1 5 th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
THE ROLE OF GUIDO THOMAZ MARLIÈRE IN THE FORMATION OF URBAN SETTLEMENTS IN THE ZONA DA MATA, IN MINAS GERAIS, BRAZIL
ÍTALO ITAMAR CAIXEIRO STEPHAN Address: Departamento de Arquitetura e Urbanismo, sala 07 / Campus da Universidade Federal de Viçosa / CEP: 36.570-000 / Viçosa-MG / Brazil e-mail: [email protected]
JOSARLETE MAGALHÃES SOARES Address: Departamento de Arquitetura e Urbanismo, sala 12 / Campus da Universidade Federal de Viçosa / CEP: 36.570-000 / Viçosa-MG / Brazil e-mail: [email protected]
ISADORA MARIA FLORIANO RIBEIRO Address: Departamento de Arquitetura e Urbanismo / Campus da Universidade Federal de Viçosa / CEP: 36.570-000 / Viçosa-MG / Brazil e-mail: [email protected]
ABSTRACT In the early nineteenth century, with the necessary expansion of the colonization in Minas Gerais due of the exhaustion of gold production in the mining regions, the Portuguese government started a systematic process of occupation in the forested areas existing at that time captaincy. It was in such context that the French military official Guido Thomaz Marlière was sent to the province of Minas Gerais. This article discusses Marlière’s influence on the formation of a series of urban settlements in the region known as the Zona da Mata Mineira. Specifically, it presents the main actions carried out in some cities, and to what extent Marlière has exceeded his role as a peacemaker among Indians, using his authority to found new urban settlements and to establish rules of use and parceling of land.
INTRODUCTION The formation process of towns in Minas Gerais territory is bound, historically, to the discovery of gold in the last decades of the seventeenth century. The gold extraction method allowed the emergence of relatively dense human settlements and the consequent formation of various urban centers. Mining towns were an early and unprecedented phenomenon in the context of colonization. However, several regions of the current state of Minas Gerais, where precious metals were not found in significant amounts, were eventually occupied more slowly during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as a result of processes occurring in parallel and after the moment of greatest dynamism of mining activity. The process of settlement and formation of cities in the current region of Zona da Mata of Minas Gerais (Fig. 1) is mostly related to these parallel processes, which later extended over the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and covered a number Cities, nations and regions in planning history
of peculiarities. During the colonial period, the region, as reported by many historians, was conceived as an area "forbidden” to occupation (VASCONCELLOS, 1974, p. 274). In fact, while mining was strong in the central areas, the Portuguese Crown sought to maintain the isolation and depopulation of the territories east of the captaincy so as to prevent the proliferation of routes that would allow diversion of royal taxes. Although the effectiveness of prohibitive measures can be challenged (CARNEIRO, 2008, p. 72-82), the dense forest that covered the region, where various Indian nations were established, was a natural barrier to continuous settlement. Thus, the process of occupation of the southern Minas Gerais was intensified as the income from mineral mines began to decline and agriculture became a stronger economic activity. Simultaneously, throughout the eighteenth century and especially in the early nineteenth century, there was a gradual change in the attitude of the Portuguese Crown against the occupation of the eastern captaincy of Minas Gerais (SOARES, 2009, p. 61-68). Reduced income from mining led to a growing demand for alternative colonial economic activities. In this scenario, in the early decades of the nineteenth century, the territory that today constitutes the Zona da Mata became a very attractive region for settlement and exploitation of its economic potential, mainly for its introduction into the agricultural economy of Minas Gerais. For such, special attention was given by the governments of the captaincy and the Empire (Portuguese and then Brazilian) to the contact between the population of new areas of settlement and the Indians still living in the forests of eastern Minas Gerais.
INDIAN PACIFICATION POLICY IN THE EARLY DECADES OF THE 19th CENTURY With the transfer of the headquarters of the Portuguese government to America in 1808, Brazil experienced a series of transformations in its political and administrative organization. Throughout the period of stay of the court in Rio de Janeiro - between 1808 and 1821 - the Brazilian territory was affected by a broad process of political and economic openness, accompanied by several attempts to boost many production fields (HOLANDA, 1965, p. 9-39). In order to promote the economic use and regular settlement of the forest areas occupied by Indian populations, Dom João VI strengthened the Indian policy which had been implanted in Portuguese America. In Minas Gerais, the territory that now constitutes the Zona da Mata was a direct target of the new policy. In this scenario, in 1813, the lieutenant Guido Thomaz Marlière arrived in Presídio de São João Batista - current Municipality of Visconde do Rio Branco (BARBOSA, 1995: 370) (Fig. 1), to pacify territorial disputes between natives and new settlers. Marlière was a French Military, admitted to the Portuguese army in 1807, who came to Brazil in 1808, along with the delegation of the Portuguese Court. In 1813, he was named "Diretor dos Índios da Freguesia de São Manoel do Pomba, de São João Batista e aldeias anexas" (Head of the Indians of the parishes of São Manoel do Pomba, São João Batista and nearby villages). The successful actions of Marlière led to the rise and gradual extension of his powers and to his appointment as “General Inspector of all the Military Division of Minas Gerais”, in 1820. He remained in this position until 1829, when he was discharged at the age of sixty years (JOSÉ, 1958; ESPÍNDOLA, 2005, p. 176-220). 1 5 th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
The Indian policy of appeasement reached its greatest results mainly during the leadership of Marlière, in the region where he developed most of his work: the central portion of the region currently known as Zona da Mata. From 1810, there was a significant input of farmers in the forest areas (ESPÍNDOLA, 2005, p. 249). A number of advantages, such as the granting of privileges, tax exemptions and donation of land grants, were offered to those who were willing to live in the hinterlands. The regular settlement was thus both a consequence of the policy of appeasement and a means to ensure the continuity of land occupation process. Besides encouraging territorial occupation, another key aspect of Indian policy was the process of leading the native population in villages into a sedentary lifestyle. The nomadic nature of these populations inevitably conflicted with the ongoing expansion of farming. Thus, to avoid conflicts, it was necessary to adapt the Indians to the Luso-Brazilian way of life. In this sense, villages were implanted with farming as a livelihood and catechesis as a way to make Indians more docile and more attached to centers where there were chapels. Several urban areas emerged within the forest areas of Minas Gerais, as a direct consequence of this process. Thus, the work of Marlière with the Indians was not only related to the expansion of the agricultural frontier of Minas Gerais, but also to the training of initial urban centers of a number of cities of the Zona da Mata. Therefore, the general objective of this study was to investigate his role as the Director General of the Indians, during the implementation of Indian settlements in the Zona da Mata and aspects of the original urban morphology of these settlements. In addition, we sought to identify the cities of the Zona da Mata whose urban centers were formed in the process of Indian pacification implanted by Marlière.
ABOUT GUIDO MARLIÈRE Guido Thomaz Marlière was born in Jarnage, in central France, in 1767. Little is known about his life in France. At 18, he joined the army in the French Revolution and fought alongside King Louis XVI. Marlière was hired by the Portuguese Army and came to Brazil in 1808. In 1809, he joined the troops of the Prince Regent and started his career in Portuguese America. Two years later, Dom João VI granted him transfer to Minas Gerais. Marlière moved to Vila Rica (now Ouro Preto), and settled on a land donated by the Portuguese Crown (AGUIAR, 2008, p. 79-81 e 102). Because of the Napoleonic Wars, monitoring of the Portuguese Empire against possible spies and opponents was intensified. Guido, due to its French origin, became the target of suspicions and accusations by the Portuguese. Thus, in 1811, he was arrested and had all his documents and correspondence were seized (JOSÉ, 1958, p. 26). After his arrest, 47 papers were seized from the Guido, but the analysis showed that the accusations were unfounded. In 1813, after acquittal, Marlière returned to Vila Rica and resumed his position. Upon his return, he was given a mission, which granted him considerable powers. He would command the peacemaking between the Indians and Portuguese settlers in the region of Presídio de São João Batista. He began to be appointed to increasingly higher management positions and was designated as Director General of the Indians of Minas Gerais, in 1824. Guido implemented projects of civilization and territorial integration, founded cities, Cities, nations and regions in planning history
elementary schools, churches and roads. He was one of the most important settlers of the region and influenced the territories of Jequitinhonha, Doce, Pomba and Paraíba do Sul rivers. As reported by travelers Spix and Martius (1961, p. 237), which were in the region of the Indian villages around 1817, the main difficulty related to Indian sedentarization was introducing agricultural practices in their life style, so they could manage the land granted to them. The Director of the Indians, in this case, Guido Marlière, should prevent the usurpation of the land donated to the natives by the new settlers, and ensure the rights of Indians as citizens. According to these travelers, the Frenchman was successful in this task. While working as General Director of Indians, Marlière established a farm called “Guido Wald” (forest of Guido, in German), in a place called Serra da Onça, from where he supervised much of the region that has become the Zona da Mata. In 1836, old and worn, he died on this farm, where now stands a monument erected in his honor.
MARLIÈRE AND THE URBAN CENTERS OF THE MATA MINEIRA From a bibliographic survey at secondary and primary sources - mainly documents transcribed by the Public Archives of Minas Gerais Magazine - and also from interviews with people connected with the history of each city, it was possible to have an overview of the role of Guido Marlière in the region. It is worth noting the enormous difficulty to find written records and early maps of urban areas. This fact indicates, in part, the precariousness of the processes of land occupation in Brazil in the nineteenth century and also the little importance given to the identification and preservation of documents that describe the formation and growth of these cities.
Figure 1 - Location of cities in the Zona da Mata which received direct influence of Guido Thomaz Marlière on its territorial and urban formation. Source: Adapted from MINAS GERIAS, 2007. 1 5 th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
When we observe, on a map, the municipalities where the actions of Marlière were identified (Fig. 1), we realize that the performance of this Frenchman in the Zona da Mata impacted mainly the urban centers located in the central region, where he was originally installed as General Manager of the Indians. In order to illustrate the mode of action of Marlière in areas close to urban centers of Zona da Mata Mineira, we present herein a series of coordinated actions designed (and mostly performed) by him in those centers.
ARGIRITA One of the most important actions of the Indian policy was the establishment of the native population in urban centers. An example of this process was the formation of the city Argirita. The initial urban center was called Rio Pardo. In 1814, this center received, at the riverbank of Pardo River, the settlement of 500 Indians of the tribe Puris (ARAÚJO, 2004, p. 15).
CATAGUASES When Guido Thomaz Marlière inaugurated the road between Minas and Campos dos Goytacazes, he received the donation of a land from Sergeant José Henrique de Azevedo to build the chapel of the village of Porto dos Diamantes. Thus, on May 26, 1828 he started the construction. The land was surrounded in "the east by the Meia Pataca River; in the west, by the Pomba River; and in the northeast, by the small stream that flows into the Meia Pataca River" (SILVA, 1908, p. 958). The first action of Marlière was the demarcation of the land with wood stakes to avoid conflicts with local people. The streets were traced at a distance of 50 steps from one another. The central square was established as a public space, where houses could not be built. Regarding the lots, Marlière established the distance of six feet between the houses, so that public services could help in case of any fire; the terrains provided for the chaplains, officials and university graduates were 60 ft-wide and 100 ft-long or smaller; for middle class, 50 ft.-wide and 80-feet long or smaller; for the the population in general, 40 ft.-wide and 70 ft-long or samaller. There were no front yards, interspersed with houses (SILVA, 1908, p. 959). As can be seen, the influence of Marlière in the settlement of the original urban center of the city of Cataguases was very broad, including the demarcation of the site of the chapel and the opening of the first streets, thus determining the parameters of size and occupation of lots of the future village. As pointed out by Silva (1908, p. 960), the layout of the city, therefore, began to be established in Largo da Matriz Santa Rita and Largo do Rosário – today called Rui Barbosa Square. From Largo da Matriz to the right edge of the Meia Pataca River, a road was created and is now called Coronel Vieira Street. The area encompassing the Largo da Matriz and Rui Barbosa Square was also the starting point for the creation of other roads: Passa-cinco (Alferes Henrique de Azevedo Street), Pomba (Major Vieira Street), Meio (Rebelo Horta Street), Cemetery (Rua Marechal Deodoro Street) and the Station (Coronel João Duarte Street) (Fig. 2). Cities, nations and regions in planning history
The pattern of straight and perpendicular streets, with large squares, located in a relatively flat area between the courses of the Pomba, Meia Pataca and Lava-pés rivers can still be observed today. With the growth of the urban center, the streets began to follow the flat land along the tracks of the Leopoldina Railway, or the contours of the hillsides. Throughout the nineteenth century, there was no other plan or guideline for expansion besides the first rules of the Director of the Indians.
Figure 2 – Aerial view of the urban area of Cataguases, focusing on the original layout deployed at the establishment of the village. Source: Adapted from IMAGEM…, 2005. Although we found explicit guidelines on urban design only for Cataguases, the inclusion of this fact in an official policy of territorial expansion leads to the inference that this type of intervention may have been more frequent than the documents that came to us, and we had access, indicate. This is partly reinforced by the case of the city of Viçosa, which is showed in the following pages.
GUIDOVAL This city was named in honor to Guido Thomaz Marlière, who had a farm near Arraial do Sapé (BARBOSA, 1995, p. 146), the former name of the city. The farm, which was known as “Guido Wald”, was a mix of residence and headquarters, where Marlière hired Indians for paid agricultural jobs.
MIRAÍ The formation of Miraí is also related to the process of fixing the indigenous population. The Puris Indians, who inhabited the region, were settled by the Frenchman, who became one of the first benefactors of the town, known as Brejo de Santo Antônio (JOSÉ, 1958, p. 198).
MURIAÉ The choice of location for establishing a new settlement could be related either to the previous occupation of an area as a strategic factor. An example of this second case was the foundation of the village São Paulo do Manuel-Burgo, currently Muriaé. The need for organization of indigenous districts according to the 1 5 th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
predominant ethnic groups was responsible for implementation of this village. São Paulo do Manuel-Burgo was created to host the district of Puri Indians; the Coropós were based in São Manuel do Pomba (currently Rio Pomba), and the Coroados in São João Batista do Presídio (currently Visconde do Rio Branco) (AGUIAR, 2008, p. 187). The oldest document referring to this process is the Acts of Measurement, which established the boundaries of the new village (Fig. 3). In 1814 and 1815, Marlière took the first steps for the creation of the new village. He built a military headquarter, an elementary school and a church dedicated to St. Paul (JOSÉ, 1958, p. 187). The village, which was about three square leagues, was officially recognized on August 16, 1819.
Figure 3 - Map of the demarcation of the lands to the Puris Indians in Muriaé. SOURCE: MARGE, 2005, p. 5. Concern with the demarcation of Indian lands and the establishment of population centers aimed to avoid territorial disputes between the natives who originally inhabited the region and new settlers. Thus, the process of Indian settlement was an efficient mechanism for opening the forest to the Luso-Brazilian settlement and economic exploitation, since it prevented potential conflicts over land.
RIO POMBA Not only the foundation of new urban centers was important to the process of territorial expansion, but also the growth of existing urban centers. In this context, highlights the growth of the village of São Manuel do Pomba (now Rio Pomba). As the Director of the Indians of Pomba River, Marlière administered the region and worked alternately in Rio Pomba and Presídio. Travelers Langsdorff and Burmeister Cities, nations and regions in planning history
toured the region and left very different records about the urban center. In 1824, Langsdorff described it as “the most miserable place that we have ever came across so far” (LANGSDORFF,1824 apud SILVA, 1997, p. 72). On the other hand, in 1851, Burmeister presented the following description: “... passing close to the hill, I saw a great city, with beautiful houses, whitewashed, and two churches. Pleasant surprise! (...) A large square in the center forms the main square, flanked by beautiful two-story buildings. In a parallel street, out from the main square, I saw a pharmacy, and in the adjoining room, a small library, the first I found in the country.” (BURMEISTER, 1980, p. 198) This difference in the perception of the two travelers is probably related to the time elapsed between the two visits. Burmeister went through the village nearly thirty years after Langsdorff. Certainly, this difference corroborates that the urban center reached such growth after the Indian peacemaking endeavors undertaken by Marlière.
VIÇOSA Occupation in Viçosa probably started in mid-eighteenth century, by mineral explorers and their families. Occupation in the locality was intensified with the donation of land grants, from 1781. According to Langsdorff (apud SILVA, 1997, p. 103), in the early 19th century, the village of Santa Rita had a chapel dedicated to the saint after which the locality was named. However, this chapel was located in a private terrain, and local population had no direct access to the area near the temple. Thus, people began to establish close to it, on the other side of a stream, at a 10-minute walk distance from the chapel. With the death of the owner of the land, the population, with the intervention of the bishop, asked the heirs to donate the it for the opening of the Santa Rita chapel. Then, the village started to grow along the aforementioned temple. Although references on the outlining in the new village were not found, Langsdorff considers Marlière as responsible for the initial demarcation: "The location is very good, so it will be possible to build a beautiful and well organized village, with wide streets and open squares. Mr. Guido Marlière, as the leader of the Indians who belonged to this region, was asked to supervise the work." (LANGSDORF, 1824 apud SILVA, 1997, p. 104).
VISCONDE DO RIO BRANCO São João Batista do Presídio was another village that has grown a lot after the works of Malière. In the early decades of the nineteenth century, this village, founded in 1787, faced constant conflicts between Coroado Indians and settlers. Marlière arrived in São João Batista do Presídio in February 1813, where he began his work with the Indians. He spent four years in the village and established the headquarters of the Indian leadership. He requested the construction of an elementary school from the Junta de Conquista e Civilização dos Índios e Navegação do Rio Doce1, and fought against alcohol
1 Additionally to the opening of borders for agricultural expansion, the Indian pacification was also part of a project that aimed to provide an inland alternative to Minas Gerais sea access through navigation by the Rio Doce. The Junta de Conquista e Civilização dos Índios e 1 5 th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
consumption among the Indians, which made them more aggressive (AGUIAR, 2008: 167). With the help of priests Francisco da Silva Campos and Jose Lopes Meireles, who continued their peacemaking activities, the village increased significantly (JOSÉ, 1958, p. 191-192). In 1824, Langsdorff, in his passage through the region, described it as follows: “Presidio consists of a long row of houses located in a valley at the foot of some mountains and a gentle hill, where the chapel of São João Batista was built, together with the parish, over 30 years ago, for the conversion of the Indians. At that time, nobody wanted to settle here, but around 10 years ago, suddenly, many people, especially from the region of São Miguel, and later Catas Altas, moved here. Today, this parish, certainly very extensive and with much rural area, has more than 660 chimneys already (…). The town has more than 800 souls, maybe more, since families are very numerous.” (LANGSDORFF, 1824 apud SILVA, 1997, p. 89) This urban morphology characterized by a long row of houses, which highlights only the location chosen for the construction of the chapel, can be identified on a map of 1854 (Fig. 4). It shows the design of the streets starting from the vertices of the central square (rectangle) and a visible concentration of buildings in the vicinity of the square and on the street that follows the course of the river. Comparing the map with an aerial image of the city today, it is possible to realize that the original urban design can still be identified. The main routes to the city and the movement within it retained much of its initial design (Fig.5).
Figure 4 - Topographical map of the settlement of the former Presidio village - 1854 Source: PINTO, 1854.
Navegação do Rio Doce was established by the Portuguese Crown in order to facilitate the consolidation of such access (ESPÍNDOLA, 2005). Cities, nations and regions in planning history
Figure 5 - Aerial view of the present city of Visconde do Rio Branco, with focus on the original roads deployed in the locality Source: Adapted from IMAGEM…, 2010.
UBÁ Another important aspect for the implementation of villages was the use of religious temple as the main reference for demarcation of the urban core. Although in some cases the barracks’ soldiers has played this role, in most cases the chapel remained as central building (MATA, 2002, p. 186). Marlière used this ruse to promote peace and a sedentary lifestyle among Indians. It was necessary to establish centers of reference for the native population, and catechesis was also used for domestication. An example of this occurred when the formation of the city of Ubá. The small village received, at the request of Marlière, the license for the construction of the chapel of São Januário de Ubá, attached to the Matriz de São João Batista do Presídio (CARNEIRO, 1990, p. 54).
FINAL CONSIDERATIONS As we have seen throughout this paper, Guido Thomaz Marlière was not only a renowned peacekeeper among the Indians, but also an important agent in the formation and growth of some cities in the Zona da Mata of Minas Gerais. Throughout the relatively short period that he worked in the settlement of Indian people, between 1813 and 1829, he helped to establish several villages. The process of foundation of Indian villages was based on a close link between the powers of State and Church in Portuguese America. This link determined the mode of action of these institutions, which was reflected on the formation and growth of our urban centers. Throughout the colonial period and also in the nineteenth century, the chapels and their patrimonies were responsible for the emergence of a several numbers of urban centers in Portuguese America (MARX, 1991 and MATA, 2002). Marlière’s performance was based on this Portuguese Catholic tradition, in 1 5 th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
which the chapel is a fundamental element of human settlement. In localities where he worked, Marlière also promoted the construction of public facilities, such as elementary schools, headquarters and hostels, which undoubtedly stimulated the growth of these settlements. In relation to urban design, although the case of Cataguases is unique, this fact leads to the inference that the street layout of the new villages could also be among the assignments of the Director of Indians. The actions of Marlière always been linked to the State interests. While he exercised his position, the French personified the presence of the Portuguese (and later Brazilian) Government into the forest areas of Minas Gerais province. In this sense, the way the military worked reflected the State's strategy to achieve its policy of territorial expansion. The formation of a series of urban centers into the Zona da Mata, although maintaining relationship with material reproduction of everyday life of population in Minas Gerais, was inserted into an official policy of open borders and incrementation of economic use of the region. The density of its current urban network is partly explained by this policy of foundation urban centers. Some publications about the life of Guido Marlière state that, besides being an explorer of the jungles and civilizer of the natives, he spread coffee beans in the Zona da Mata and East of Minas Gerais. Considering the fundamental role he played in the formation of a series of urban centers of the region, it can be said that that military Frenchman also sowed cities. This facet of his work has not been sufficiently explored. Nowadays, the municipalities of Guidoval and Marliéria have names which directly refer to the Frenchman. Unfortunately, there are few records of his influence as a city planner; it is still a possible to carry out further research on this subject, especially among the descendants of Marlière.
REFERENCES AGUIAR, José Otávio. Memórias e Histórias de Guido Thomaz Marlière (1808-1836) - A transferência da Corte Portuguesa e a tortuosa trajetória de um Revolucionário Francês no Brasil. Campina Grande: EDUFCG, 2008. ARAÚJO, G. P. “Documentos Autobiográficos de Guido Marlière”. Revista Chico Boticário. Rio Novo, v. 1, nº 1, p. 15-18. 2004. BARBOSA, Waldemar de Almeida. Dicionário Histórico Geográfico de Minas Gerais. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia, 1995. BURMEISTER, Hermann. Viagem ao Brasil – Através das províncias do Rio de Janeiro e Minas Gerais. Tradução de Manoel Salvaterra e Hubert Schoenfeldt. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia; São Paulo: EDUSP, 1980. CARNEIRO, Palmyos Paixão. Os Índios de São Januário do Ubá (1690-1990). Ubá: Escola de Veterinária/UFMG, 1990. CARNEIRO, Patrício Aureliano Silva. Conquista e povoamento de uma fronteira: a formação Regional da Zona da Mata no Leste da Capitania de Minas Gerais (1694-1835). Dissertação, Mestrado em Geografia, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais. Belo Horizonte, 2008. ESPÍNDOLA, Haruf Salmen. Sertão do Rio Doce. Bauru-SP: EDUSC, 2005. Cities, nations and regions in planning history
HOLANDA, Sérgio Buarque. A herança colonial - sua desagregação. In: _____ (dir.). História Geral da Civilização brasileira. São Paulo: DIFEL, 1965. Tomo II, v. 1: O Brasil monárquico: o processo de emancipação. p. 9-39. IMAGEM aérea da cidade de Cataguases, Minas Gerais, Brasil. Google Maps, Digital Globe, 2005. Escala indeterminada. Disponível em