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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
Ideology, Social Basis, Prospects REPORT 2018
European Centre for Democracy Development Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects REPORT 2018 Athens-London-Berlin-Paris-Moscow-Krakow-Budapest-Kiev-Amsterdam-Roma 1 Editor in Chief and Project Head: Dr. Valery Engel, Chairman of the Expert Council of the European Centre for Tolerance, principal of the Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications Authors: Dr. Valery Engel (general analytics), Dr. Jean-Yves Camus (France), Dr. Anna Castriota (Italy), Dr. Ildikó Barna (Hungary), Bulcsú Hunyadi (Hungary), Dr. Vanja Ljujic (Netherlands), Tika Pranvera (Greece), Katarzyna du Val (Poland), Dr. Semen Charny (Russia), Dr. Dmitry Stratievsky (Germany), Ruslan Bortnik (Ukraine), Dr. Alex Carter (UK) Authors thank the Chairman of the European Centre for Tolerance, Mr. Vladimir Sternfeld, for his financial support of the project CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects Report “Contemporary far-rights. Right-wing radicalism in Europe: ideology, social base, prospects" is the result of the work of an international team of experts from 10 European countries. The report answers the question of what is the social basis of European right- wing radicalism and what are the objective prerequisites and possible directions for its development. In addition, the authors answer the question of what stays behind the ideology of modern radicalism, what the sources of funding for right-wing radical organizations are, and who their leaders are. Significant part of information is introduced for the first time. © European Center for Democracy Development, 2018 © Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications, 2018 © Institute for Ethnic Policy and Inter-Ethnic Relations Studies, 2018 2 Introduction Radicalism is a commitment to the extreme views and concepts of the social order associated with the possibility of its radical transformation. -
Misinformation, Media Manipulation and Antisemitism an Annual Event at the Italian Academy Marking Holocaust Remembrance Day Looks at Online Extremism
Misinformation, Media Manipulation and Antisemitism An annual event at the Italian Academy marking Holocaust Remembrance Day looks at online extremism. By Abigail Asher February 17, 2020 A Facebook Case Costanza Sciubba Caniglia and Irene V. Pasquetto, both from the new Misinformation Review at the Harvard Kennedy School, took up the idea of combating online hate by “de-platforming” neo-Nazis. They cited an Italian case with unintended consequences: A violent, dangerous organization, the extreme-right, racist and antisemitic CasaPound lost its Facebook access in autumn 2019, but a civil court in Rome immediately judged that Facebook had violated the group’s free speech. Facebook reactivated CasaPound’s account and paid its legal costs. On February 5, 2020, researchers from a range of Asked to Remember, Not to Intervene disciplines spoke to a lively, full-capacity crowd at Rachel Deblinger, who works at UCLA and is co- the Italian Academy for this year’s Holocaust director of the Digital Jewish Studies Initiative at Remembrance Day symposium. The 2020 topic was University of California Santa Cruz, joined in (via online extremism, particularly the negation of historical Zoom) and discussed using social media to bring facts and the manipulation of social media to pursue Holocaust memories to life today, focusing on two neo-Nazi and neo-Fascist ideas. recent accounts: Twitter’s @Stl_Manifest (recalling the Nazi victims who were turned away by America in The Sensational and the Divisive 1939) and Instagram’s @eva.stories. Deblinger said that Alex Abdo, litigation director at the Knight First @eva.stories succeeds by spurring meaningful Amendment Institute, noted that social media interaction with the Holocaust, but it also fails by not companies’ “algorithmic amplification and suppression serving as a platform for documentation of today's global of speech appears to be deepening our political atrocities, as does Instagram. -
Uef-Spinelli Group
UEF-SPINELLI GROUP MANIFESTO 9 MAY 2021 At watershed moments in history, communities need to adapt their institutions to avoid sliding into irreversible decline, thus equipping themselves to govern new circumstances. After the end of the Cold War the European Union, with the creation of the monetary Union, took a first crucial step towards adapting its institutions; but it was unable to agree on a true fiscal and social policy for the Euro. Later, the Lisbon Treaty strengthened the legislative role of the European Parliament, but again failed to create a strong economic and political union in order to complete the Euro. Resulting from that, the EU was not equipped to react effectively to the first major challenges and crises of the XXI century: the financial crash of 2008, the migration flows of 2015- 2016, the rise of national populism, and the 2016 Brexit referendum. This failure also resulted in a strengthening of the role of national governments — as shown, for example, by the current excessive concentration of power within the European Council, whose actions are blocked by opposing national vetoes —, and in the EU’s chronic inability to develop a common foreign policy capable of promoting Europe’s common strategic interests. Now, however, the tune has changed. In the face of an unprecedented public health crisis and the corresponding collapse of its economies, Europe has reacted with unity and resolve, indicating the way forward for the future of European integration: it laid the foundations by starting with an unprecedented common vaccination strategy, for a “Europe of Health”, and unveiled a recovery plan which will be financed by shared borrowing and repaid by revenue from new EU taxes levied on the digital and financial giants and on polluting industries. -
Loud Proud Passion and Politics in the English Defence League Makes Us Confront the Complexities of Anti-Islamist/Anti-Muslim Fervor
New Ethnographies ‘These voices of English nationalism make for difficult listening. The great strength of Hilary PILKINGTON Pilkington’s unflinching ethnography is her capacity to confound and challenge our political and preconceptions and makes us think harder. This is an important, difficult and brave book.’ Les Back, Professor of Sociology, Goldsmiths, University of London ‘Pilkington offers fresh and crucial insights into the politics of fear. Her unflinchingly honest depiction of the EDL breaks apart stereotypes of rightist activists as simply dupes, thugs, and racists and Loud proud PASSION AND POLITICS IN THE ENGLISH DEFENCE LEAGUE makes us confront the complexities of anti-Islamist/anti-Muslim fervor. This terrific, compelling book is a must-read for scholars and readers concerned about the global rise of populist movements on the right.’ Kathleen Blee, Distinguished Professor of Sociology, University of Pittsburgh Loud and proud uses interviews, informal conversations and extended observation at English Defence League events to critically reflect on the gap between the movement’s public image and activists’ own understandings of it. It details how activists construct the EDL and themselves as ‘not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’ through, among other things, the exclusion of Muslims as a possible object of racism on the grounds that they are a religiously not racially defined Loud group. In contrast, activists perceive themselves to be ‘second-class citizens’, disadvantaged and discriminated against by a two-tier justice system that privileges the rights of others. This failure to recognise themselves as a privileged white majority explains why ostensibly intimidating EDL street demonstrations marked by racist chanting and nationalistic flag waving are understood by activists as standing ‘loud and proud’; the only way of being heard in a political system governed by a politics of silencing. -
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DOI: 10.4119/ijcv-3805 IJCV: Vol. 14(2)/2020 Connecting Structures: Resistance, Heroic Masculinity and Anti-Feminism as Bridging Narratives within Group Radicalization David Meieringi [email protected] Aziz Dzirii [email protected] Naika Foroutani [email protected] i Berlin Institute for Integration and Migration Research (BIM) at the Humboldt University Berlin Vol. 14(2)/2020 The IJCV provides a forum for scientific exchange and public dissemination of up-to-date scien- tific knowledge on conflict and violence. The IJCV is independent, peer reviewed, open access, and included in the Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI) as well as other rele- vant databases (e.g., SCOPUS, EBSCO, ProQuest, DNB). The topics on which we concentrate—conflict and violence—have always been central to various disciplines. Consequently, the journal encompasses contributions from a wide range of disciplines, including criminology, economics, education, ethnology, his- tory, political science, psychology, social anthropology, sociology, the study of reli- gions, and urban studies. All articles are gathered in yearly volumes, identified by a DOI with article-wise pagi- nation. For more information please visit www.ijcv.or g Suggested Citation: APA: Meiering, D., Dziri, A., & Foroutan, N. (2020). Connecting structures: Resistance, heroic masculinity and anti-feminism as bridging narratives within group radicaliza- tion. International Journal of Conflict and Violence, 14(2), 1-19. doi: 10.4119/ijcv-3805 Harvard: Meiering, David, Dziri, Aziz, Foroutan, Naika. 2020. Connecting Structures: Resistance, Heroic Masculinity and Anti-Feminism as Bridging Narratives within Group Radicalization. International Journal of Conflict and Violence 14(2): 1-19. doi: 10.4119/ijcv-3805 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution—NoDerivatives License. -
The Long Evolution of Extreme Right Music in Italy and Germany
PA rtecipazione e CO nflitto * The Open Journal of Sociopolitical Studies http://siba-ese.unisalento.it/index.php/paco ISSN: 1972-7623 (print version) ISSN: 2035-6609 (electronic version) PACO, Issue 13(1) 2020: 207-231 DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v13i1p207 Published in March 15, 2020 Work licensed under a Creative Commons At- tribution-Non commercial-Share alike 3.0 Italian License RESEARCH ARTICLE THE LONG EVOLUTION OF EXTREME RIGHT MUSIC IN ITALY AND GERMANY Giorgia Bulli University of Florence ABSTRACT: The importance of music in extreme right political culture is acknowledged in recent academic and non-academic contributions in Italy and Germany. Patterns of music development in different Europe- an contexts reflect the prevailing ideological dimension of the role of this cultural expression in the ex- treme right context (Dyck 2016). Labels such as “White power music”, “Rechtsrock” and “Reichsrock” all point to various trajectories in the recruitment and socialization functions of extreme right music. In Italy, the concept of “rock identitario” designates the most successful form of music production by well-known bands directly linked to political movements. However, identitarian rock is only the arrival point of a long tradition of music development within the Italian Extreme Right. In Germany, recent investigations of the “Rechtsrock” phenomenon have highlighted the intense internationalization of networks of extreme right movements that mostly mobilize cultural manifestations of extreme right ideologies. The analysis com- prises a diachronic enquiry into the development of extreme right music in Germany and Italy. From a comparative perspective, the paper will highlight how – no different from other political languages – changes in music production both reflect and go along with the transformation of the Italian and German Extreme Right from an organizational, political culture and strategic perspective1. -
Monitoring Offensive and Discriminatory Signs in European Football
www.farenet.org Monitoring offensive and discriminatory signs in European football www.farenet.org 1 www.farenet.org Introduction Contents Football should be a game that can be enjoyed by everyone, without the fear of abuse and discrimination. Unfortunately at many matches and stadiums across Europe, this is not always the case and fans and players can face abuse because of the colour of their skin or their religion, or can feel victimised because they are gay or have a disability. The FARE Network is working with photographs of banners in football 4 Commonly displayed far right partners across the game, including stadiums. As well as signs and signs and symbols European football’s governing symbols common across the whole body, UEFA and NGO’s such as the of Europe, there are is also specific 13 Letter and number codes Never Again Association to try to sections that relate to different make the game a welcoming and European countries. 15 Clothing brands and prints safe environment for all football fans and to ensure that the use of It is hoped that this guide will help 17 Country specific symbols racist and homophobic language encourage everyone involved with and the displaying of offensive the game to make a stand against 22 Other racist flags and images banners is eradicated from all racism and discrimination and to football stadiums. help make football a welcoming 23 Other areas of discrimination and safe environment for fans and The aim of this booklet is to help players across the whole of Europe. football fans identify racist, neo- Nazi, homophobic and abusive images towards disabled people, in an easy to carry pocket size guide. -
Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right
Maik Fielitz, Nick Thurston (eds.) Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right Political Science | Volume 71 Maik Fielitz, Nick Thurston (eds.) Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right Online Actions and Offline Consequences in Europe and the US With kind support of Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Na- tionalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-No- Derivatives 4.0 (BY-NC-ND) which means that the text may be used for non-commer- cial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ To create an adaptation, translation, or derivative of the original work and for com- mercial use, further permission is required and can be obtained by contacting [email protected] Creative Commons license terms for re-use do not apply to any content (such as graphs, figures, photos, excerpts, etc.) not original to the Open Access publication and further permission may be required from the rights holder. The obligation to research and clear permission lies solely with the party re-using the material. © 2019 transcript Verlag, Bielefeld Cover layout: Kordula Röckenhaus, Bielefeld Typeset by Alexander Masch, Bielefeld Printed by Majuskel Medienproduktion GmbH, Wetzlar Print-ISBN 978-3-8376-4670-2 PDF-ISBN 978-3-8394-4670-6 https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839446706 Contents Introduction | 7 Stephen Albrecht, Maik Fielitz and Nick Thurston ANALYZING Understanding the Alt-Right. -
Does the Five Star Movement Deviate from Its 'Democratic Formula'?
Innovative Politics: Does The Five Star Movement Deviate from its ‘Democratic Formula’? Anna Grazia Napoletano S4609301 16 November 2017 Comparative Politics Master thesis Supervisor: Dr. Maurits J. Meijers Nijmegen School of Management Radboud University Nijmegen Word count. 33, 759 Table of Contents 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………. 3 1.1 Innovative politics: from a minimalist concept of democracy to a complex one……….. 8 1.2 Innovative politics: Pirate Party, Geenpeil and the Five Star Movement……………….. 12 2.The Five Star Movement: History and organization……………………………………... 15 2.1 Italian political context:……………………………………………………………… 15 2.2 From a website to a Movement: The Five Star Movement’s embryo stage………….. 18 2.2.1 Anti-media………………………………………………………………………….. 19 2.2.2 Meetup……………………………………………………………………………… 21 2.3 From a Movement to a party…………………………………………………………. 24 2.3.1 Current structure……………………………………………………………………… 27 2.3.2 The Five Star Movement manifesto and its system of checks and balances…………. 28 2.3.3 Staff…………………………………………………………………………………… 30 2.3.4 Financing……………………………………………………………………………… 30 3. Divergence from the Five Star Movement’s Democratic Formula………………………. 31 3.1 The FiveStar Movement democratic formula: direct-participatory, transparent and deliberative………………………………………………………………….. 31 3.2 Direct and Participatory Democracy……………………………………………………. 32 3.3 Transparent Democracy…………………………………………………………………. 35 3.4 Deliberative Democracy………………………………………………………………… 35 3.5 Deviations from the Five Star Movement’s democratic formula……………………….. 36 3.6 Expectations regarding the Five Star Movement’s divergence from its “democratic formula”……………………………………………………………………………………… 38 3.6.1 The massive organization of internal democracy and “the Iron Law of Oligarchy”….… 38 3.6.2.The Lack of ideology: Delegation Vs. Representation and Taggart’s protest politics….. 41 4. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………… 46 4.1 Exploring the world of the Five Star Movement…………………………………………. -
Performing Fascism: Opera, Politics, and Masculinities in Fascist Italy, 1935-1941
Performing Fascism: Opera, Politics, and Masculinities in Fascist Italy, 1935-1941 by Elizabeth Crisenbery Department of Music Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Bryan Gilliam, Advisor ___________________________ Benjamin Earle ___________________________ Philip Rupprecht ___________________________ Louise Meintjes ___________________________ Roseen Giles Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music in the Graduate School of Duke University 2020 ABSTRACT Performing Fascism: Opera, Politics, and Masculinities in Fascist Italy, 1935-1941 by Elizabeth Crisenbery Department of Music Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Bryan Gilliam, Advisor ___________________________ Benjamin Earle ___________________________ Philip Rupprecht ___________________________ Louise Meintjes ___________________________ Roseen Giles An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music in the Graduate School of Duke University 2020 Copyright by Elizabeth Crisenbery 2020 Abstract Roger Griffin notes that “there can be no term in the political lexicon which has generated more conflicting theories about its basic definition than ‘fascism’.” The difficulty articulating a singular definition of fascism is indicative of its complexities and ideological changes over time. This dissertation offers -
Pro-Violence and Anti-Democratic
Foreword The standard media image of violent extremism may seem to be far from the ordinary work of the Swedish Media Council. While extremism is often described in dramatic terms of terrorism, attacks and riots, the Council’s work concerns more everyday things, such as age limits for cinema films and media awareness teaching in pre-school. But no person is born to be a perpetrator of violence for political or religious purposes. Being recruited to and radicalised within the framework of pro- violence and anti-democratic extremist groups is a question of adopting, more or less uncritically, an image of the world where hate is the driving force and violence the legitimate means. In today’s information society, the Internet has become, to an ever increasing extent, the tool for spreading anti-democratic messages for the purpose of recruiting new members. This fact places great demands on people young and old to retain a critical view of information and sometime sharply angled messages that we come across in both traditional and digital media. In October 2011, the Government mandated the Swedish Media Council to describe the presence of anti-democratic messages on the Internet and in social media. The focus is on messages aimed at young persons, and that encourage violence for political or ideological reasons. The aim is to create broader knowledge about extremist Internet milieux, their content, and how recruitment strategies are formulated and communicated. The overall purpose is to strengthen young persons in preparation for encounters with such messages. To carry out the work, the Swedish Media Council has employed three researchers, each of whom has contributed one constituent study about three different extremist Internet milieux.