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Gesellschaftsanalyse Und Linke Praxis 16 Emburg X Lu Gesellschaftsanalyse Und Linke Praxis 2 GESELLSCHAFTSANALYSE UND LINKE PRAXIS 16 EMBURG X LU GESELLSCHAFTSANALYSE UND LINKE PRAXIS KLASSE VERBINDEN MIMMO PORCARO | BEPPE CACCIA VERONIKA DUMA | SAM GINDIN | HILARY WAINWRIGHT RAUL ZELIK | MIRIAM PIESCHKE | BERND RIEXINGER 2 CATARINA PRINCIPE | CHRISTOS GIOVANOPOULOS U.A. 2016 Die US-amerikanische Zeitschrift Jacobin diskutiert Fragen marxistischer Theorie wie sozialistischer Strategie und Praxis. 2010 von Bhaskar Sunkara gegründet, hat sie sich dort seitdem zu einer führenden Stimme der US-amerikanischen Linken entwickelt. Mit seinem originellen Design und einer für die Linke in den USA ungewöhnlich undogmatischen und zugleich radikalen Perspektive auf Analyse und Politik hat Jacobin in der Post-Occupy-Ära eine WEGDENKEN offensichtliche Leerstelle geschlossen. Das Magazin erscheint vier Mal im Jahr in einer Aufl age von 20 000. Die Reichweite der Webseite geht noch weit darüber hinaus. Auf die vielen Texte und Analysen – auch zu aktuellen Fragen – greifen bis zu 700 000 Leser* innen im Monat zu. Ähnlich wie die LuXemburg versteht sich Jacobin als ein ›organisierendes Medium‹, das kritische Analy- sen einer breiten Leser*innenschaft zugänglich macht und für einen radikalen Politikwechsel, einen ›democratic Socialism‹ eintritt. KLASSE VERBINDEN wurde als Sonderausgabe der beiden Zeit- schriften gemeinsam produziert. In transnationaler Perspektive stellt es Fragen nach einer neuen Klassenpolitik, nach der Rolle einer »verbindenden Partei« darin sowie nach Chancen und Widersprüchen der munizipalistischen Bewegungen und Praxen. Ein Teil der Texte wird demnächst auch auf Englisch erscheinen. Interessierte LuXemburg-Leser*innen können den Jacobin zum Kennenlernen zum halben Preis abonnieren: http://bit.ly/jacobinlux »Die einzige Lösung …«: das nach der französichen Arbeits­ ministerin benannte Gesetz »Loi el Khomry« wegpusten, Nuit debout, Paris, April 2016, © Conny Hildebrandt LUX_1602_U2.indd 2 24.08.16 17:45 Es gibt zwei distinkte Logiken: die Logik der Einheit und die der Vielheit, die strategische Logik, die es erlaubt, die politische Macht des Kapitalismus anzugreifen, und die kooperative Logik, die es erlaubt, die heutigen asymmetrischen gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse zu verändern. Mimmo Porcaro in diesem Heft Es geht um eine Strategie, in der die Fähigkeit der Menschen, eigene materielle Macht aufzubauen, die Voraussetzung dafür ist, die Macht des Staates zu unterlaufen: ein Prozess, der nicht die Machthabenden austauscht, sondern das Wesen der Macht selbst verändert. Christos Giovanopoulos in diesem Heft Verbinden Verankern Verbreitern Warum sich die Vielen auch Wie Gewerkschaften mit der Wie Solidaritätsnetze in Griechen- mal einigen sollten LINKEN in die Offensive kommen land materielle Macht aufbauen Von Mimmo Porcaro Von Bernd Riexinger Von Christos Giovanopoulos _LUX_1602.indb 1 25.08.16 11:02 SCHWERPUNKT: KLASSE VERBINDEN Verbinden Verankern 8 Occupy Machiavelli 46 Ein unmoralisches Angebot Warum sich die Vielen Wie die Gewerkschaften mit auch mal einigen sollten der LINKEN in die Offensive Von Mimmo Porcaro kommen könnten Von Bernd Riexinger 16 Lost in the Crowd? Gedanken zu Porcaros 54 Selbstorganisierung jenseits ›strategischer Partei‹ der Plätze Von Mario Candeias Warum sich die Gewerk- schaften mit den spani- 22 Verlockungen der sanften schen mareas so schwer tun Austerität Von Nikolai Huke Warum die Linke in Portu- gal die sozialdemokratische 60 Erneuerung durch Social Regierung toleriert Movement Unionism? Von Catarina Príncipe und Warum neue Methoden Carlos Carujo allein die Gewerkschaften nicht auf die Beine bringen 28 Jeremy Corbyn: Zurück in Von Sam Gindin die Zukunft? Wie die Chancen auf eine linke Erneuerung der Labour Party stehen Von Hilary Wainwright 34 Goodbye Sanders? Warum die ›politische Revo- lution‹ nicht am Ende ist Von Ingar Solty LUXEMBURG ONLINE: Sanders und die Hegemonie- krise des Neoliberalismus Von Jan Rehmann 2 LUXEMBURG 2/2016 | KLASSE VERBINDEN _LUX_1602.indb 2 25.08.16 11:02 KLASSE VERBINDEN Verankern Verbreitern Antworten auf die Krise des autoritären Neoliberalismus kom- 68 Europa der Kommunen men derzeit von rechts. Politik ist zum Geschäft wortgewandter Wie wir zu einem neuen Expert*innen geworden und die Demokratie präsentiert Munizipalismus kommen sich als den Interessen und Begehren der Vielen entzogenes Von Beppe Caccia Management des Status quo. Angesichts der Vernageltheit der politischen Institutionen stellt sich dringlich die Frage nach 74 It’s the austerity, stupid! linken Handlungsmöglichkeiten. Wie die Kommunen die In dieser Konstellation haben sich soziale Kämpfe vielerorts europäische Krise ausbaden auf die kommunale Ebene verlagert. Es braucht eine Basis der müssen Organisierung im Alltag der Einzelnen, um linke Politik durch- Von Felix Wiegand setzungsfähig zu machen. In den USA stellen lokale Bündnisse Stadträte und Bürgermeister. Sie streiten gegen Zwangs- 82 Mehr als Helfen und räumung, für eine lokale Anhebung des Mindestlohns oder Organisieren einen kommunalen Personalausweis für Migrant*innen ohne Wie die Solidaritätsnetze Papiere. In Spanien haben Aktive aus der 15 M-Bewegung in Griechenland materielle Bürgerplattformen gegründet. Im Bündnis mit oder unabhängig Macht aufbauen von linken Parteien konnten auch sie Rathäuser übernehmen Von Christos Giovanopoulos und in vielen Städten (mit-)regieren. Teils sind die Erfolge noch überschaubar, aber: Sie stellen den korrupten Eliten veränderte 90 Populare Macht und Praxen entgegen – ein ›Regieren von unten‹. Die Kommune – bolivarianische Revolution im emphatischen Sinne des Wortes – soll als Ort der Politik und Was wir von der partizi- Selbstorganisierung zurückgewonnen werden. Vorsichtige Ver- pativen Demokratie in suche in diese Richtung gibt es auch hierzulande. Es gilt neue Venezuela lernen können Formen zu entwickeln, um populare Politiken zu verbreitern Von Andrés Antillano und in unterschiedlichen Milieus der Subalternen zu verankern. Wie lassen sich die disparaten Teile der KLASSE VERBINDEN? 98 KONTROVERS: LuXemburg 2/2016 fragt nach den Chancen munizipalistischer Rebellische Städte Politik. Was können Plattformen erreichen, die Menschen Warum die kommunalen einbinden, die mit ›Politik‹ bisher nichts zu tun hatten? Wie Regierungen in Spanien lassen sich hier verbindende Praxen entwickeln, die das globale nicht vor Anpassungen Austeritätsregime infrage stellen? Welche Rolle können linke gefeit sind und was sie Parteien darin spielen, welche die Gewerkschaften? Und wie dennoch erreicht haben müssen (auch linke) Institutionen umgebaut werden, um eine Raul Zelik vs. Hanno Bruch- Teilhabe der Vielen zu ermöglichen und gleichzeitig strategi- mann und Mario Candeias sche Entscheidungen treffen zu können? INHALT | LUXEMBURG 2/2016 3 _LUX_1602.indb 3 25.08.16 11:02 LUXEMBURG ONLINE: Auf dem Weg zu einem Europa der rebellischen Städte Von Kate Shea Baird LUXEMBURG ONLINE: 44 BILDSTRECKE: Nuit debout Neue Klimapolitilk in Barcelona Von Amaranta Herrero 108 Vom kurzen Flirt zur langfristigen Beziehung Warum die Linke in benachteiligten Stadtteilen (nicht) nur gewinnen kann Von Miriam Pieschke 114 Wundermittel Volks- entscheid? Wo die Chancen und Gren- zen für die mietenpolitische Bewegung liegen Von Stephan Junker, Susanna Raab und Hannah Schurian 122 Das Rote Wien Warum sich ein Ausflug in die Geschichte lohnt Von Veronika Duma und Hanna Lichtenberger Nuit debout © Rémy Soubanère Nuit debout © Rémy 4 LUXEMBURG 2/2016 | KLASSE VERBINDEN _LUX_1602.indb 4 25.08.16 11:02 RUBRIKEN 130 NAME DER ZEIT Das neue Mittelalter Von Kolja Möller 132 Ende Gelände im Gerechtigkeitsdilemma Warum der Kohleaus- 93 BILDSTRECKE: Ende Gelände stieg nicht bis 2040 warten kann Von Hannes Lindenberg und Tadzio Müller 138 ROSA-LUX koMPAKT LUXEMBURG ONLINE: Brexit: Ist das ein OXI? Von Moritz Warnke LUXEMBURG ONLINE: Brexit: Wenn du trauern musst, tu es jetzt Von Owen Jones LUXEMBURG ONLINE: Der Putschversuch gegen Erdoğan Ende Gelände 2016, Moritz Richter Von Murat Çakır LUX&BEYOND: Der Kampf um das neue Arbeitsgesetz Von Thomas Sablowski 144 IMPRESSUM INHALT | LUXEMBURG 2/2016 5 _LUX_1602.indb 5 25.08.16 11:02 _LUX_1602.indb 6 25.08.16 11:02 _LUX_1602.indb 7 25.08.16 11:02 OCCUPY MACHIAVELLI MIMMO PORCARO MARIO CANDEIAS ZWISCHEN VERBINDENDER UND STRATEGISCHER PARTEI MIMMO PORCARO Die Krise der Massenpartei als eine Form politischer Organisation der subalternen Klassen war Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts offenkundig: Gerade wegen des Erfolgs jenes Parteityps war dies eine irreversible Krise. Die Massenpartei war dadurch gewachsen, dass sie Einzelne und Assoziationen in großer Zahl einbezog. Mit der Heterogenität dieser Subjekte umzugehen, brachte indes zunehmend Probleme. Es war ihr gelungen, »die Massen in den Staat hineinzuführen«. Im Zuge dessen hat- ten sich jedoch aktive Parteimitglieder in Manager verwandelt und die Parteifüh- rung war Teil der Elite des kapitalistischen Staates geworden, Regierungsschicht. Von da an verwandelte sie sich erst zur professionalisierten und dann zu einer Allerweltspartei (Kirchheimer 1965), zu einer catch-all party. Der teilweise Erfolg der Partei der subalternen Klassen hatte also dazu geführt, dass die subalternen Klassen nicht länger über eine Partei verfügten. Das Nachdenken über die verbindende Partei entstand in dieser Situation. Aus- gehend von verschiedenen Überlegungen bei Gramsci (1996) und in der nord- amerikanischen Linken (vgl. u.a. Brecher/Costello 1990) lag es nahe, angesichts einer zunehmenden Heterogenität der Subjekte und der Kulturen bei der Suche nach einem neuen Parteimodell
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