Popular Media and the Framing of a Cold War Enemy, 1949-1962
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American Dreams and Red Nightmares: Popular Media and the Framing of a Cold War Enemy, 1949-1962 A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Meredith K. Hohe November 2010 © 2010 Meredith K. Hohe. All rights reserved. 1 This thesis titled American Dreams and Red Nightmares: Popular Media and the Framing of a Cold War Enemy, 1949-1962 by MEREDITH K. HOHE has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by _______________________________________________ Katherine Jellison Professor of History ________________________________________________ Benjamin M. Ogles Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 2 Abstract HOHE, MEREDITH K., M.A., November 2010, History American Dreams and Red Nightmares: Popular Media and the Framing of a Cold War Enemy, 1949-1962 (131 pp.) Director of Thesis: Katherine Jellison The visual image of the Soviet Union during the early Cold War period played a significant role in contributing to average Americans‟ understanding of their new national nemesis. However, while films, television, and popular magazines all helped to frame understanding of the Soviet threat, the portrait of the enemy they displayed was not a simplistic narrative of enemy demonization. Popular media both warned against and mocked the Soviet communist leadership. They portrayed the Soviet military and forces of scientific and technological production as both a leviathan of epic proportions and a lie built upon thievery and espionage. In focusing on the threat posed by Soviet agents working undercover within the United States, visual media outlined the danger posed but also mitigated the threat with images of the covert agents rounded up time after time by a triumphant F.B.I. The Soviet people themselves received a sympathetic treatment by popular media, which cast them as the exploited victims of the regime. The portrait of the Soviet enemy painted for American consumers of popular media in this era was far from simplistic. 3 Table of Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ 2 List of Figures .................................................................................................................................. 4 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter One Villains and Ideologues: American Visual Media Deal with the Soviet Leadership ....................................................................................................................................................... 16 Chapter Two Confronting the Leviathan: |The Machinery of the Soviet State in American Popular Media ................................................................................................................................ 50 Chapter Three Those “Exploited Toilers”: American Views of Soviet Citizens ......................... 73 Chapter Four The Enemy at Home: Soviet Spies and Communist Agents in America ............. 101 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 125 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................ 128 4 List of Figures Figure 1.1: “The Soviets invented everything, they say…”……………………………. 24 Figure 1.2: “Treachery to his friends, cruelty to their children…”…………………….. 39 Figures 1.3a & 1.3b: Nikita Khrushchev plays with his grandson and his dog…………47 Figure 2.1: “Red Military Advantage Grows” comparison chart……………………… 54 Figure 2.2: Battle map for an imaginary war…………………………………………...55 Figures 2.3a &b: Educational comparison between U.S. and U.S.S.R………………...65 Figures 3.1a & b: The people of Russia, actual and idealized………………………….75 Figures 3.2a & b: “Soviet equality” in Russian housing……………………………….83 Figure 3.3: Evdokia Petrov strong-armed by Soviet officials………………………… 94 5 Introduction In 1952, when Oliver Vickery read in his newspaper that the Soviet Union had issued invitations for its International Economics Conference to American capitalists Charles Wilson of General Motors, Marshall Field and banker James Warburg, he did not hesitate to correct the Soviets‟ error in omitting his name from their list of invitations. The president of the Ferro-Bet rust prevention company of San Francisco, Vickery drafted a quick letter to the Russian Embassy stating that he might be available, if invited, and asking whether he should bring his dinner clothes along with him to Moscow. A quick reply from the embassy invited Vickery to the conference, but assured him that the dinner clothes would be quite unnecessary, being an “Anglo-Saxon custom.” Thus began this California Republican and American Legionnaire‟s journey into the heartland of America‟s Cold War enemy. While free-loading on Soviet hospitality that included a palatial hotel suite, four meals a day, and nightly entertainment at the Bolshoi Theater, Oliver Vickery nonetheless worked to promote free-market capitalism at the International Economic Conference. In a speech to the conference, Vickery declared his belief in the system of free enterprise to the assembly, adding that this system “inspires and promotes individual initiative, produces and distributes consumer goods more equitably than any other economic system.” To Vickery‟s surprise, his speech was met with a round of applause, and he was elected to a high presidium with eighteen other delegates. Following Vickery‟s promotion, the Soviet cultural society VOKS began to court his favor with boxes of cigars and cigarettes. When Vickery accepted an invitation to meet with the vice president of VOKS, he became more of a representative of U.S. foreign policy than 6 he had bargained for. After a brief introduction, the VOKS vice president dispensed with the usual pleasant inquiries as to whether Vickery was enjoying his stay in the Soviet capital and fired off series of questions about U.S. foreign policy. As Vickery later reported, a breathless interpreter conveyed the following queries to him in quick succession. One, Mister Vice President wants to know why the U.S. declared a trick peace with Japan without consulting Russia? …Two, Mister Vice President wants to know why are Americans interfering in the Korean civil war, which is like the U.S. civil war? Three, Mister Vice President wants to know why the U.S. is interfering in China? Four, Mister Vice President wants to know why U.S. is stirring up trouble in Iran? Five, Mister Vice President wants to know why is U.S. building an airport ring around Russia? Six, Mister Vice President wants to know why is U.S. interfering in Germany? Seven, Mister Vice President wants to know, do Americans think they can bribe European countries with financial aid? Eight, Mister Vice President wants to know what U.S. is doing in Europe anyway. Nine, Mister Vice President wants to know when this American interference all over the world is going to stop? Ten, Mister Vice President wants to drink to your health. Though taken by surprise, Vickery managed to cobble together a response that highlighted his pride in America and disdain for the Soviet Union without actually answering any of the vice president‟s numerous queries. One, you tell Mister Vice President Americans are a very proud people. Two, you tell Mister Vice President America is a free country of 48 states where you can come and go as you please and it is not a police state. Three, you tell Mister Vice President that someone once said the earth was a lunatic asylum for the solar system and he must have meant Soviet Russia… Then, you tell Mister Vice President I‟d like to drink to his health.1 Following Vickery‟s reply, the American company president and the Soviet vice president of VOKS tossed back a vodka toast and went to dinner with no further discussion of politics. Oliver Vickery‟s experience in Moscow is a remarkable example of the way that even average Americans with no governmental affiliations could become entangled in foreign relations between the United States and the Soviet Union during the early Cold War. Vickery‟s story, however, was doubly significant. Not only did he become an impromptu representative of the United States to the Soviets he met while 1 Oliver Vickery, “Capitalist on the Loose in Moscow,” LIFE, 2 Jun. 1952, pp. 102-115. 7 abroad, he also played a role in the popular media‟s image of the Soviet Union. After his journey, Vickery published an account of his doings in Moscow in LIFE, a magazine that enjoyed its heyday of popularity in the early Cold War period. Vickery‟s fellow Americans who were unable to travel to the Soviet Union could get information from Vickery‟s observations and account of his exploits. Through this article in LIFE, Americans could have seen a Soviet Union eager to impress American visitors, as officials fell over themselves to ask Oliver Vickery whether or not he was happy with his accommodation in Moscow. The Russian people on the pages of Vickery‟s article were all hard-working and the workforce was predominately female. The people uttered a phrase like a well-known refrain whenever the American businessman spoke with them: “My khotim mira,” they told Vickery. “We want peace.” Yet despite the hospitable and