BNP Manifesto
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Populist Backlash Against Europe : Why Only Alternative Economic and Social Policies Can Stop the Rise of Populism in Europe
This is a repository copy of The populist backlash against Europe : why only alternative economic and social policies can stop the rise of populism in Europe. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/142119/ Version: Accepted Version Book Section: Bugaric, B. (2020) The populist backlash against Europe : why only alternative economic and social policies can stop the rise of populism in Europe. In: Bignami, F., (ed.) EU Law in Populist Times : Crises and Prospects. Cambridge University Press , pp. 477-504. ISBN 9781108485081 https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108755641 © 2020 Francesca Bignami. This is an author-produced version of a chapter subsequently published in EU Law in Populist Times. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. See: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108755641. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ The Populist Backlash Against Europe: Why Only Alternative Economic and Social Policies Can Stop the Rise of Populism in Europe Bojan Bugarič1 I. -
Philosophical Statism and the Illusions of Citizenship Reflections on the Neutral State
1 Philosophical Statism and the Illusions of Citizenship Reflections on the Neutral State Frank van Dun ∗ Is the welfare state neutral to personal morality? 1 In today's welfare states one can find numerous life-styles existing side by side. These indicate a wide scope for 'personal mo- ralities' 2, but do not prove that the welfare state is 'neutral' to them. Welfare states interfere in more or less onerous ways with the business of (private) life with police checks, administrative controls and a vast arsenal of regulatory, penal and/or fiscal regimes. Some of the regulations may be more or less reasonable attempts to minimise the risk of one person inflicting irreparable damage on others or their property, but a great many are not. It is not too difficult to see the hand of special (economic, ideological, even sectarian) interests in the bulk of the rules and regulations on the books. 3 The state's non-neutrality is often an unintended outcome, but not always. Officials introduce new regulations with proud declarations of their intention to enforce particular 'moral choices', to treat one thing as a 'merit good' and another as an evil. They also justify intrusive policies with blatantly paternalistic arguments—remember their promise, or was it threat, to take care of us "from the cradle to the grave"—, with self-congratulatory references to an unspecified 'responsibility of the government'. There is no more direct negation of the role of private mo- rality than the claim that one discharges one's own responsibility by depriving others of the opportunity to exercise theirs. -
Reconciling Statism with Freedom: Turkey's Kurdish Opening
Reconciling Statism with Freedom Turkey’s Kurdish Opening Halil M. Karaveli SILK ROAD PAPER October 2010 Reconciling Statism with Freedom Turkey’s Kurdish Opening Halil M. Karaveli © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center Johns Hopkins University-SAIS, 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 Institute for Security and Development Policy, V. Finnbodav. 2, Stockholm-Nacka 13130, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org “Reconciling Statism with Freedom: Turkey’s Kurdish Opening” is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the Silk Road Studies Program. The Silk Road Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, and ad- dresses topical and timely subjects. The Joint Center is a transatlantic independent and non-profit research and policy center. It has offices in Washington and Stockholm and is affiliated with the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and the Stockholm-based Institute for Security and Development Policy. It is the first institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse commu- nity of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. The Joint Center is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lec- tures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public dis- cussion regarding the region. The opinions and conclusions expressed in this study are those of the authors only, and do not necessarily reflect those of the Joint Center or its sponsors. -
Name of Registered Political Party Or Independent Total
Final Results 2016 GLA ELECTIONS ELECTION OF THE LONDON ASSEMBLY MEMBERS Declaration of Results of Poll I hereby give notice as Greater London Returning Officer at the election of the London Wide Assembly Members held on 5th May 2016 that the number of votes recorded at the election is as follows: - Name of Registered Political Party or Independent Total Votes Animal Welfare Party 25810 Britain First - Putting British people first 39071 British National Party 15833 Caroline Pidgeon's London Liberal Democrats 165580 Christian Peoples Alliance 27172 Conservative Party 764230 Green Party - "vote Green on orange" 207959 Labour Party 1054801 Respect (George Galloway) 41324 The House Party - Homes for Londoners 11055 UK Independence Party (UKIP) 171069 Women's Equality Party 91772 Total number of good votes 2615676 The number of ballot papers rejected was as follows:- (a) Unmarked 18842 (b) Uncertain 1127 (c) Voting for too many 9613 (d) Writing identifying voter 145 (e) Want of official mark 6 Total 29733 And I do hereby declare that on the basis of the total number of London votes cast for each party and number of constituency seats they have gained, the eleven London Member seats have been allocated and filled as follows. Seat Number Name of Registered Political Party or Independent 1 Green Party - "vote Green on orange" 2 UK Independence Party (UKIP) 3 Caroline Pidgeon's London Liberal Democrats 4 Conservative Party 5 Conservative Party 6 Labour Party 7 Green Party - "vote Green on orange" 8 Labour Party 9 Conservative Party 10 Labour Party -
Far-Right Anthology
COUNTERINGDEFENDING EUROPE: “GLOBAL BRITAIN” ANDTHE THEFAR FUTURE RIGHT: OFAN EUROPEAN ANTHOLOGY GEOPOLITICSEDITED BY DR RAKIB EHSAN AND DR PAUL STOTT BY JAMES ROGERS DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS ReportApril No 2020. 2018/1 Published in 2020 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society Millbank Tower 21-24 Millbank London SW1P 4QP Registered charity no. 1140489 Tel: +44 (0)20 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2020. All rights reserved. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its Trustees. Title: “COUNTERING THE FAR RIGHT: AN ANTHOLOGY” Edited by Dr Rakib Ehsan and Dr Paul Stott Front Cover: Edinburgh, Scotland, 23rd March 2019. Demonstration by the Scottish Defence League (SDL), with supporters of National Front and white pride, and a counter demonstration by Unite Against Facism demonstrators, outside the Scottish Parliament, in Edinburgh. The Scottish Defence League claim their protest was against the sexual abuse of minors, but the opposition claim the rally masks the SDL’s racist beliefs. Credit: Jeremy Sutton-Hibbert/Alamy Live News. COUNTERINGDEFENDING EUROPE: “GLOBAL BRITAIN” ANDTHE THEFAR FUTURE RIGHT: OFAN EUROPEAN ANTHOLOGY GEOPOLITICSEDITED BY DR RAKIB EHSAN AND DR PAUL STOTT BY JAMES ROGERS DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS ReportApril No 2020. 2018/1 Countering the Far Right: An Anthology About the Editors Dr Paul Stott joined the Henry Jackson Society’s Centre on Radicalisation and Terrorism as a Research Fellow in January 2019. An experienced academic, he received an MSc in Terrorism Studies (Distinction) from the University of East London in 2007, and his PhD in 2015 from the University of East Anglia for the research “British Jihadism: The Detail and the Denial”. -
Hate Crime Report 031008
HATE CRIMES IN THE OSCE REGION -INCIDENTS AND RESPONSES ANNUAL REPORT FOR 2007 Warsaw, October 2008 Foreword In 2007, violent manifestations of intolerance continued to take place across the OSCE region. Such acts, although targeting individuals, affected entire communities and instilled fear among victims and members of their communities. The destabilizing effect of hate crimes and the potential for such crimes and incidents to threaten the security of individuals and societal cohesion – by giving rise to wider-scale conflict and violence – was acknowledged in the decision on tolerance and non-discrimination adopted by the OSCE Ministerial Council in Madrid in November 2007.1 The development of this report is based on the task the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) received “to serve as a collection point for information and statistics on hate crimes and relevant legislation provided by participating States and to make this information publicly available through … its report on Challenges and Responses to Hate-Motivated Incidents in the OSCE Region”.2 A comprehensive consultation process with governments and civil society takes place during the drafting of the report. In February 2008, ODIHR issued a first call to the nominated national points of contact on combating hate crime, to civil society, and to OSCE institutions and field operations to submit information for this report. The requested information included updates on legislative developments, data on hate crimes and incidents, as well as practical initiatives for combating hate crime. I am pleased to note that the national points of contact provided ODIHR with information and updates on a more systematic basis. -
Case Study on the United Kingdom and Brexit Juliane Itta & Nicole Katsioulis the Female Face of Right-Wing Populism and Ex
Triumph of The women? The Female Face of Right-wing Populism and Extremism 02 Case study on the United Kingdom and Brexit Juliane Itta & Nicole Katsioulis 01 Triumph of the women? The study series All over the world, right-wing populist parties continue to grow stronger, as has been the case for a number of years – a development that is male-dominated in most countries, with right-wing populists principally elected by men. However, a new generation of women is also active in right-wing populist parties and movements – forming the female face of right-wing populism, so to speak. At the same time, these parties are rapidly closing the gap when it comes to support from female voters – a new phenomenon, for it was long believed that women tend to be rather immune to right-wing political propositions. Which gender and family policies underpin this and which societal trends play a part? Is it possible that women are coming out triumphant here? That is a question that we already raised, admittedly playing devil’s advocate, in the first volume of the publication, published in 2018 by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Triumph of the women? The Female Face of the Far Right in Europe. We are now continuing this first volume with a series of detailed studies published at irregular intervals. This is partly in response to the enormous interest that this collection of research has aroused to date in the general public and in professional circles. As a foundation with roots in social democracy, from the outset one of our crucial concerns has been to monitor anti-democratic tendencies and developments, while also providing information about these, with a view to strengthening an open and democratic society thanks to these insights. -
The Rise and Fall of Fascism
The Rise and Fall of Fascism Michael Mann, Professor of Sociology, University of California at Los Angeles. E-mail: [email protected] Fascism was probably the most important political ideology created during the 20th century. In th e inter -war period it dominated half of Europe and threatened to overwhelm the other half. It also influenced many countries across the Middle East, Asia, Latin America and South Africa. In Asia, for example, its influence was probably strongest on the Chinese Kuomintang, Japanese militarists and Hindu nationalists. My book Fascists (Cambridge University Press, 2004) is based on research on fascists where they were strongest, in six European countries -- Austria, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Romania and Spain. In the book I ask the question, why did fascism rise to such prominence? And I answer it looking at the men and women who became fascists: who were they, what did they believe in, and how did they act? There are two main schools of interpretation among scholars as to the rise of fascism. An idealist school has focused on fascists' beliefs and doctrines, emphasizing their nationalist values. Most recently, some of these scholars have termed fascism a form of “political religion”. 1 A more materialist school has focused on fascism’s supposed lower -middle class or middle class (petit bourgeois or bourgeois) base and the supposed way in which fascism was used to save capitalism when it was in difficulties. The debates between them constitute yet another replay of ongoing polemics between idealism and materialism in the social sciences. Both nationalism and class were important in fascism. -
The Immoral Equivalent of War
1 The Immoral Equivalent of War Deirdre Nansen McCloskey We are in a war, say all the presidents, the thoughtful and quasi-liberal presidents such as Emmanuel Macron in France and Moon Jae-in in Korea, as well as the thoughtless and quasi- fascist ones such as Donald Trump in the US and Viktor Orbán in Hungary. A terrible war. But the worst part is not the war itself against the disease and, as collateral damage, the crushing of the economy, wretched though they are. The worst part is the post-War likelihood of a triumphant statism, and then the fascism to which triumphant statism regularly gives rise. The disease is for 2020. The fascism is forever. The young historian Eliah Bures wrote six months ago a collective review in Foreign Affairs of books from left and right, books that all used prominently what he calls “the other F- word,” fascism. He notes that the word can be used foolishly, to mean “politics I don’t like.” Thus the “Anti-Fa,” that is, “Anti-Fascist,” movement of the loony left in the US. Bures is correct. But slipping into extremes of nationalism, socialism, racism, and the rest of the quicksand of the 1930s is not impossible. The 1930s, after all, happened. In the 1930s. Late in Bures’ essay, by way of a comforting conclusion from the apparent safety of November 2019, he pens a sentence that has acquired a terrifying salience: “Barring a crisis of capitalism and democratic representation on the scale of the 1920s and ’30s, there is no reason to expect today’s populism to revert to fascism.” Uh oh. -
Loud Proud Passion and Politics in the English Defence League Makes Us Confront the Complexities of Anti-Islamist/Anti-Muslim Fervor
New Ethnographies ‘These voices of English nationalism make for difficult listening. The great strength of Hilary PILKINGTON Pilkington’s unflinching ethnography is her capacity to confound and challenge our political and preconceptions and makes us think harder. This is an important, difficult and brave book.’ Les Back, Professor of Sociology, Goldsmiths, University of London ‘Pilkington offers fresh and crucial insights into the politics of fear. Her unflinchingly honest depiction of the EDL breaks apart stereotypes of rightist activists as simply dupes, thugs, and racists and Loud proud PASSION AND POLITICS IN THE ENGLISH DEFENCE LEAGUE makes us confront the complexities of anti-Islamist/anti-Muslim fervor. This terrific, compelling book is a must-read for scholars and readers concerned about the global rise of populist movements on the right.’ Kathleen Blee, Distinguished Professor of Sociology, University of Pittsburgh Loud and proud uses interviews, informal conversations and extended observation at English Defence League events to critically reflect on the gap between the movement’s public image and activists’ own understandings of it. It details how activists construct the EDL and themselves as ‘not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’ through, among other things, the exclusion of Muslims as a possible object of racism on the grounds that they are a religiously not racially defined Loud group. In contrast, activists perceive themselves to be ‘second-class citizens’, disadvantaged and discriminated against by a two-tier justice system that privileges the rights of others. This failure to recognise themselves as a privileged white majority explains why ostensibly intimidating EDL street demonstrations marked by racist chanting and nationalistic flag waving are understood by activists as standing ‘loud and proud’; the only way of being heard in a political system governed by a politics of silencing. -
Violent Protest and Heterogeneous Diffusion
BRITAIN FIRST AND THE UK INDEPENDENCE PARTY: SOCIAL MEDIA AND MOVEMENT-PARTY DYNAMICS1 Thomas Davidson and Mabel Berezin2 FORTHCOMING IN DECEMBER 2018 ISSUE OF MOBILIZATION. PLEASE CITE THE PUBLISHED VERSION. Social movement scholars have recently turned their attention to the interactions between political parties and social movements, but little is known about how social media have impacted these relationships, despite widespread adoption of these technologies. We present a case study of the relationship between Britain First, a far-right anti-Muslim social movement, and the U.K. Independence Party, the Eurosceptic political party that spearheaded the Brexit campaign. The movement appeared marginal in the press but it dominated social media, using this presence to support to the party. We examine the dynamics of the relationship between these groups from 2013 until 2017, drawing upon data from social media, newspapers, and other online sources, and focusing on interactions between elites and rank-and-file supporters. Our findings illustrate how far-right groups have used new technologies to generate an unprecedented amount of popular support and to attempt to influence the political mainstream. A number of western democracies have recently experienced a resurgence of right-wing political activity in both the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary sphere (Akkerman, de Lange, and Rooduijn 2016; Mudde 2016; Muis and Immerzeel 2017). In Germany, the unprecedented electoral performance of the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany (AfD) party -
The Fascist Movement in Britain
Robert Benewick THE FASCIST MOVEMENT IN BRITAIN Allen Lane The Penguin Press JLE 14- Ie 1 Contents Copyright © Robert Benewick, 1969 and 1972 Preface to Revised Edition 7 First published in 1969 under the title Acknowledgements 10 Po/iJi,a/ Vio/en,e anti Pub/i, Ortler 1. II This revised edition first published in 1972 The Political Setting Allen Lane The Penguin Press 1.. Precursors 1.1. 74 Grosvenor Street, London WI 3· Portrait oja Leader 5I ISBN 0 7139 034 1 4 4. The New Party 73 Printed offset litho in Great Britain by 5. From Party to Mcvement 85 Cox & Wyman Ltd 6. Leaders and Followers 108 London, Fakenham and Reading 1.,u f'i.~, 7. British Fascist Ideology 131. G d ~ - • F. Set In Monotype aramon ~ ~~ '" .~ 8. OlYmpia 169 9· Disenchantment and Disorder 193 ~~ : 10. The East London Campaign 1.17 .,.~ \ .. ''''' lem ~ -<:.. ~~ I 1. The Public Order Act 1. 35 ~" .. , . 11.. TheDeciineojBritishFascism 263 •• (1' 13, A CiviiSociety 300 ••• Bibliograpf?y 307 Index 330 support from possible sources ofdiscontent. The most impor 7. British Fascist Ideology tant were its appeals to youth, nationalism, anti-Communism, anti-Semitism and its attacks on the political liites. Policy was often manipulated with a callous disregard for principles so that at least one of the themes, anti-Semitism, gained ascendancy over the B.O.F.'s proposals for reform. Policy was hinged to the likelihood ofan impending economic crisis and attempts were made to locate the causes and to pre scribe its resolution. As the probability ofan economic crisis _ and hence political power - grew remote, the possibility of an international crisis was stressed.