November 2012 Research Report #117 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region * *This report does not discuss the Vietnamese. The Vietnamese are discussed in detail in LSU AgCenter Report #116.

Introduction These eight Table 2. Groups of Interest in the Gulf of Mexico Region groups emerged As part of a larger project that as significant Racial/Ancestry Group Percentage of Number examines demographic and com- through the ex- Total Population munity-level changes in the Gulf of isting literature African-American 19.14 2,568,703 Mexico Region, we reviewed racial that gives details Cajun 7.81 1,092,377 and ethnicity literature for eight of their unique key groups with significant influ- Croatian .05 6,422 contributions in ence in part or all of theAsians region. The Latino 29.72 3,988,491 building the cul- Gulf of Mexico Region is incredibly Native American .64 85,455 ture, economic diverse, with more than 13.5 million Asians 2.95 396,007 stability and residents who trace their origins to political climate Vietnamese 1.15 154,669 scores of places in , Africa, in the region, as White 63.72 8,912,239 and Latin America. Table 2. Data from ACS 5-Year Estimates and 2010 Decennial Census. Numbers do well as their ties not add to 100 percent because individuals can indicate more than one race, eth- Of these various groups, we have to the oil and gas nicity or ancestry group. Other refers to Asian groups other than Vietnamese. focused our reviews on eight specific industry operat- racial, ethnic and ancestry groups: ing in the Gulf African-Americans, Cajuns, Creoles, of Mexico. For each group, we have ern , a vast body of Croatians, Latinos, Native Ameri- focused our review on common ele- literature in the social sciences has cans, Vietnamese and Other Asians ments such as the culture, history, described, explored and explained (not Vietnamese). Although some immigration, ties to the oil and gas the presence of Vietnamese im- of these groups may be small in industry and economic standing. In migrants living along the Gulf of number, their effects on the region addition to these common elements, Mexico. Less has been written about have been substantial. For instance, we examined other prominent “other” smaller Asian ethnic groups although only about 7.8 percent of themes that emerged for particular that reside along the Gulf Coast, the residents in the region identify groups. For instance, the effects however. These groups consist of, as Cajun/French, this group has had of Hurricane Katrina on the Viet- but are not limited to, Cambodian, significant effects on shaping the namese fishermen living in southern Chinese, Filipino, Japanese and cultural and economic climate of Louisiana was widely discussed by Laotian people1. Although individu- the region through the tradition of scholars and thus became a promi- ally each of these groups may not Mardi Gras, ethnic food ways, com- nent discussion in our review of the have a strong presence in the Gulf mitment to Catholicism and culture literature on Vietnamese living in of Mexico region, these groups of of revelry. the region. Asian immigrants, when considered together, have a meaningful cultural Table 1. Diversity in the Gulf of Mexico Region This is the and economic influence on the com- third in a series Percentage of munities in which they reside. Ancestry Category Number of reviews. This Total Population review discusses British 15.36 2,147,789 the experiences French 7.81 1,092,377 of other Asians German 8.71 1,218,236 (not Vietnamese) Middle Eastern .49 68,544 in the region. 1 The term Filipino refers to people from the Philippine Is- Northern/Eastern European 5.24 733,424 Given the signifi- lands. Beginning in the 1970s, however, some scholars have Southern European 3.09 432,724 cant number of come to prefer the label “Philippino,” given that the national language of the does not contain the letter “f.” Subsaharan African/West Indian 1.22 170,670 Vietnamese im- migrants living Because of this, “Filipino” can be understood as symbolic of Total Population: 13,985,914 in the southeast- colonialism. Nevertheless, the term “Filipino” is used in this Table 1. Data from ACS 5-Year Estimates. paper because of its wide recognition (Boyd 1971).

1 LSU AgCenter Research Report #117 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Asians Other Asians in the Gulf of Mexico Region

Mississippi Alabama !( Louisiana !(!( !(!( Florida !(!(!( !( !(!( !( !(!(!(!(!( !( !( !( !(!(!(!( !( !( !( !( !(!( Texas !(!(!( !(!(

Legend Census Tracts Either 5%+ or 500+ Other Asian

10 Census Designated Places in Each State with Highest % Other Asian !(

Interstate Highways Lakes ²

Data from 2010 Decennial Census. Counties selected from Fannin et al. 2011.

Origins, History and Migration tion: The Experience of the Chinese, initially began arriving in Hawaii in Japanese and Filipino Populations response to recruitment efforts by Asian immigrants arrived in the in the United States” that outlines sugar and pineapple plantations. southeastern United States through historical Asian immigration to the a variety of means. As a result of United States. According to Boyd, Initially, these immigrants settled anti-Asian sentiments along the large-scale Asian immigration to the in far western states – primarily western coast, the active recruit- United States began with the active California, Oregon and Washing- ment of Asian workers to farms in recruitment of Chinese laborers to ton – but with time, they were met the south and Asians taking refuge work in the trans-Mississippi fron- with extreme opposition due to their along the Gulf of Mexico from war tier between 1850 and 1860. Not competition with white workers and slavery in their native countries, long after the active Chinese recruit- for jobs during the Depression Era Asian immigrants eventually settled ment, Japanese immigrants also (Boyd 1971). in and started forming their own sought employment in the western businesses and communities along As a result of growing anti-Asian United States as agricultural labor- the southeastern United States. attitudes, two notable pieces of ers (Boyd 1971). were the legislation were passed to prevent or In 1971, Monica Boyd released an last Asiatic group to migrate to the limit the employment opportunities article titled “Oriental Immigra- United States in large numbers and of Asian immigrants. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, made per- Asians in Gulf of Mexico Region manent in 1902 and later repealed by State: 2010 in 1943, refused entrance to any unskilled Chinese laborers in an ef- 800 3% fort to prevent Chinese immigrants 700 from obtaining low-skill work. The Gentleman’s Agreement of 1908 be- 600 tween the United States and 500 was similar in that the goal was to 2% 400 prevent immigrants from obtain-

Thousand ing work upon arrival in the United 300 States by only granting visas to 200 nonlaborers.

100 1% 0.6% 1% The result of this legislation was 0 not that Asian immigrants stopped Mississippi LouisianaAlabama FloridaTexas coming to the United States but Data from United States Decennial Census. (Other Asians population in millions in parentheses). that they were no longer as likely

2 LSU AgCenter Research Report #117 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Asians Asians in the United States: 1980 -2010 de Sanchez 2003, Jung 2006). In all actuality, African-American 4.5 (12.93) workers continued to pursue their 4 independence, and the recruited 3.5 Percentage (9.12) Chinese immigrant laborers turned 3 out to be more expensive and less (6.29) t 2.5 reliable than the plantation owners expected. 2 Percen 1.5 (2.99) Moon-Ho Jung recently released a book titled “Coolies and Cane: 1 Race, Labor and Sugar in the Age 0.5 of Emancipation” that outlines the 0 troubled relationship that devel- 1980 1990 2000 2010 oped during the Reconstruction Year Era between the Asian immigrant Data from 2010 United States Decennial Census. Percent of total state population as data label. (Asian popula- tion in millions in parentheses). labor force and Southern plantation owners (2006). Plantation owners to settle along the western coast. During Reconstruction, between actively imported Asian immigrants Rather than seeking employment one-fourth and one-third of south- from China, Cuba, Martinique and in traditional locations, Asian im- ern African-American workers the western United States during migrants began to settle across the migrated to urban areas across the Reconstruction, and many Ameri- continental United States. continental United States to seek cans, including the federal govern- employment – leaving southern ment, viewed this form of labor as Another way Asian immigrants planters to find new laborers to the “new slavery” since these work- arrived in the southeastern United work their farms (Lim de Sanchez ers arrived under strict labor con- States was the result of active re- 2003). Many of these southern tracts and were offered little com- cruitment by plantation owners who plantation owners decided to recruit pensation. Because of this strained hoped to address labor problems on Asian immigrant labor, particularly plantation owner/laborer relation- the cotton and sugar farms during Chinese workers, hoping they would ship, the Asian labor force on sugar the Reconstruction Era. Although replace the lost African-American plantations came to be known as the farmer/contract laborer relation- slave labor and also create a sense “coolies,” a term that embodies the ships ended quickly and most Asian of “ethnic competition” between contradictory imperatives of en- workers left the agricultural indus- the two groups, encouraging the slavement and emancipation (Cohen try, many of these immigrants re- African-American slaves to return 1984, Jung 2006). mained in the southeastern United to their work on plantations (Lim States. Southern farmers argued that, in fact, these Asian immigrants Asian Population of the United States were coming willingly and volun- and Gulf of Mexico Region:1980-2010 tarily entering such constraining labor contracts. By 1874, however, 4.5 struggles between plantation owners 4 and Asian workers were breaking 1980 out across the southeastern United 3.5 1990 States due to low wages and an 3 2000 unsteady sugar market (Jung 2006). t 2.5 2010 Asian workers began to organize and instituted work stops, protests 2 Percen and riots to express their frustra- 1.5 tion with the terms of their labor 1 contracts. Due to the exploitation by plantation owners, Asian immi- 0.5 grant workers quickly lost inter- 0 est in agricultural work and fewer Mississippi AlabamaLouisianaFlorida TexasUnited States Asian immigrants agreed to be Data from 2010 United States Decennial Census.

3 LSU AgCenter Research Report #117 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Asians transported to the South. Eventu- Early on, women were not allowed families, students or families of men ally, most Asian “coolies” left these in the settlement in Louisiana, who had previously immigrated. agricultural jobs to start their own which stifled the development of merchant businesses in the south- Filipino communities. While other Although the American economy eastern United States and to gain immigrant groups were producing rapidly expanded during the 1950s independence (Cohen 1984, Lim de second and third generations, Filipi- and 1960s, job opportunities for Sanchez 2003, Jung 2006). nos were not. In an effort to expand Filipino immigrants improved only their fishing grounds, new Filipino slightly, especially for those in the Some Asian immigrants, particu- settlements were established across western United States because of larly Filipinos, sought refuge along Jefferson and Plaquemines parishes. persistent anti-Asian attitudes. the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. It was in these communities that in- With the passing of the 1965 im- Marina Espina has written exten- terracial marriages were formed and migration reform that replaced the sively about the historical presence the second-generation Filipinos were existing quota system, however, Fil- of Filipinos along the southeastern finally born. Due to this growth and ipino immigration rapidly increased coast of the United States. Many of the success of Filipino fishermen, once again (Allen 1977). One of the these articles were bound together even during the Depression, Louisi- stipulations of the 1965 immigra- in a book, “Filipinos in Louisiana ana became a common destination tion reform was that families of (1988).” In this series of scholarly for Filipino immigrants, and New individuals who had previously im- articles, Espina outlines the arrival Orleans remains the most significant migrated would be allowed to enter of Filipino immigrants in Louisiana city for Filipino immigrants in the the United States without regard for and the establishment of Filipino South (Espina 1988). the 20,000 per-country quota, which communities along the Gulf of granted many Filipinos access to the Mexico. Another scholar who has studied United States that they previously Filipino immigration to the United lacked. Under the 1965 reform, As early as 1765, Filipinos began States is James Allen. In his 1977 people also were able to obtain visas living along the southeastern coast article, “Recent Immigration from for particular occupational skills of the United States. During the the Philippines and Filipino Com- that were in demand in the United Manila Galleon trade, a Spanish munities in the United States,” States. Roughly 20-30 percent of trade route running between the Allen demonstrates how Filipino im- all Filipino immigrants qualify for Philippines and Mexico, both under migration has fluctuated through- occupational visas because they are Spanish rule at the time, many Fili- out the 20th century as a result of doctors, nurses, engineers, accoun- pinos were used and traded as slave legislative changes. In 1898, the tants and school teachers. According labor as woodcutters, shipbuilders, United States acquired the Philip- to Allen, by the late 1970s, Filipinos crewmen and munition workers. In pine Islands as part of the Spanish- were one of the fastest growing eth- particular, Filipinos were very effec- American War, which resulted in a nic groups in the United States. tive seamen and often were used as significant influx of Filipinos to the such in the Gulf of Mexico (Allen United States. In the years leading For Filipinos, one of the most 1977, Espina 1988). up to 1934, when the Philippines re- common means of immigration to the United States in the late-1970s Louisiana became a refuge for gained independence, Filipino immi- grants typically were young, single, was by obtaining a visitor’s visa Filipino seamen who jumped ship that often could be easily converted during the galleon trade. Land- unskilled men who were recruited for jobs in California or Hawaii. As to immigrant status. From 1970 marks of their early settlements until 1977, when Allen published his are still visible in Louisiana at a result of the Depression, however, the establishment of the Philippines article, an average of 54,000 Filipi- Manila Village in Jefferson Parish. nos came to the United States each For more than a century, approxi- as an independent nation and the implementation of a per-country year as visitors. While a significant mately 300 Filipinos lived in Manila number of Filipinos obtained visi- Village along with some Mexicans quota system for immigration to the United States, Filipino immi- tor visas, many more were sought and Spaniards (Espina 1988). This than actually granted. This is settlement was established by a gration slowed from 1934 until the mid-1960s (Allen 1977). Most of the because Filipinos seeking this sort Filipino named Quintin de la Cruz of visa were required to convince who noticed that the nearby waters immigrants who did arrive during that time were considered “nonquo- the Manila government they would were full of shrimp to be caught and not remain in the United States. In sold in the Asian markets in New ta” immigrants because they were World War II veterans and their particular, applicants were required Orleans. to show large bank holdings or prop-

4 LSU AgCenter Research Report #117 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Asians erty ownership that would entice ties across the United States (Lim the 20th century, Asian immigrants them to return to the Philippines de Sanchez 2003, Quan and Roe- have filled a variety of occupations (Allen 1977). Overall, the motives buck 2007). and continue to work in a broad for Filipino immigration to the range of industries. United States have undergone mas- Occupations sive changes throughout the years Asian immigrants who arrived Oil and Gas as Filipinos have sought refuge, in the early 20th century typically Although, to our knowledge, there become citizens and sought visas. were recruited to California or Ha- exists no literature discussing any The changing motives of Filipino waii for jobs as harvesters, domestic direct role Asian immigrants fill in immigration have not stifled the laborers, bellboys and busboys or the oil and gas industries, there have growth among this group, however, dishwashers in restaurants (Allen been a few authors who explored the as they found economic success 1977, Boyd 1971). Others found jobs roles Asian immigrants fill in related and established communities in the in fruit, vegetable and fish canner- industries, such as seafood process- southeastern United States. ies, and many took advantage of ing, that can be directly affected by summer work in Alaska canning the decisions oil and gas companies Although many Asian immi- salmon (Allen 1977). Given the eco- make in the Gulf of Mexico. Moberg grants arrived in the United States nomic downturn during the Depres- and Thomas have written exten- as a result of labor recruitment, sion Era, however, anti-Asian senti- sively about the seafood processing after migrating or immigrating to ments rose among U.S. citizens, who industry, particularly in Alabama, the southeastern United States to feared these immigrants were filling and the ways in which Asian im- seek work or take refuge from war, jobs the Americans needed. These migrants have both influenced this slavery or racism, many of these anti-Asian sentiments resulted in industry and been effected by it immigrants decided to seek indepen- Asian immigrants having difficulty (1993). dence and build communities along finding housing or work (Allen 1977, the Gulf of Mexico. As is outlined Boyd 1971). As noted earlier in this Since the mid-1970s, Vietnamese, in the remainder of this paper, these paper, the anti-Asian sentiments Cambodian and Laotian immi- communities have had meaningful manifested in The Chinese Exclu- grants have been incorporated into economic and cultural effects on the sion Act of 1882 and The Gentle- the seafood processing industry in southeastern states as Asian im- man’s Agreement of 1908. The Alabama. Most of these workers migrants forged an identity as both effect of these agreements was that find jobs in Bayou La Batre, Ala., Asian and Southern. Asian immigrants no longer settled which is the seventh largest port in primarily along the West Coast but the United States in terms of the Culture began to spread across the continen- value of seafood landings. By far, According to Lim de Sanchez, tal United States looking for work shrimping is the largest segment of without access to the communal, (Boyd 1971). the local seafood industry in Bayou educational, medical and religious La Batre, employing approximately institutions that urban Asian im- During the late 1960s, many 1,200 people in the 17 shrimp migrants had, Asians living in the Filipino immigrants obtained oc- processing plants. There also are southeastern United States created cupational visas to enter the United 23 crab processing houses, fishing communities that differed signifi- States as doctors, nurses, engineers, fleets, ship-building firms and sup- cantly from the “Chinatowns” seen accountants and school teach- porting service industries, however, in urban areas across the United ers. Since that time, however, the which also employ Asian immi- States (2003, Quan and Roebuck Philippine government has made grants (Moberg and Thomas 1993). 2007). These southern Asian com- employment in America less appeal- munities are characterized by a ing to their citizens by requiring Historically, the demand for labor sense of collective independence, professionals to serve an intern- in Bayou La Batre was met by black retention of cultural traditions and ship in their country before being women from outside the community family-centered social organizations. allowed to immigrate, imposing and white women whose husbands Structured around networks of high income taxes on those citizens were shrimpers, crabbers or oys- extended family and locally owned employed in the United States and ter harvesters. Beginning in 1970, businesses that sustain the economic offering large discounts to Filipinos however, Vietnamese, Cambodian and social autonomy of intercon- from the United States who return and Laotian refugees began settling nected neighborhoods, southern to their home country for 30 days or in the area. Of these three ethnic Asian communities are unique when more under the Balikbayan program groups, Vietnamese are the largest, compared to other Asian communi- (Allen 1977). Overall, throughout followed by Cambodians and then

5 LSU AgCenter Research Report #117 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Asians Laotians (Thomas 1991). Asian existed, plantation owners often by joining white churches, enroll- workers broke into the seafood pro- would turn to Chinese grocers to ing their children in white schools cessing industry in Bayou La Batre obtain supplies on credit. Once a and building social ties with white when one crab processing plant harvest was sold at the end of each community leaders (O’Brien 1941, began actively recruiting Asian year, southern farmers would pay Schneider and Schneider 1987, Lim workers in 1979. Other processors their bills to the Chinese grocers. de Sanchez 2003). The religious followed suit, and by 1983, several Without this resource for supplies, transitions from Confucianism, Bud- hundred Vietnamese, Cambodian many southern plantations and dhism and Daoism to Christianity and Laotian immigrants had moved farmers would have been unable to played a large role in gaining the into the area (Moberg and Thomas obtain the supplies they needed to trust and acceptance of the larger 1993). Their involvement in the conduct business and sustain their southern white society. A Chinese seafood processing industry allowed families. One reason Asian immi- Christian identity, implemented by Asian immigrants to find steady grants leaving agricultural work means of a separate church, helped work and settle along the Gulf of were inclined to start groceries was to distinguish Asian immigrants Mexico. their direct competition with blacks from African-Americans in terms in other industries such as laundries of the racial and social hierarchies Economy or domestic work (Schneider and of the southeastern United States Asian immigrants have played an Schneider 1987). Whether filling a (Lim de Sanchez 2003). Second-gen- important role in the economy of labor need or creating businesses, eration Chinese-Americans reaped southern states that traditionally Asian immigrants have contributed the benefits of this strategy in the were characterized as a caste sys- greatly to the economic success of 1950s and 1960s by gaining access tem of two colors: black and white the southeastern United States, par- to housing in white neighborhoods, (Schneider and Schneider 1987). ticularly the agricultural industry. employment opportunities in white- During Reconstruction (1866-1876), collar occupations and acceptance as Asian immigrants filled a significant Identity partners in marriages with Europe- need for labor to maintain agricul- Since their arrival in the South an-Americans (Bronstein 2008). tural production in the southern more than 300 years ago, Asians states. have encountered an invisible racial Conclusion barrier, being viewed as neither Although the presence of smaller With African-American workers white nor black. Asians and their Asian immigrant groups along the seeking independence and being descendants are somewhere between Gulf of Mexico often goes unnoticed viewed with suspicion by plantation these two racial categories, with no in scholarly work, these immigrants owners, planters sought labor from fixed “place in society” (O’Brien together have historically contrib- Europe and the northern states. 1941, Schneider and Schneider 1987, uted to the economic stability and This effort became relatively unsuc- Wu Wong 1996, Lim de Sanchez racial transformation of the south- cessful, however, leaving plantation 2003, Bronstein 2008). Early on, eastern United States in a meaning- owners to turn to Asian immigrants Chinese immigrants were considered ful way. While many of these immi- to maintain production. These “colored” by the white inhabitants grants arrived in the United States immigrants initially were viewed of the southeastern United States, to fill jobs along the western coast, favorably as hard and dedicated but through a process of negotiation because of legislation that limited workers, although this relationship and accommodation, they formed a their employment opportunities, an- soon soured over disputes about la- unique identity that blended both ti-immigrant sentiments and a need bor contracts. With rebellions, work Chinese and southern culture (Lim for labor in the Reconstruction Era stoppages and court suits occurring de Sanchez 2003). South, these immigrants began to across the south, many Asian work- spread across the continental United ers left the agricultural industry to The transition from “outsider” States, often finding work and com- become merchants and establish to “honorary white” status be- munity along the Gulf of Mexico. independent communities (Schnei- gan when prosperous Chinese men As time progressed, many of these der and Schneider 1987). started bringing wives to join them immigrants settled here permanent- in the United States in the 1910s, ly and continued to contribute to One of the most common mer- thus ushering in a new pattern chant businesses created by Asian the economic stability and cultural of long-term settlement in the diversity of the region. immigrants is the Asian grocery states (Bronstein 2008). Families store (Schneider and Schneider successfully challenged the older 1987). In a period where few banks perceptions of racial inferiority

6 LSU AgCenter Research Report #117 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Asians Appendix

Overview of Other Asians in the Gulf of Mexico Region Section Broad Conclusions Origins and History Asian immigration to the United States among Cambodian, Chinese, Fili- pino, Japanese and Laotian people has been the result of a variety of mo- tives. Active recruitment of Asian workers began in the 1850s and 1860s. In addition, some Asian immigrants sought refuge in the United States as a result of war or slavery in their homelands. Migration Due to legislative shifts, anti-Asian sentiments along the west coast and economic changes, many Asian immigrants came to the Gulf states to seek work and remained here to seek independence. Culture Asian communities in the southern United States are characterized by a sense of collective independence, retention of cultural traditions and family-centered social organizations. Occupations Asians residing along the Gulf of Mexico hold a variety of occupations in a range of industries such as service, agriculture and white-collar profes- sions. Oil and Gas Industry Although few Asians work directly for the oil and gas companies that are in the Gulf Coast Region, many Asians work in related industries such as seafood processing that can be affected by the actions of oil and gas companies. Economy Historically, Asians supplied low-wage work during the Reconstruction Era that created economic stability in the region, and most eventually settled permanently in areas along the Gulf Coast. Asians also have started a variety of businesses that contribute to the continued economic stability of the region. Identity Identity was a prominent theme throughout the literature, because since their arrival in the South more than 300 years ago Asians have encoun- tered an invisible racial barrier – being viewed as neither white nor black. Asians and their descendants are somewhere between these two racial categories, with no fixed “place in society.” This racial barrier undoubtedly has shaped the social and cultural decisions Asians in the region have made to find their places in the racial divide.

Works Cited Allen, James P. 1977. “Recent Immigration From the Philippines and Jung, Moon-Ho. 2006. Coolies and Cane: Race, Labor, and Sugar in the Filipino Communities in the United States.” Geographical Review. Age of Emancipation. Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University 67(2): 195-208. Press. Boyd, Monica. 1971. “Oriental Immigration: The Experience of the Lim de Sanchez, Sieglinde. 2003. “Crafting a Delta Chinese Commu- Chinese, Japanese and Filipino Populations in the United States.” nity: Education and Acculturation in 20th-Century Southern Baptist International Migration Review. 5(1): 48-61. Mission Schools.” History of Education Quarterly. 43(1):74-90. Bronstein, Daniel Aaron. 2008. “The Formation and Development of Moberg, Mark and J. Stephen Thomas. 1993. “Class Segmentation and Chinese Communities in Atlanta, Augusta and Savannah, Ga.: From Divided Labor: Asian Workers in the Gulf of Mexico Seafood Industry.” Sojourners to Settlers, 1880-1965.” Ph.D. dissertation, College of Arts Ethnology. 32(1):87-99. and Sciences, Georgia State University. O’Brien, Robert W. 1941. “Race, Cultural Groups, Social Differentiations: Cohen, Lucy M. 1984. “Chinese in the Post-Civil War South: A People Status of Chinese in the Mississippi Delta.” Without History.” Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press. Schneider, Mary Jo and William M. Schneider. 1987. “A Structural Espina, Marina E.. 1988. Filipinos in Louisiana. New Orleans, Louisiana: Analysis of the Chinese Grocery Store in the Mississippi Delta.” In A.F. Laborde and Sons. George Sabo III and William M. Schneider (eds.), Visions and Revi- sions: Ethnohistoric Perspectives on Southern Cultures. University of Fannin, J. Matthew, Raghavendra Kongari, Arun Adhikari and Ashok Georgia Press. Mishra. 2011. Identifying Alternative Geographic Units for Measuring Socio-Economic Impacts from Outer Continental Shelf Energy Indus- Wu Wong, Vivian. 1996. “Somewhere Between White and Black: The try Activity. Department of Agricultural Economics and Agribusiness, Chinese in Mississippi.” OAH Magazine of History. 10(4): 33-36. Louisiana State University. Staff Paper SP2011-15. September. Thomas, Steven J. 1991. “Indochinese Adjustment and Assimilation Halpern, Rick. 2004. “Solving the ‘Labour Problem’: Race, Work and in an Alabama Coastal Fishing Community.” Comparative Civilizations the State in the Sugar Industries of Louisiana and Natal, 1870-1910.” Review. 24: 1-12. Journal of Southern African Studies. 30(1): 19-40. http://www.jstor. Quan, Robert Seto and Julian B. Roebuck. 2007. Lotus Among the org/stable/4133856 Magnolias: The Mississippi Chinese. University Press of Mississippi.

7 LSU AgCenter Research Report #117 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Asians Authors Amanda D. Cowley, Louisiana State University Mark J. Schafer, LSU AgCenter http://www.lsuagcenter.com/en/communications/authors/MSchafer.htm Troy Blanchard, Louisiana State University

Acknowledgements This research was funded in part by the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management as part of a larger project studying ethnic groups and enclaves in the Gulf of Mexico region. We would like to acknowledge Harry Luton from the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management for his feedback and encouragement through- out this project. We also would like to thank Diane Austin, Thomas McGuire, Britny Delp, Margaret Edgar, Lindsey Feldman, Brian Marks, Lauren Penney, Kelly McLain, Justina Whalen, Devon Robbie, Monica Voge, Doug Welch and Victoria Phaneuf from the University of Arizona for providing a database of literature and support. Similarly, we would like to acknowledge Helen Regis, Carolyn Ware, Bethany Rogers and Annemarie Galeucia of Louisiana State University for their comments and feedback. Finally, we would like to thank Huizhen Niu, Louisiana State University, for her assistance with GIS mapping.

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8 LSU AgCenter Research Report #117 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Asians