identification which

is established in the program is one which suggests a theology of hope and optimism. The individual is portrayed 137 as being happy, concerned but not extremely involved with world issues, middle class Yuppies and older individuals who may experience some guilt over their material position relative to the less fortunate. The individuals appealed to in PTL are concerned with the meeting of needs of beloningness and self-esteem— they want to feel good about themselves.

A Study In The Word

In contrast to PTL. the basic format of A Study In The

Word is cold and somber. The tone established through the stark set and the panel format suggests that what Swaggart and his approach to religion are about is serious business.

The interplay among Swaggart and the panelists is limited.

The panelists primarily affirm statements made by Swaggart.

There is no lively interchange and joking. The structure of the program implies that what is needed by the individual is structure and discipline. Distractions are kept to a minimum. Swaggart focuses primarily on an exigency of lack of knowledge on the part of the audience and their need for authority.

The world portrayed by Swaggart is very grim. The world is headed for destruction and the major cause is the human race. He draws this template through an overall 138 strategy of anomaly featuring. The basis for all knowledge is the Bible. Modern society is something which the audience should reject. This includes not only technological and material advances, but also philosophical advances. Swaggart expands the potential chasm between the secular and the sacred through anomaly featuring.

Swaggart argues against the "family of God" concept portrayed so strongly on The PTL Club. He seeks to widen the gulf among various religious groups by arguing that the

Ecumenical move has no scriptual basis and therefore should be avoided.

The alternative template offered by Swaggart is drawn in only broad strokes. The specific vision of what will be given through acceptance of God's salvation is vague. No definite promises of reward are offered, so the lack of success in life, for instance, cannot be used against

Swaggart. From Swaggart's world view, there are no external signs of God's salvation. The God of Swaggart will provide love only in the future— after one has experienced His wrath. swaggart's response to the rhetorical situation is to provide God's salvation through suffering as the fitting response for a Christian society— and world— out of control. 139

Swaggart focuses attention primarily by the use of anomaly featuring. He focuses upon anomalies to be found in the secular and the sacred. Swaggart emphasizes an exigence for the audience based upon the helplessness of the individual. For an alternative template, Swaggart offers an even grimmer template of what will happen if his means for exigency modification is not adopted.

In terms of individual need, the individual in

Swaggart's world does not have a distinct personality.

He/she should be completely subserviant to God's will. The individual is incapable of discerning God’s will. He/she needs an ultimate authority. The ministry is portrayed as all important through group stressing. Swaggart is the advocate who can help fulfill the needs of the audience.

The individual in Swaggart's world is encouraged to move outside of her/himself. Spiritual needs will best be met by helping meet the physical needs of the rest of the world through the World Outreach Program. The concern is not even for what is happening in this country so much as the world in general.

Swaggart portrays the individual as being weak and lazy— always looking for an easier road to salvation. This is compounded by the mysterious nature of God, which no one 140

can understand. Due to the overall sense of insecurity,

Swaggart strongly appeals to one's need for safety.

Throughout the programs, Swaggart calls for the

individual to lose her/his sense of self. Any needs above the level of physiological and safety are downplayed. Any

sense of belongingness is limited to the need for

acceptance and approval from Swaggart and his God.

Achievement of such acceptance negates higher order needs.

This is in contrast woth the PTL vision which focuses

primarily upon needs found at the levels of belonging and

self-esteem. So the individual is seen as needing very

different things by the two groups.

For Swaggart, needs are directly related to power— a power found outside of the individual. Since humans,

according to Swaggart, are powerless, their role in the power hierarchy is complete subserviance not only to God but to His annointed interpreter— Jimmy Swaggart. Since humans are incapable of making decisions and knowing what

is "right," the only basis for knowledge is the Bible— as

interpreted by Jimmy Swaggart.

Swaggart presents a power code in which choice is not possible. He employs a primary strategy of cooperative

interdependence. Since the individual has no real sense of self, competitive interdependence is minimal. 141

Swaggart's primary power tactic is threat. While, as indicated in Chapter V, this goes against Brown's original concept, it fits in well with the world view expressed by

Swaggart. From Swaggart's perspective, threats are not perceived as threats, but as logical consequences which may follow a lack of subserviance. Exchange and intergry appear in very limited forms.

Through Swaggart's rhetorical approach, an audience different from that found in PTL emerges. His perceived audience appears to have limited education and economic resources. This leads to a sense of frustration over the lack of material status. Thus, for Swaggart's audience, it is easy to blame their status on an angry God (they are getting what they deserve) and a hostile world. This image suggests a very different basis for identification from that established on The PTL Club.

The 700 Club

The basic format of The 700 Club is distinctly different form that 'found on either The PTL Club or A Study

In The Word. The format is extremely "secular" in nature, combining the talk/interview format with investigative reporting. 142

The set is upper middle-class. The overall tone is subdued and elegant. From the opeing moments it is clear that The 700 Club perceives an expanded sense of purpose from the other two programs. The 700 Club is not only concerned with salvation per se. but also with keeping

Christians informed on the issues of the day and what they as Christians can do about them.

The program is engaged in the process of exigency identification on a daily basis. Through the selection of which issues are covered, the audience members know on what they as Christians should focus. The major constraint from this perspective is solving the problems from a Christian point of view.

In terms of attention switching, the alternative templates are drawn in a subtle manner. An overall positive image of the world is drawn through the subtle use of anomaly featuring. The tactics of being, knowing, and valuing are based upon the Bible as the primary source.

Arugument from testimony and experts strongly supplement this base. Thus, The 700 Club focuses upon individual- centered need stressing more than group-centered need stressing. The goal of the program and its view of salvation is to help individuals meet their potential, in essence to experience self-actualization. Individuals are 143

portrayed as active, aggressive participants in the world

around them.

The show develops the need for knowledge beyond the

individual. This brings forth the subtle need for the

group. However, the manner of accomplishing this suggests

that individuals can receive a sense of "group" while at

the same time maintaining a sense of self-reliance.

The power code established on The 700 Club has a

flexible sense of boundaries due to the control given to

the individual. God needs the individual to accomplish His plan nearly as much as the individual needs God.

Therefore, a definite sense of cooperative interdependence

is established.

The 700 Club relies heavily upon the tactic of

integry. This establishes a sense of unity. A sense of

exchange is conveyed through what God will give back to His

followers. Threat is subtly implied, but not invoked directly.

The audience portrayed as the logical recipient of The

700 Club1s message is well-to-do and politically involved.

They are more likely to be activists than spectators in society. They view the world— and religion— as something over which they have control. 144

Bases For Identification

As is discussed in the preceding summary, the potential bases for identification the three programs are quite different. Through the analysis of attention, need, and power, different views of the world in general and the relationship of the individual with God are portrayed. In this section, I discuss the key similarities and differences between each of the programs in light of identification.

One way in which each of the programs differ is in terms of the focusing of attention. The PTL Club and The

700 Club both rely heavily on anomaly masking. They seek to create a sense of unity between the secular world and the sacred, but for apparently different ends. In The PTL

Club, masking was encouraged as a way of dealing with the aspects of human behavior which may be "non fitting" in a

Christian world view. The show as intervenor expressed for the audience a view that they are not different form others due to their religious views— they want and deserve what everyone else in the world does. This strategy served to reinforce the idea that the secular and the sacred are not so very different. This sort of distinction would work well for those who want the security of religion, but not 145 the effort. The PTL Club asks the audience to give up very little in acceptance of its world view. It offers a "faith of willingness" as the basic premise. If one is willing to be saved, then one will be saved.

This is in direct contrast to The 700 Club which shows

Christians as active participants in solving the problems of the world. The 700 Club negates the distinctions between the secular and the sacred, seemingly working from the philosophical basis that it is all one world and

Christians must be a major force in that world. The major use of anomaly featuring comes in to play when one considers how to function in the world as a Christian.

The PTL Club, however, while utilizing masking in the overall world views expressed, suggests that instead of being involved with the world, one should be separated from the secular world. World problems are dealt with from within PTL. Instead of being encouraged to be active participants in the outside world, audience members are encouraged to support PTL which will in turn take care of the problems. This permits a sense of passive support.

One may receive the good feeling involved with doing good deeds, but without expending much energy or thought— only a check or credit card number. 146

In A Study In The Word anomaly featuring is relied

upon extensively. Swaggart seeks to widen the perceived

differences between the secular and the sacred. He provides an image of the secular which is not acceptable to

Christians. In his world view, Christians should reject

all things involved with the secular world— materially and

philosophically. This is extended to even being involved with issues of the day. While it is true that his World

Outreach Ministry is designed to provide food and health

care, this is done only so that the spiritual needs may be met by Swaggart's interpretation of the Gospel.

Swaggart's overall strategy of anomaly featuring

provides a basis for identification for those who are

dissatisfied with that which they find in the world around them. This is in direct contrast to The PTL Club which masks anomalies to enourage Christians to participate in

the world around them, especially in terms of material possessions and social activities. As was shown in Chapter

VI, this is also different form the overall strategy

employed by The 700 Club.

For Swaggart, the tensions felt between the secular

and sacred can be resolved only through the rejection of the world. Where PTL relied upon a merger of the secular

and the sacred, resulting in an identification with a 147 theology of hope, and The 700 Club relies upon a merger of the secular and sacred resulting in an identification with theology of action, Swaggart relies upon the separation of the secular and sacred which results in an identification with a theology of threat.

Individuals are portrayed as acting differently in each of the programs. From a Burkean perspective, the scenes develop differently. In The PTL Club there is a tendency to switch from a agency-agent ratio. Audience members are given the choice of letting PTL be the agency by which changes are made, or they may elect to be the agent who activates changes. In Swaggart's program, he and his ministry are depicted as being the agencies by which change will occur. He in essence tells the audience "I will act, you do not." In The 700 Club, there is more of an agent-scene ratio developed. The audience members are portrayed as being responsible for the changes and action necessary.

As has been mentioned, there are vast differences in terms of the sorts of needs which should be of concern to the individual. Swaggart's program focuses upon the very basic needs of humans at the physiological and safety levels. The PTL Club functions at a higher level, appealing to one's needs for safety, belongingness, and to 148

some degree self-esteem. The 700 Club is most concerned

with individuals becoming self-actualized.

There are different power codes established in the

three programs, especially in the role of the individual

and the act of future choosing. The most limited

parameters are found in A Study In The Word. Individuals

are portrayed as weak and incompetent. They are completely

subserviant to authority. Choices are not presented as

viable. The individual in Swaggart's world view has no

real choice but to bend to the will of God. One is

permitted to act only within the strict doctrinal

guidelines set forth by Swaggart's interpretation of the

Bible, any other outside influence is discouraged.

In The PTL Club humans are portrayed as possessing

failings, but none which cannot be overcome. They are an

optimistic people who use their faith to accept and

transcend the problems of life. The ultimate proof of

God's salvation comes through the possession of material

goods. The parameters of acceptance and rejection are thus widened. The individual may choose to act in a variety of

ways, as long as within her/his heart, he/she knows the

will of God which is disclosed in a personal manner.

Whereas Swaggart focuses upon the necessary destruction of

the world, PTL focuses upon the rebuilding of the world 149 through God's love. In PTL individuals are given the choice to act or not to act. They may delegate their responsibility by letting PTL take care of the problems.

The 700 Club has the widest sense of a power code established. The individual is portrayed as being in charge. The responsible Christian will see the problems of the world and attempt to solve them# therefore, the individual in this world view has a much higher position in the power hierarchy. Whereas in A study In The Word and The

PTL Club, individual needs will be met only through the fulfillment of group needs, The 700 Club portrays the group's needs as being met through the efforts of the individual.

The differences in the bases for identification may also be seen by considering how the individual programs interpret the rhetorical situation. While on the surface all three programs are facing the same exigencies, their methods of responding to them are quite different. The analysis showed there are differences in the exigencies which are brought forth by the programs. Thus, while they are all part of the same rhetorical situation, rhetorically the shows as intervenors are engaged in redefining and refocusing the situation. 150

These differences indicate the possibility that while on the surface they may be viewed as one genre of discourse, in action they are presenting possible alternative genres for future rhetoric. The introduction of television as a variable in religious communication is helping to change the the face of the discourse. Through the merging of the secular medium with the sacred message, one can see the sort of interrelationship indicated by

McLuhan when he advoctates "The medium is the message."

With the change in the channel, there are undoubtedly changes in the substance. Some of the possible areas of change have been noted in this study.

With the introduction of television as a variable, ministers are able to be much more selective in their audience targeting, or they may decide to design appeals to get the largest share possible. How they approach these issues is an area which needs to be addressed in future studies. The PTL Club. A Study In The Word, and The 700

Club present three different alternative visions for the future form of religious discourse. To treat the programs as the same because they employ similar rhetorical strategies is to overlook the sustantive differences which are revealed when one examines the ways in which they seek to identify with their audiences. 151

Boulding (1981) suggests in terms of the future that

we can detect one possible trend— the movement from threats into exchange and on into integrative systems, . . . may also apply to religion. The religions of fear of hell and of trading on the hope of heaven may give way to religions of grace and love (338).

Implications For Future Rhetorical Studies

As the discussion to this point has indicated, there are significant differences to be found in the three programs in terms of the bases of identification. This viewing was made possible through the combination of three differing rhetorical approaches. As such, it suggests several specific and general implications for future rhetorical studies.

First of all, in terms of Brown's Model of Social

Intervention, it was shown that the model can prove useful for comparing and contrasting discourse which on the surface may appear to be very similar. Hence, while the programs all employ the same strategies, the goal of the strategies differ. By looking at the way the elements intertwine, one may see these differences more readily.

The basic elements of attention, need, and power are present in every situation. The crucial rhetorical variable becomes the way in which the rhetor as intervenor decides to emphasize these elements. This provides a depth 152 to the criticism which moves beyond the simple identification of strategies involved. It also enables one to more readily discern patterns which are developed over time and how the shifts in emphasis can change the rhetoric.

In the area of power tactics, the analysis showed that while Brown is most likely correct in the majority of cases concerning the use of threat, the analysis of the Swaggart program demonstrates that the direct invoking of threat may prove to be the most valuable tactic available .in a given rhetorical situation. Thus, future critics should not be surprised if the dynamics of the rhetorical situation modify the basic elements of the model.

By employing the Brown Model in conjunction with the

Burkean concept of identification, one is more readily able to determine the ways in which identification occurred. As has been cited elsewhere in this study, Burke maintains that the ways in which one may identify are virtually unlimited. He does not, however, present a way by which one may readily analyze the "unlimited ways." Brown's model presents a means by which one may taxonimize the ways by which identification may occur. Since the Brown model also focuses upon general strategies and tactics and their development, it does not tie the critic to strictly 153 traditional rhetorical practices, but makes it possible to gain a sense of control over the unlimited.

The study also supports Burke's contention that it is not necessarily the quality of the rhetoric which will ensure its success, but rather that the redundancy of the exposure will have a definite impact. One complaint cited previously in the study is that televangelists do not provide "good" rhetoric, but simply mirror secular television. This practice may demonstrate that the televangelists possess a far greater understanding of rhetorical theory and principles than with which they have previously been credited.

Employing the two theoretical approaches already discussed also permits one to more thoroughly examine the rhetorical situation involved. As indicated in Chapter

III, from Bitzer's perspective a rhetorical situation exists at a real moment in time. However, Brown and Burke enable the critic to determine the ways in which the rhetors as social intervenors "see as if." They are not so much involved in the creation of a rhetorical situation as they are in the interpretation of the rhetorical situation.

Brown and Burke enable one to track the process of this interpretation and provide some predictive value for future trends. 154

The utility of the approach employed in this dissertation is not limited to only the realm of sacred discourse but may be employed in any situation where one desires to track the process, for instance, in the area of organizational communication. The consultant functioning

* as intervenor would first determine the nature of the rhetorical situation which exists within the company.

He/she would determine the organizing exigencies of the situation, the sources for constraint, and the audiences.

Based upon this he/she would then determine the nature of the alternative templates— what are the visions offered and what are the points of tension? An analysis of need as portrayed in the company as it is now and where it would

like to be would permit the designing of appropriate systems. This would, of course, be designed in conjunction with the power code at work within the company.

Thus, the theoretical approach provides not only a means by which the critic may analyze the rhetoric, but a means by which the rhetor may design the rhetoric. A successful application of this in the business setting would result in a program which would have a good chance of success since the program would be designed with the goal of establishing a sense of identification among and between the groups involved. A last area of methodological and theoretical implications of the study lies in the demonstration of the value of combining diverse rhetorical concepts on the part of the critic. Broadening the scope of the criticism and the critical tools permits one to more readily identify the ends to which the strategies are working. In this study, for instance, one weakness cited in the current research in

Chapter II was that the "spiritual" variable in the discourse is difficult to assess. While I certainly do not claim to be able to determine which televangelist promotes the theology which is most acceptable to a divine deity, the examination of the bases for identification provides a vehicle by which one may consider some of the more intangible processes involved in the act of persuasion and identification.

Kenneth Burke has defined a human as "the symbol- using, symbol-misusing, and symbol-making animal" who is the "inventor of the negative" and is thus "separated from his natural condition by instruments of his own making . .

. . . . goaded by the spirit of hierarchy . . . and . . . rotten with perfection" (1966: 63). Thus, we respond as rhetorical beings to an innate impulse to remove imperfections in our world and in ourselves. The televangelists succeed in their rhetorical mission by 156 identifying those imperfections and offering their audiences the means by which to remove them.

Limitations of the Study

After completing this project, several limitations became apparent. First, the time frame which was examined was of a limited basis. Future studies should try to expand the scope to see if the conclusions found here remain true over an expanded period of time.

A second limitation is the fact that the study examined only three programs. To draw conclusions as to the general nature of televangelism, this basis also needs to be expanded to see if similar distinctions may be discerned.

The Brown Model of Social Intervention is problematic at times in terms of application. Due to its holographic approach, it is at times difficult to separate the various portions of the analysis— they blend in to one another easily so that it difficult to determine the actual strategy which is being focused upon. While this is also a strength of the model, attention needs to be focused on ways in which this may be clarified so that the critic is not unduly redundant. Also, is the case with any model which utilizes a critical vocabulary (e.g., the Burkean 157 pentad) this model is vulnerable to becoming a "cookie cutter." Critics should be warned against applying the terminology as if they were dealing with discrete items.

The critic therefore needs to balance, as this study has attempted, the tendency to operate in a "fuzzy world" versus the tendency to operate in an all too clear, pristine world.

Critics utilizing this approach in the examination of similar artifacts should arrive at similar conclusions.

While criticism is never as tightly ordered as a scientific experiment, Brown's Model of Social Intervention has heuristic appeal as a reliable approach to uncovering rhetorical strategies. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abbey, Merril R. The Epic of United Methodist Preaching: A Profile in American Social History. New York: University Press of America, 1984.

Abelman, Robert, and Kimberly Neuendorf. The Demography of Religious Television Programming. Department of Communication, Cleveland State University.

Alexander, Danny Lee. "A Rhetorical Analysis of Selected Television Sermons." DA 45 (1984): 175A.

"Are the Shepherds Shearing the Flocks?" Marketing and Media Decisions March 1980: 64-148.

Armstrong, Ben. The Electric Church. New York: Thomas Nelson, 1979.

Augustine. De Doctrina Christiana. Trans. John J. Gavegan. The Church Fathers. 4. Ed. Joseph Deffarrai. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1947.

Bachman, John. V. "Rhetoric in Ministry." Today's Speech 7 September, 1959: 3-5.

Baeher, Theodore. "Tangled Christian Communications." Christianity Today 20 September 1981: 34-35.

"Bakker Turns in His Apron After the PTL Club Cake Falls." Christianity Today 4 May 1979: 44-45.

Barton, Michael. "What a Friend They Have in Jesus." The Christian Century 19 September 1976: 886-888.

Baxter, Barrett Bastell. The Heart of the Yale Lectures. New York: MacMillan, 1947.

158 159

Benson, Dennis C. Electric Evangelism. Nashville: Abingdon, 1973.

Bercovitch, Sacvan. The American Jeremiad. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978.

Bissett, J. Thomas. "Religious Broadcasting: Assessing the State of the Art." Christianity Today 12 December 1980: 28-31.

Bissett, Tom. "Religious Broadcasting Comes of Age." Christianity Today 4 September 1981: 33-35.

Bitzer, Lloyd. "The Rhetorical Situation." Philosophy and Rhetoric l (January, 1968), 1-14.

Blake, Richard A. "Christians, Lions and the Media." America 12 January 1980: 8-11.

Blake, Richard H. "Condominiums in the Global Village." America 5 June 1982: 433-436.

Bluem, Albert Williams. Religious Television Programs: A Study of Relevance. New York: Hastings House, 1969.

Boulding, Kenneth E. Beyond Economics: Essays on Society. Religion, and Ethics. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1968.

. Ecodvnamics: A New Theory of Social Evolution. Beverly: Sage Publications, 1981.

Bruce, Steve. Prav TV: Televangelism in America. London: Routledge, 1990.

Brown, William R. "Attention and Rhetoric of Social Intervention." The Quarterly Journal of Speech 68 (1982): 17-27.

"Ideology as Communication Process." The Quarterly Journal of Speech 64 (1978): 123-140.

. "Power and the Rhetoric of Social Intervention." Communication Monographs 53 (June 1986): 180- 199.

Burke, Kenneth. Attitudes Toward History. Boston: Beacon Press, 1961. 160

A Grammar of Motives. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969.

. A Rhetoric of Motives. New York: George Brazeller, 1955.

. The Rhetoric of Religion. Boston: Beacon Press, 1961.

Callaghan, J. Calvin. "How Long Should a Sermon Be?" Today1s Speech 12 (February 1964): 10-11.

Cardwell, Jerry D. A Rumor of Trumpets: The Return of God to a Secular Society. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1985.

Cardwell, Jerry D. Mass Media Christianity: Televangelism and the Great Commission. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1984.

Casmir, Fred. "A Telephone Survey of Religious Program Preference Among Listeners and Viewers in Los Angeles." Central States Speech Journal 10 (Spring 1959), 31-38.

Clancy, Thomas H. "Nine and a Half Theses on Religious Broadcasting." America 7 April 1979: 271-275.

Clapp, Rodney. "What the Democrats Believe." Christianity Today 19 October 1984: 32-34.

. "Where Capitalism and Christianity Meet." Christianity Today 4 February 1983: 22-29.

Clark, Robert L., Jr. "The Pulpit and the Pew— A Two Way Street." Today's Speech 9 (April 1961), 5.

Crocker, Lionel. "The Preacher's Personal Proof." Centra1 States Speech Journal 10 (Winter 1959), 31-34.

Dance, Frank E.X. "Communication and Ecumenism." Journal of Communication 19 (March 1969), 14-21.

. "Update 1982: Communication Theory and Contemporary Preaching." Religious Communication Today 5 (September 1982), 8-9.

Dick, Donald. "Religious Broadcasting: 1920-1965: A Bibliography." Journal of Broadcasting 9 (Summer 1965), 249-279. 161

"Religious Broadcasting: 1920-1965; Part Two of A Bibliography." Journal of Broadcasting 10 (Spring 1966), 163-180.

. "Religious Broadcasting: 1920-1965; Part Three of a Bibliography." Journal of Broadcasting 10 (Summer 1966), 257-276.

Dupree, James Vincent. "A Burkean Analysis of the Messages of Three Television Preachers: Jerry Falwell, Robert Schuller, and Jimmy Swaggart." JDA 45 (1984) : 16A. Pennsylvania State University.

Ellens, J. Harold. Models of Religious Broadcasting. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Erdmans, 1074.

Engel, James. Contemporary Christian Communications: Its Theory and Practice. Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1979.

Fawcett, Thomas. The Symbolic Language of Religion: An Introductory study. Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1971.

Fore, William. "Mass Media's Mythic World: At Odds With Christian Values." The Christian Century 9 January 1977: 32-38.

Frankl, Razelle. "Television and Popular Religion: Changes in Church Offerings." in New Christian Politics, eds. David G. Bromley and Anson Shupe. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1984, 128- 138.

"Popular Religion and the Imperatives of Television: A Study of the Electric Church." DA 45 (1985): 3750A. Bryn Mawr College.

. Television Evangelism: The Marketing of Popular Religion. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987.

Freshley, Dwight L. "The Theory of Communication in Preaching." Journal of Communication 9 (June 1959), 59-67.

Fry, John. Fire and Blackstone. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 19 69.

Gerbner, George, et. al. Religion and Television. A Research Report by the Annenberg School of Communications. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, April 1984. 162

Gonzalez, Justo L. and Catherine Gunsalus Gonzalez. Liberation Preaching; The Pulpit and the Oppressed. Ed. William D. Thompson. Nashville: Abingdon, 1980.

Griffin, Keith. "Jim Bakker Responds to Pressure." Religious Communication Today 5 (September 1982), 5-7.

Hadden, Jeffery K. and Charles E. Swann. Prime Time Preachers: The Rising Power of Televangelism. Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley, 1981.

tiSoul-Saving Via Video." The Christian Century 28 May 1980: 609-613.

“Televangelism and the Future of American Politics." in New Christian Politics, eds. David G. Bromley and Andson Shupe. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1984, 151-165.

Harms, Paul. "Making It Happen." Currents in Theology and Mission 5 (October 1980), 330-338.

Harrington, Bob. God's Super Salesman. Nashville: Broadman, 1970.

Hart, Nelson. "Bishop Sheen's Television Techniques." Today1s Speech 10 (September 1962), 18-21.

Hikins, James. W. "Realism and Its Implications for Rhetorical Theory." in Rhetoric and Philosophy , ed. Richard A. Cherwitz. Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1990, 21-77.

Hiller, Harry. "Do TV Evangelists Build the Local Church?" Christianity Today

Holland, DeWitte T. "Humor in the Pulpit." Today1s Speech 12 (November 1964), 17-18.

Horsfield, Peter G. Religious Television: The American Experience. New York: Longman, 1984.

Hutchison, John A. Language and Faith: Studies in Sign. Symbol, and Meaning. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1958.

Jackson, B.F., Jr. Communication Learning for Churchmen. New York: Abingdon, 1968.

Johnson, Daniel L. "Electronic Evangelism: Supply and Demand." The Christian Century 28 May 1980: 606-607. 163

Johnson, F. Ernest. Religious Symbolism. New York: The Institute for Religious and Social Studies, 1955.

Kehl, D.G. "Peddling the Power and the Promises," Christianity Today 21 March 1980: 16-19.

Lacey, Linda Jo. "The Electric Church: An FCC 'Established' Institution?" Federal Communications Law Journal. 31:2, 235-275.

Lantz, J. Edward. "A Survey of Modern Preaching." Quarterly Journal of Speech. 29 (April, 1943), 167- 172.

Lantz, William Carson. "Rhetoric and Theology— Incompatible?" Western Speech. 19 (March, 1955), 77- 82.

Larson, Cedric. "Religious Freedom as a Theme of the Voice of America." Journalism Quarterly. 29 (Spring, 1952), 187-193.

Luecke, Richard H. "Renaissance Rhetoric and Born-Again Preaching." Theology Today. 35 (July, 1978), 168-177.

Marshman, John T. "Design for the Delivery of a Sermon." Central States Speech Journal. 12 (Winter, 1961), 118- 125.

Martin, William. "The Birth of a Media Myth." Atlantic June 1981: 7.

McClendon, Paul I. " 'Selling' the Gospel in Secular Markets." Christianity Today 8 April 1983: 20-23.

McDonald, H. D. "Apostolic Preaching." Christianity Today 8 February 1980: 35-36.

McGee, Michael. "Thematic Reduplication in Christian Rhetoric." Quarterly Journal of Speech. 56 (April, 1970), 196-204.

Miller, Robert V. "The Electronic Church: A Success Model?" Religious Communication Today. 4 (September, 1984), 1-4.

Mitchell, Henry H. The Recovery of Preaching. San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1977.

Newsweek, April 6, 1987. 164

Noble, Charles. "A New Deal in Preaching." Today1s Speech. 5 (January, 1957), 8-11.

Oberdorfer, Donald N. Electronic Christianity: Mvth or Ministry. Taylors Falls, Minnesota: John L. Brekke and Sons, 1982.

Ostling, Richard N. "Power, Glory, and Politics." Time 17 February 1986: 62-69.

"TV's Unholy Row." Time 6 April 1987: 60-67.

Pawley, Daniel W. "PTL Says Baptist TV Metwork Benefits From Unfair Marketing Practices." Christianity Today 7 September 1984: 67-68.

Perry, Lloyd. "Preaching With Power and Purpose." Christianity Today 2 February 1979: 517-520.

Pierand, Richard V. "Does the Bible Influence Our Presidential Vote?" Christianity Today 11 November 1983: 102.

Pipes, William Harrison. Sav Amen. Brother1 Old-Time Negro Preaching: A Study in American Frustration. Westport, Connecticut: Negro University Press, 1951.

Pritchard, David and Gary D. Gaddy. "Religious Knowledge and Exposure to Religious Messages: Traditional Versus Non-Traditional Media." A Paper presented to the Midwest Association for Public Opinion Reasearch Annual Conference, Chicago, Illinois, November, 1984.

"PTL and FCC: They're Still Sparring." Christianity Today 6 June 1980: 46.

Reid, Ronald F. "Apocalypticism and Typology: Rhetorical Dimensions of a Symbolic Reality." Quarterly Journal of Speech. 69 (August, 1983), 229-248.

Rifkin, Jeremy. The Emerging Order: God in the Age of Scarcity. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1979.

Rosenberg, Bruce A. The Art of the American Folk Preacher. New York: Oxford University Press, 1970.

Salem, Philip and Jerry Moffit. "Preachers and Sermons: A View From the Pew." Religious Communication Today. 3 (September, 1980), 33-34. 165

Scott, Manuel Lee. The Gospel for the Ghetto: Sermons From a Black Pulpit. Nashville: Broadman, 1973.

Sims, Timothy. "Learning From the Fundamentalists." The Christian Century 11 December 1985: 1140-1141.

Solomon, Martha. "Robert Schuller: The American Dream in a Crystal Cathedral." Central States Speech Journal. 34 (Fall, 1983), 172-186.

Spring, Beth. "A Study Finds Little Evidence that Religious TV Hurts Local Churches." Christianity Today 18 May 1984: 70-71.

. "Republicans, Religion and Reelection." Christianity Today 5 October 1984: 54-58.

. "Some Christian Leaders Want Further Political Activism." Christianity Today 9 November 1984: 46- 48.

Tillich, Paul. Theology of Culture. New York: Oxford Univeristy Press, 1959.

Trautman, Frederick. "How the Truth is Made Plain: The Armstrongs and the World of Tomorrow." Today1s Speech. 17 (November, 1969), 40-43.

Virts, Paul. "The Context of the Electric Church Controversy." Religious Communication Today 4 (September, 1984), 5-8.

Wall, James M. "God's 'Piece of Cheese.'" The Christian Century 27 February 1980: 219-220.

Yancey, Philip. "The Ironies and Impacts of PTL." Christianity Today 21 September 1979: 28-33.

Yeakley, Flavil. "Communication Stances in Evangelism." Religious Communication Today. 2 (September, 1979), 38-41.