Transformations in the Quest for a Simpler, More Elegant Theory*
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Lisa Pearl LING200, Summer Session I, 2004 Syntax – Sentence Structure
Lisa Pearl LING200, Summer Session I, 2004 Syntax – Sentence Structure I. Syntax A. Gives us the ability to say something new with old words. Though you have seen all the words that I’m using in this sentence before, it’s likely you haven’t seen them put together in exactly this way before. But you’re perfectly capable of understanding the sentence, nonetheless. A. Structure: how to put words together. A. Grammatical structure: a way to put words together which is allowed in the language. a. I often paint my nails green or blue. a. *Often green my nails I blue paint or. II. Syntactic Categories A. How to tell which category a word belongs to: look at the type of meaning the word has, the type of affixes which can adjoin to the word, and the environments you find the word in. A. Meaning: tell lexical category from nonlexical category. a. lexical – meaning is fairly easy to paraphrase i. vampire ≈ “night time creature that drinks blood” i. dark ≈ “without much light” i. drink ≈ “ingest a liquid” a. nonlexical – meaning is much harder to pin down i. and ≈ ?? i. the ≈ ?? i. must ≈ ?? a. lexical categories: Noun, Verb, Adjective, Adverb, Preposition i. N: blood, truth, life, beauty (≈ entities, objects) i. V: bleed, tell, live, remain (≈ actions, sensations, states) i. A: gory, truthful, riveting, beautiful (≈ property/attribute of N) 1. gory scene 1. riveting tale i. Adv: sharply, truthfully, loudly, beautifully (≈ property/attribute of V) 1. speak sharply 1. dance beautifully i. P: to, from, inside, around, under (≈ indicates path or position w.r.t N) 1. -
Linguistics an Introduction, SECOND EDITION
Linguistics An Introduction SECOND EDITION ANDREW RADFORD MARTIN ATKINSON DAVID BRITAIN HARALD CLAHSEN and ANDREW SPENCER University of Essex CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521849487 © Andrew Radford, Martin Atkinson, David Britain, Harald Clahsen and Andrew Spencer 2009 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published in print format 2009 ISBN-13 978-0-511-47924-3 eBook (EBL) ISBN-13 978-0-521-84948-7 hardback ISBN-13 978-0-521-61478-8 paperback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Contents List of illustrations page x List of tables xii Preface to the second edition xiii A note for course organisers and class teachers xiv Introduction 1 Linguistics 2 Developmental linguistics 6 Psycholinguistics 9 Neurolinguistics 11 Sociolinguistics 14 Exercises 17 Further reading and references 21 Part I Sounds 23 1 Introduction 25 2 Sounds -
Scaffolding Learning of Language Structures with Visual‐Syntactic Text
UC Irvine UC Irvine Previously Published Works Title Scaffolding learning of language structures with visual-syntactic text formatting Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6235t25b Journal British Journal of Educational Technology, 50(4) ISSN 0007-1013 Authors Park, Y Xu, Y Collins, P et al. Publication Date 2018 DOI 10.1111/bjet.12689 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California British Journal of Educational Technology Vol 0 No 0 2018 1–17 doi:10.1111/bjet.12689 Scaffolding learning of language structures with visual-syntactic text formatting Youngmin Park, Ying Xu , Penelope Collins, George Farkas and Mark Warschauer Youngmin Park is a Lecturer at Pusan National University, Korea. She received her Ph.D. degree from the University of California, Irvine, specializing in Language, Literacy and Technology. Ying Xu is a Ph.D. student at the University of California, Irvine, with a specialization in specializing in Language, Literacy and Technology. Penelope Collins is an associate professor at the University of California, Irvine. Her research examines the development of language and literacy skills for children from linguistically diverse backgrounds. George Farkas is a professor at the University of California, Irvine. He has employed a range of statistical approaches and databases to examine the causes and consequences of reading achievement gap across varying age groups and educational settings. Mark Warschauer is a professor at the University of California, Irvine. He works on a range of research projects related to digital media in education. Address for correspondence: Ying Xu, University of California Irvine, 3200 Education Bldg, Irvine, CA 92697, USA. -
Chapter 3 Rethinking Remerge: Merge, Movement and Music Hedde Zeijlstra Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
Chapter 3 Rethinking remerge: Merge, movement and music Hedde Zeijlstra Georg-August-Universität Göttingen In an influential paper, Katz & Pesetsky (2011) present the identity thesis for lan- guage and music, stating that “[a]ll formal differences between language and music are a consequence of differences in their fundamental building blocks (arbitrary pairings of sound and meaning in the case of language; pitch classes and pitch- class combinations in the case of music). In all other respects, language and music are identical.” Katz & Pesetsky argue that, just like syntactic structures, musical structures are generated by (binary) Merge, for which they provide a number of ar- guments: for instance, musical structures are endocentric (each instance of Merge in music, just like in language, has a labelling head). They also argue that move- ment phenomena (i.e., the application of Internal Merge) can be attested in both language and music. While fully endorsing the view that musical structures are the result of multiple applications of External (binary) Merge, this paper argues that the arguments in favour of the presence of Internal Merge in music are at best inconclusive and arguably incorrect. This is, however, not taken as an argument against the identity thesis for language and music; rather, I take it to follow from it: the identity thesis for language and music reduces all differences between language and music to its basic building blocks. If the application of Internal Merge in natural language is driven by uninterpretable features (cf. Chomsky 1995; 2001; Bošković 2007; Zeijlstra 2012) that are language-specific and not applicable to music (the rea- son being that only building blocks that are pairings of sound and meaning can be made up of interpretable and uninterpretable features), the direct consequence is that Internal Merge cannot be triggered in music either. -
From Merge and Move to Form Dependency*
From Merge and Move to Form Dependency* M. RITA MANZINI 0 Introduction In this article, I shall first briefly present the minimalist framework that emerges from the recent work of Chomsky (1995). As I shall show, a number of classical problems in movement theory, concerning in particular locality in the sense of Manzini (1992), remain open under minimalism. What is more, while the operation Merge can be argued to be necessary on conceptual grounds alone, there is no analogous motivation for the operation Move, but only considerations of language use. I shall then outline a theory which substitutes Chomsky's (1995) movement rule with a rule of Form Dependency. As I shall show, this rule is sufficient to subsume Merge, thus effectively eliminating the Merge-Move dualism. Finally, I shall indicate how the classical problems in locality theory can also be solved within the version of minimalism that I propose. 1 Merge and Move In the minimalist model of Chomsky (1995), each linguistic expression is characterized by two representations, a P(honological) F(orm) representation, interfacing with the articulatory-perceptual system(s) and a L(ogical) F(orm) representation, interfacing with the conceptual-intentional system(s). This represents a clear departure from previous models, even within the principles and parameters framework, which are characterized by at least two additional syntactic representations, namely D(eep)-S(structure) and S(urface)-S(tructure). The minimalist model is obviously preferable on conceptual grounds, since in it linguistic representations are seen to simply match the interfaces between language and other cognitive systems. Furthermore, it is compatible with known empirical evidence and arguably superior in dealing with at least some of it. -
Chapter 7 Linguistics As a Science of Structure Ryan M
Chapter 7 Linguistics as a science of structure Ryan M. Nefdt University of the Western Cape Generative linguistics has rapidly changed during the course of a relatively short period. This has caused many to question its scientific status as a realist scientific theory (Stokhof & van Lambalgen 2011; Lappin et al. 2000). In this chapter, I argue against this conclusion. Specifically, I claim that the mathematical foundations of the science present a different story below the surface. I agree with critics that due to the major shifts in theory over the past 80 years, linguistics is indeed opened up to the problem of pessimistic meta-induction or radical theory change. However, I further argue that a structural realist approach (Ladyman 1998; French 2006) can save the field from this problem and at the same time capture its structural nature. I discuss particular historical instances of theory change in generative grammar as evidence for this interpretation and finally attempt to extend it beyond the gener- ative tradition to encompass previous frameworks in linguistics. 1 Introduction The generativist revolution in linguistics started in the mid-1950s, inspired in large part by insights from mathematical logic and in particular proof theory. Since then, generative linguistics has become a dominant paradigm, with many connections to both the formal and natural sciences. At the centre of the newly established discipline was the syntactic or formal engine, the structures of which were revealed through modelling grammatical form. The generativist paradigm in linguistics initially relied heavily upon the proof-theoretic techniques intro- duced by Emil Post and other formal logicians to model the form language takes (Tomalin 2006; Pullum 2011; 2013).1 Yet despite these aforementioned formal be- ginnings, the generative theory of linguistics has changed its commitments quite 1Here my focus will largely be on the formal history of generative syntax but I will make some comments on other aspects of linguistics along the way. -
The Complexity of Narrow Syntax : Minimalism, Representational
Erschienen in: Measuring Grammatical Complexity / Frederick J. Newmeyer ... (Hrsg.). - Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2014. - S. 128-147. - ISBN 978-0-19-968530-1 The complexity of narrow syntax: Minimalism, representational economy, and simplest Merge ANDREAS TROTZKE AND JAN-WOUTER ZWART 7.1 Introduction The issue of linguistic complexity has recently received much attention by linguists working within typological-functional frameworks (e.g. Miestamo, Sinnemäki, and Karlsson 2008; Sampson, Gil, and Trudgill 2009). In formal linguistics, the most prominent measure of linguistic complexity is the Chomsky hierarchy of formal languages (Chomsky 1956), including the distinction between a finite-state grammar (FSG) and more complicated types of phrase-structure grammar (PSG). This dis- tinction has played a crucial role in the recent biolinguistic literature on recursive complexity (Sauerland and Trotzke 2011). In this chapter, we consider the question of formal complexity measurement within linguistic minimalism (cf. also Biberauer et al., this volume, chapter 6; Progovac, this volume, chapter 5) and argue that our minimalist approach to complexity of derivations and representations shows simi- larities with that of alternative theoretical perspectives represented in this volume (Culicover, this volume, chapter 8; Jackendoff and Wittenberg, this volume, chapter 4). In particular, we agree that information structure properties should not be encoded in narrow syntax as features triggering movement, suggesting that the relevant information is established at the interfaces. Also, we argue for a minimalist model of grammar in which complexity arises out of the cyclic interaction of subderivations, a model we take to be compatible with Construction Grammar approaches. We claim that this model allows one to revisit the question of the formal complexity of a generative grammar, rephrasing it such that a different answer to the question of formal complexity is forthcoming depending on whether we consider the grammar as a whole, or just narrow syntax. -
Title Experimental Syntax for Biolinguistics? Author(S) Fujita, Koji
Title Experimental Syntax for Biolinguistics? Author(s) Fujita, Koji Citation (2009) Issue Date 2009-11-15 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/87611 Right c Koji Fujita Type Presentation Textversion publisher Kyoto University Language evolution (and development) Experimental Syntax boils down to the emergence of: for Biolinguistics? Recursive Unbounded Merge Interfaces Lexicon Koji Fujita cf. FLN / FLB dichotomy Kyoto University 1 3 Real-time Grammar (Phillips' theses): Biolinguistics: Human language is "implementation Naturalization, or biologization, of human dependent." language faculty (biosyntax, biosemantics, etc.) Grammar is a real-time structure building system. Design Derivation proceeds mostly from left Development (top) to right (bottom). Evolution C. Phillips & S. Lewis. Derivational order in syntax: Evidence and architectural consequences. 2 4 Grammar = Parser? FLN? Competence TP What a cognitive system could achieve John 3 with unbounded resources T 3 VP FLB? Performance John3 saw3 the girl What it can achieve when it is subject to real-life resource limitations Mismatch between derivations and Phylogeny/ontogeny? C. Phillips & M. Wagers. Relating structure and time in linguistics and psycholinguistics. Oxford Handbook of Psycholinguistics. 5 7 Major Issues: Unbounded Merge "… unbounded Merge is not only a genetically determined property of language, but also unique Mismatch between Theoretical and Psycho-/ to it." Neuro-Linguistics Lack of Comparative Methods "… for both evolution and development, there seems to be little reason to suppose that there were Modularity as an end result of evolution & precursors to unbounded Merge." development - N. Chomsky 6 8 Pirahã: A Language without Recursion? Unbounded, recursive Merge: Competence Cross-linguistic variations: Performance ti gái -sai kó'oi hi kaháp -ií I say-old.info Kó'oi he leave-intention ".. -
Introduction to Transformational Grammar
Introduction to Transformational Grammar Kyle Johnson University of Massachusetts at Amherst Fall 2004 Contents Preface iii 1 The Subject Matter 1 1.1 Linguisticsaslearningtheory . 1 1.2 The evidential basis of syntactic theory . 7 2 Phrase Structure 15 2.1 SubstitutionClasses............................. 16 2.2 Phrases .................................... 20 2.3 Xphrases................................... 29 2.4 ArgumentsandModifiers ......................... 41 3 Positioning Arguments 57 3.1 Expletives and the Extended Projection Principle . ..... 58 3.2 Case Theory and ordering complements . 61 3.3 Small Clauses and the Derived Subjects Hypothesis . ... 68 3.4 PROandControlInfinitives . .. .. .. .. .. .. 79 3.5 Evidence for Argument Movement from Quantifier Float . 83 3.6 Towards a typology of infinitive types . 92 3.7 Constraints on Argument Movement and the typology of verbs . 97 4 Verb Movement 105 4.1 The “Classic” Verb Movement account . 106 4.2 Head Movement’s role in “Verb Second” word order . 115 4.3 The Pollockian revolution: exploded IPs . 123 4.4 Features and covert movement . 136 5 Determiner Phrases and Noun Movement 149 5.1 TheDPHypothesis ............................. 151 5.2 NounMovement............................... 155 Contents 6 Complement Structure 179 6.1 Nouns and the θ-rolestheyassign .................... 180 6.2 Double Object constructions and Larsonian shells . 195 6.3 Complement structure and Object Shift . 207 7 Subjects and Complex Predicates 229 7.1 Gettingintotherightposition . 229 7.2 SubjectArguments ............................. 233 7.2.1 ArgumentStructure ........................ 235 7.2.2 The syntactic benefits of ν .................... 245 7.3 The relative positions of µP and νP: Evidence from ‘again’ . 246 7.4 The Minimal Link Condition and Romance causatives . 254 7.5 RemainingProblems ............................ 271 7.5.1 The main verb in English is too high . -
Syntactic Structures and Their Symbiotic Guests. Notes on Analepsis from the Perspective of On- Line Syntax*
Pragmatics 24:3.533-560 (2014) International Pragmatics Association DOI: 10.1075/prag.24.3.05aue SYNTACTIC STRUCTURES AND THEIR SYMBIOTIC GUESTS. NOTES ON ANALEPSIS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF ON- LINE SYNTAX* Peter Auer Abstract The empirical focus of this paper is on utterances that re-use syntactic structures from a preceding syntactic unit. Next utterances of this type are usually treated as (coordination) ellipsis. It is argued that from an on-line perspective on spoken syntax, they are better described as structural latency: A grammatical structure already established remains available and can therefore be made use of with one or more of its slots being filled by new material. A variety of cases of this particular kind of conversational symbiosis are discussed. It is argued that they should receive a common treatment. A number of features of the general host/guest relationship are discussed. Keywords: Analepsis; On-line syntax; Structural latency. "Ein Blick in die erste beste Erzählung und eine einfache Ueberlegung muss beweisen, dass jede frühere Aeusserung des Erzählenden die Exposition aller nachfolgenden Prädikate bildet." (Wegener 1885: 46)1 1. Introduction The notion of 'ellipsis' is often regarded with some skepticism by Interactional Linguists - the orientation to 'full' sentences is all too obvious (cf. Selting 1997), and the idea that speakers produce complete sentences just in order to delete some parts of them afterwards surely fails to account for the processual dynamics of sentence production and understanding (cf. Kindt 1985) in time. On the other hand, there can be little doubt that speakers often produce utterance units that could not be understood * I wish to thank Elizabeth Couper-Kuhlen and Susanne Günthner for their helpful comments on a previous version of this paper. -
LING83600: Context-Free Grammars
LING83600: Context-free grammars Kyle Gorman 1 Introduction Context-free grammars (or CFGs) are a formalization of what linguists call “phrase structure gram- mars”. The formalism is originally due to Chomsky (1956) though it has been independently discovered several times. The insight underlying CFGs is the notion of constituency. Most linguists believe that human languages cannot be even weakly described by CFGs (e.g., Schieber 1985). And in formal work, context-free grammars have long been superseded by “trans- formational” approaches which introduce movement operations (in some camps), or by “general- ized phrase structure” approaches which add more complex phrase-building operations (in other camps). However, unlike more expressive formalisms, there exist relatively-efficient cubic-time parsing algorithms for CFGs. Nearly all programming languages are described by—and parsed using—a CFG,1 and CFG grammars of human languages are widely used as a model of syntactic structure in natural language processing and understanding tasks. Bibliographic note This handout covers the formal definition of context-free grammars; the Cocke-Younger-Kasami (CYK) parsing algorithm will be covered in a separate assignment. The definitions here are loosely based on chapter 11 of Jurafsky & Martin, who in turn draw from Hopcroft and Ullman 1979. 2 Definitions 2.1 Context-free grammars A context-free grammar G is a four-tuple N; Σ; R; S such that: • N is a set of non-terminal symbols, corresponding to phrase markers in a syntactic tree. • Σ is a set of terminal symbols, corresponding to words (i.e., X0s) in a syntactic tree. • R is a set of production rules. -
Generative Linguistics and Neural Networks at 60: Foundation, Friction, and Fusion*
Generative linguistics and neural networks at 60: foundation, friction, and fusion* Joe Pater, University of Massachusetts Amherst October 3, 2018. Abstract. The birthdate of both generative linguistics and neural networks can be taken as 1957, the year of the publication of foundational work by both Noam Chomsky and Frank Rosenblatt. This paper traces the development of these two approaches to cognitive science, from their largely autonomous early development in their first thirty years, through their collision in the 1980s around the past tense debate (Rumelhart and McClelland 1986, Pinker and Prince 1988), and their integration in much subsequent work up to the present. Although this integration has produced a considerable body of results, the continued general gulf between these two lines of research is likely impeding progress in both: on learning in generative linguistics, and on the representation of language in neural modeling. The paper concludes with a brief argument that generative linguistics is unlikely to fulfill its promise of accounting for language learning if it continues to maintain its distance from neural and statistical approaches to learning. 1. Introduction At the beginning of 1957, two men nearing their 29th birthdays published work that laid the foundation for two radically different approaches to cognitive science. One of these men, Noam Chomsky, continues to contribute sixty years later to the field that he founded, generative linguistics. The book he published in 1957, Syntactic Structures, has been ranked as the most influential work in cognitive science from the 20th century.1 The other one, Frank Rosenblatt, had by the late 1960s largely moved on from his research on perceptrons – now called neural networks – and died tragically young in 1971.