April 2010 the 2001 General Election Marked the Beginning of a Deep Transfor- Mation of Bulgaria's New Party System, Which

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April 2010 the 2001 General Election Marked the Beginning of a Deep Transfor- Mation of Bulgaria's New Party System, Which The 2001 general election marked the beginning of a deep transfor- mation of Bulgaria’s new party system, which was set up after the onset of the country’s transition back in 1989. From a party system of a country in transition it came to grow into a party system of consolidating democ- racy. The second post-communist party system, which began to emerge after 2001, acquired the contours of a multi-party system, but at the same time it was subject to dynamic changes, which became more apparent after the 2005 and 2009 general elections in the country. Following the failure of the liberal center, the party system once again provided room for the “in-building” or imposition of a new two-block party system, established under novel conditions now, between a left- centrist block of parties and a right-centrist block of parties, respectively. After the 2009 general election, the left-centrist block consists of the MRF and the BSP, both of which continue their joint actions in the capacity of parliamentary opposition, despite the difficulties they are experiencing, whereas the right-centrist block is made up by GERB, DSB, and the UDF, all of which are member parties of the European People’s Party. The na- tionalist right wing party Ataka is also supporting the government. At the same time, a process of ongoing transformation of the par- ty system well into the future cannot be ruled out because of multiple unknown factors concerning the results of the performance of a young party such as GERB because it only has minimal experience in the institu- tions of central governance and its elite in the executive and legislative branches of power is both unfamiliar and unpredictable. In other words, the new two-block party configuration is in a temporary state for the time being, waiting for yet another transition towards a greater stability of the party system to take place in the foreseeable future. April 2010 The Party System in Bulgaria 2001 – 2009 1 Contents 1. Attempts at consolidating the centrist-liberal spectrum of parties in the aftermath of the 2001 general election ...........................................................................2 2. Fragmentation and restructuring of the right-wing political space ............................................................9 3. the consolidation of the BsP in the left-wing political space and its participation in the government of the country ...........................................................................14 4. the 2005 general election and the establishment of the tri-partite governing coalition ...........................17 5. A new transformation of the party system following the July 2009 general election in Bulgaria ..............24 2 The Party System in Bulgaria 2001 – 2009 1. Attempts at consolidating the jor political parties, making up the back- centrist-liberal spectrum of parties bone of the new post-communist party in the aftermath of the 2001 system, namely the BsP, the UDF, and the general election Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF), nMsII was set up in quite a speedy fash- the 2001 general election marked the ion and started its public “life” directly as beginning of a profound transformation a parliamentary formation made up of 120 in the new Bulgarian party system, estab- Members of Parliament. In other words, its lished in the aftermath of the 1989 chang- emergence resembles the establishment es, which spurred the democratic reforms of the first classical party formations in the in the country. From a party system of the United Kingdom, the UsA, and other dem- post-communist transition, now it gradu- ocratic countries, which at that time were ally came to grow into a party system of a embarking on the road of their develop- consolidating democracy. ment from the institutions of representa- the first post-communist party sys- tive democracy. only later did they grow tem, which was functioning throughout from “parliamentary represented parties” the 1989 – 2001 period of time, was into “parties of the civil society”. characterized mainly by the imposition At the same time, being returned to of the strongly polarized model of a bi- Parliament in the capacity of the largest polar party system, dominated by the parliamentary faction, nMsII penetrated Bulgarian socialist Party (BsP) on the into the structures of the executive pow- one hand, and the Union of Democratic er as a major governing party, which – Forces (UDF) on the other. since the very beginning of its existence the second post-communist party sys- – turned it into a “party of state gover- tem, which emerged after 2001, acquired nance”, exerting strong impact on the the contours of a multi-party system, but public administration, where its principal in its turn it was also subject to dynamic human resource reserves were starting to changes, the manifestations of which be- take shape. In other words, nMsII was came markedly apparent after the two formed entirely “from the top down” at successive general elections held in 2005 the sole discretion of its leader, simeon and 2009 respectively. saxe-Coburg-Gotha, and completely the establishment of national Move- outside civil society, if we disregard the ment simeon II (nMsII) as an electoral for- brief 2001 general election campaign of mation, which identified itself solely with the new formation, which was made up the personality of the former Bulgarian almost exclusively of people who were King simeon II, raised a number of ques- newcomers to politics. tions concerning its evolution and fate as a the way in which nMsII emerged party formation. Unlike the rest of the ma- raised numerous doubts as to its capacity The Party System in Bulgaria 2001 – 2009 3 to consolidate itself as a viable party for- activists from its ranks agreed to shoulder mation. Besides, nMsII proclaimed itself to the responsibilities of their respective min- be a movement and its rhetoric sounded isterial posts.1 In this way, the government with a certain anti-party overtone, which of simeon saxe-Coburg-Gotha secured corresponded to the initial understanding the tacit support of the parliamentary fac- and outlook of its founder and leader – tion dominated by the BsP, apart from the simeon saxe-Coburg-Gotha. open parliamentary support of its coalition Given this situation, the major factors partner – the MRF. which played the role of a tool legitimiz- the government was also “favored” ing nMsII were first and foremost the per- by the fact that the MRF and its leader, formance capacities of the government, Ahmed Dogan, had accumulated signifi- also coupled with the ability to preserve cant experience in the political events tak- its entirety, internal stability, and proper ing place in the country in the wake of the interaction with its junior coalition partner 1989 changes and were thus able to com- – the Movement for Rights and Freedoms pensate to a certain extent for the fact that (MRF). Indeed, it was actually the relation- simeon saxe-Coburg-Gotha and some of ship with the MRF that the parliamentary his ministers had been isolated from Bul- majority depended on. garian politics for quite some time. the managerial capacity of nMsII in Another positive point for the govern- the government of the country gave rise ment was the fact that it started function- to reasonable question marks because of ing in conditions of a relative economic sta- the totally unfamiliar team which came to bilization of the country at the end of 2001 top the new government. All of them were and in a favorable international environ- people lacking experience in public admin- ment, connected with Bulgaria’s prospects istration at the level they were summoned to move forward on the road of its acces- to work. simeon saxe-Coburg-Gotha him- sion to nATO and the european Union. self was reluctant to take on his responsibil- the excessive expectations, which ities as Prime Minister of the country, as he the majority of Bulgarian citizens en- also lacked any relevant experience for this tertained at that time, however, were post. this is the reason why his initial inten- an adverse point for the government. tion in fact was to set up a coalition gov- these expectations had been prompted ernment with active and experienced UDF by the election campaign promises for and BsP cadres, thus securing the continu- significant changes in the living stan- ity in the country’s governance, on the one hand, and sharing the ensuing responsibili- 1 They were: Kostadin Paskalev, who was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Regional Development and Pub- ties with them, on the other. only the BsP, lic Works, and Dimitar Kalchev, who was appointed Minister of state Administration. the former resigned from his post in 2003 however, responded positively to simeon because of his disagreement with the policy pursued by the gov- saxe-Coburg-Gotha’s endeavors and two ernment, while the latter held his ministerial post till the end of the government’s term of office. 4 The Party System in Bulgaria 2001 – 2009 dard and life of Bulgarians, the major- relative increase of incomes, mainly the ity of whom had come to rank among incomes of civil servants in the state ad- the “losers” from the country’s transi- ministration. the amount of foreign in- tion to a market economy, due to the vestments also marked a rise.3 grave economic shocks and meltdown the principal achievements of simeon during the 1990s. From the very first saxe-Coburg-Gotha’s government, how- months of the nMsII government, ever, were made on the international po- people came to realize how unrealistic litical arena, and were mainly manifested some of the populist promises made by by the fact of the successful completion of nMsII and personally by the new Prime the country’s negotiations for accession to Minister, simeon saxe-Coburg-Gotha, the nAto block and the european Union.
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