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The Diglossic Foreign-Language Classroom: Learners' Views on L1

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The Diglossic Foreign-Language Classroom: Learners' Views on L1 DOCUMENT RESUME ED 481 794 FL 027 876 AUTHOR Chavez, Monika TITLE The Diglossic Foreign-Language Classroom: Learners' Views on Ll and L2 Functions. PUB DATE 2003-00-00 NOTE 48p.; In: The Sociolinguistics of Foreign-Language Classrooms: Contributions of the Native, the Near-Native, and the Non-Native Speaker. Issues in Language Program Direction, A Series of Annual Volumes; see FL 027 869. PUB TYPE Reports Research (143) EDRS PRICE EDRS Prite MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Code Switching (Language); *Diglossia; German; Higher Education; *Language Usage; Second Language Instruction; Sociolinguistics; Student Attitudes; Teacher Attitudes ABSTRACT This study examined the views of college learners of German regarding desired degrees of first language (L1) versus second language (L2) use, how desired language use related to observed language use for students and teachers, gaps between desired and observed language, tasks for which students expressed strong preference for Li and for L2, how learners at three different levels varied in language preference for specific tasks, and common functions for those tasks for which learners expressed the same language preference (at each level of language study) . Surveys of 330 German learners enrolled at three levels of study indicated that students considered their speech community (the classroom) diglossic. The most pressing and genuine communicative purposes were generally apportioned to the Ll. "Real" L2 communication often involved asymmetric interactions, with the teacher and students playing distinctly different roles. Although participants expressed stronger preference for the L2 as enrollment levels increased, some core functions remained firmly associated with the Ll. Teachers consistently tended toward the L2 more strongly than their students desired. Students reported that they used the Ll more than they themselves wanted to. Despite an increase in observed L2 use with each level of enrollment, the profession and the students appeared separated in their views of what the communicative classroom was about. The survey and data analyses are appended. (Contains 63 references.) (SM) Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best thatcan be made from the original document. The Diglossic Foreign-Language Classroom: Learners' Viewson Ll and L2 Functions Monika Chavez The University of Wisconsin-Madison OF EDUCATION U.S. DEPARTMENTResearch andImprovement PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE AND Office of Educational INFORMATION RESOURCES DISSEMINATE THIS MATERIAL HAS EDUCATIONAL torCENTER (ERIC) BEEN GRANTED BY has beenreproduced as his document organization received fromthe person or originating it. have beenmade to ID Minor changes quality. improvereproduction stated in this or opinions TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES Points of view INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) document do notnecessarily represent position or policy. official OERI 1 BEST COPY AVAILABLE The Diglossic Foreign-Language Classroom: Learners' Views on Ll and L2 Functions gc;) Monika Chavez The University of Wisconsin-Madison Introduction he term multicompetence was first coined by Vivian Cook in 1991. He later described it as "the total language knowledge of a person who knows more than one language, including both first language (L1) competence and second language (L2) inter- language" (1999, p.190). The term competence here does not imply complete knowledge of or full proficiency in a given language. In this sense, we can consider all foreign language learners multicompetent. Language professionals have debated the ideal manner in which this multicompetence should manifest itself. Although learners are usually not full-fledged bilinguals, they do have two languages -at their disposal, at least in some contexts, for different purposes, and to varying degrees of sophistication. The stage is set for diglossic language use. The term diglossia was first coined by Ferguson (1959) to denote the use of "two or more varieties of the same language [...] by some speakers under different conditions" (p. 325). The language varieties referred to in this definition are the standard language, also described as the "high variety," or "H", and regional dialects, called "low vari- eties", or "L" (p. 327). Ferguson went on to elaborate that "one of the most important features of diglossia is the specialization of function for H and L" (p. 328) and that "the importance of using the right vari- 0 ety in the right situation can hardly be overestimated" (p. 329). Fish- .. man (1967) juxtaposed bilingualism (or multicompetence) with diglossia, in the context of speech communities. Specifically, he ref- h.5. ,- ered to bilingualism as "essentially a characterization of individual lin- guistic behavior" and to diglossia as a "characterization of linguistic organization at the socio-cultural level(p. 34). 0,) 163 --V 164 The Sociolinguistics of Foreign-Language Classrooms kp.- Research has repeatedly shown that the first and the second (or foreign) language serve distinctly different functions in a language classroom, i.e., that classrooms are not only bilingual and mutlicom- petent but also diglossic communities (Blyth 1995). However, the pro- fession has yet to reach a consensus on whether diglossia is a boon or a bane to L2 learning, or whether it is simply a fact to beaccepted. Most experienced language teachers could describe functions for which they or their students prefer either the first or the second lan- guage. In this paper, I will approach the question of diglossiclanguage use from the students' perspective. Learners'beliefs are central in communicative, learner-centered approaches which continually re- quire learners to decide which behaviors to engage in and how to engage in them. Personal views also determine howstudents perceive, interpret, and react to their teachers' actions. Specifically, I start from the assumption that learners associate certain language functions with either the L 1 or the L2. A diglossic view of classroom interaction presupposes that stu- dents and teachers follow describable criteria in selecting the Ll or L2, although these rules may never have been verbalized, much less, dis- cussed or agreed upon. In short, the concurrent use of two languages does not imply that speakers randomly violate boundaries between two linguistic systems. Distinct motivations drive language choice. Al- though some choices may have to do with the differential in profi- ciency between the L I and the L2, not all do. Linguistic constraints operate alongside social ones. Legenhausen (1991), Poulisse and Bon- gaerts (1994), and Williams and Hammarberg (1998) provide exam- ples of how the L 1 can function in second or foreign language learning. Other studies of foreign language classroom discourse, such as Anton (1999), Swain and Lapkin (1998),and Platt and Brooks (1994), have not focused on a diglossic perspective but nevertheless have found it useful in the interpretation of their data. In emphasizing the learners' role in creating their own learning environment, here in the framework of a speech community, I follow an approach which traces its roots to Gardnerand Lambert (e.g., 1972) and Horwitz (1988), and which has since been pursued by a number of researchers (e.g.,Chavez 2000; Liskin-Gasparro 1998; Kern 1995; Ming 1993; Schulz 1996; Zephir and Chirol 1993). Self-reported data have been challenged with regard to their accuracy and objectiv- ity, charges which cannot be refuted out of hand.1 Nevertheless, such data reveal unique insights, too. Only the learners themselves can allow us to glimpse their attitudes, judgments, and perceptions. The The Diglossic Foreign-Language Classroom 165 relationship between students' beliefs and their actions reveals which behaviors students themselves may wish to modify, which objectives they pursue and thus, whether teachers could guide them toward more suitable alternatives. Moreover, reliance on self-reports allows researchers to include many more participants than possible through an observational approach. As a consequence, such data permit large- scale patterns to emerge. In sum, a questionnaire-type approach does not supplant but complements and guides observational studies. This study is not intended to prescribe whether and when to permit the L 1 in the classroom. Answers to that question will have to vary according to the parameters and objectives of individual pro- grams. There is little to be gained from general pronouncements. Rather, I wish to share with the reader theresponses of the students in one particular program. Specifically, I asked learners about their views on the following issues, here rendered in the form of summative research questions: 1. Do students at three different levels of language study desire different degrees of L 1 as compared to L2use, by students and teachers, respectively? 2. How does desired language use relate to observed languageuse for students and teachers, respectively? 3. Are gaps between desired and observed languageuse signifi- cant? 4. For which tasks do students express a particularly strong pref- erence for the L 1 ? 5. For which learning tasks do students expressa particularly strong preference for the L2? 6. How do learners at the three different levels of studyvary in their language preferences for specific tasks? 7. Which common functions can be determined for those tasks for which learners express the same language preference, at each of the three different levels of language study, respectively? I will first review pertinent literature, with a special
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