How Elites Determine Development

BOOK REVIEW

markets is central for development. How Elites Determine Development She will be sorely missed and this volume is a testament to her scholarly success, confi rming that elite studies Dinsha Mistree will continue to be a vibrant fi eld in de- velopment studies, attracting the atten- he Role of Elites in Economic Deve- The Role of Elites in Economic Development tion of many excellent thinkers from lopment is a volume of 15 essays edited by Alice H Amsden, Alisa DiCaprio and James A around the world. edited by Alice H Amsden, Alisa Robinson (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press), 2012; T pp xxii + 374, £58. DiCaprio and James A Robinson. This A Brief Primer on Elites book grew out of a United Nations Uni- In the introductory chapter by DiCaprio, versity conference held in Helsinki in think about late industrialisation. As those elites are understood to be “a distinct the summer of 2009, where more than who are familiar with this literature social group within a society which 150 scholars participated in examining recognise industrialisation in countries enjoys privileged status and exercises the place elites hold in society and in like Japan, South Korea and Taiwan was decisive control over the organization of determining economic processes. As a the product of elite-driven enterprise, society” (p 4). Defi ning elites in such a result, it is safe to say that the selected whereby a small group of technocrats manner harkens back to C Wright Mills’ essays capture the cutting edge of elite- and business leaders navigated the state understanding of a “power elite”, where- focused research, not just in terms of towards high rates of economic growth. by a precious chosen few are able to how elites affect economic development Coming at a time when scholars and infl uence all spheres of society and as the title suggests, but just as much in policymakers were convinced that ideo- governance (1956). Impressively tracing terms of the role elites play in develop- logies and factor endowments deter- the long intellectual history of this power- ment writ large. mined development outcomes, Amsden’s elite theory from its 19th century Italian This book also contains some of the fi nal work brought the messy fi eld of politics foundations to the present, DiCaprio published words of Alice Amsden, an – and elite-driven politics in particular – conspicuously avoids engaging the serious intellectual titan whose work on east back into focus. In doing so, she called challenges to the notion that a power Asian development serves as the touch- into question the prevailing neo-liberal elite ever exists. That is to say, a separate stone for how scholars and policymakers consensus at the time that freeing school of thought on elites claims that no

30 August 31, 2013 vol xlviII no 35 EPW Economic & Political Weekly BOOK REVIEW single group exercises decisive control (Chapter 2) and Robinson (Chapter 3) reasons to circulate internationally, and over the organisation of society; instead, set the tone for exploring this puzzle by they bring back different skills and net- there are groups who can dominate underscoring how elite politics has long- works when they return to their coun- certain contested domains. This school run impacts on institutions. Robinson tries of origin. However, Solimano and of “diffuse elite theory” is best captured describes how at certain points elites Avanzini do not discuss how or when in Robert Dahl’s Who Governs? (1961) – a will create institutions that are parti- these groups of elites will contest or benchmark book that is not mentioned cularly suited for a given environment. cooperate. The same can be said of even once in this entire volume. Dahl’s In some cases, this means that elites will Gustafsson and Ding’s comparison of painstaking research of a small American construct dynastic institutions, where- political elites (cadres), economic elites city revealed the spaghetti bowl that by their descendants will form future (entrepreneurs) and non-elites in China comprises local politics in America – generations of elites. In other cases, (Chapter 7). Thus, even though the authors instead of a small cabal determining the Robinson observes that elites will painstakingly show that these groups organisation of society, nested groups of design institutions that reproduce and have different levels of wealth, they do elites come to dominate certain specifi c change future elite classes. Therefore, if not discuss whether we should expect spheres of policymaking with very little one wants to understand institutions different preferences for elites from the cross-over between them. In Dahl’s under- and institutional persistence, one must different groups, nor do they discuss standing of elites, elites who decide edu- consider the motives, coherency, and whether contestation or cooperation is cation policy are distinct from those elites overall dynamics of the elite. Such an likely. Similarly, in her discussion of the who determine sanitation and those admission from one of the leading “new rise of the “new female elite”, Wolf groups of elites are distinct from those institutionalists” is quite a testament to (Chapter 6) delivers an upbeat message who are in charge of meting out of justice, the importance of elite studies. that female elites are increasingly emerg- for example. In contrast, those in the Amsden, likewise, hammers home the ing across the developing world, but she power-elite school would expect the message that elites deserve further does not address questions of whether same small group of people to be mak- scholarly attention. As she does in much female elites offer new perspectives or ing decisions in both education policy of her other work, Amsden accords a whether they challenge existing male- and sanitation. healthy amount of agency to the elites, dominated elite structures, nor does she Whether intentional or not, what exploring how different kinds of elites discuss what these changes in the elite emerges is that many of the subsequent respond to similar-yet-unexpected chal- class will mean for economic development. chapters in the book underscore how the lenges. Comparing the indigenisation of In each of these chapters, the authors thrust of elite-focused research needs to German companies in Argentina, and do not discuss whether these sub-elite go beyond debates as to whether the Japanese companies in Korea, she argues categories will contest or cohere, and they “power elite” is the correct model or that national elites failed in Argentina also do not discuss what the existence of whether Dahl’s disaggregated under- but succeeded in Korea. For a variety of these classifi cations mean for policy out- standing of elites is more appropriate. historical reasons, Korean elites possessed comes. However, while the chapters by Instead, these researchers explore under a tacit knowledge and a skill set over Solimano and Avanzini, and Gustafsson what conditions does a cohesive decision- their inherited industries that Argentinian and Ding introduce classifi cations seem- making elite body emerge and perpe- elites lacked. As a result, the Korean ingly for the sake of the exercise, Wolf tuate, which necessarily requires weigh- industrial elite were more cohesive in intelligently puzzles over what the rise ing the opposite question as well – un- their orientation towards spurring in- of female elites means for the perpetua- der what conditions should we instead dustrialisation. This elite-level cohesion tion of elites intergenerationally. Female expect an incongruent and fragmented resulted in the positive growth outcomes elites, especially in the developing world, struggle between elites? In so doing, that are a hallmark of the classic deve- are able to avail household help to meet this volume shows that the study of lopmental state. the needs of professional life as well as elites in the 21st century is going beyond the needs of personal life. At the same Mills and Dahl in a promising and fruit- Classifying Elite Groups time, female elites are more likely to ful new direction. Several chapters in the volume introduce marry male elites. Taken together, Wolf new classifi cations of elites. For instance, suggests that female entry into the elites Elite Perpetuation in considering how international circu- may result in an elite that is less egalitarian One of the biggest puzzles confronting lation affects national-level elites, Soli- in terms of class, which could be a political scientists from the time of mano and Avanzini (Chapter 4) divide potentially dark underbelly for gender- Machiavelli are the following: When do elites into three categories – entrepre- based inclusion. those in power abuse their stations for neurial elites, who travel for business, their own benefi t, and when do those in knowledge-based elites, who travel for Elites and Their Preferences power elect to build systems of govern- academia, and political elites, who travel For a book focused on the effects of elites ance that favour society over personal for political reasons. They claim that on politics, cases where the preferences gain? Two fi ne chapters by Amsden each of these groups of elites has different of elites map to actual outcomes have to

Economic & Political Weekly EPW August 31, 2013 vol xlviII no 35 31 BOOK REVIEW be included. Therefore, the workhorse feel a social responsibility or not. de become pariahs to the organisation. chapters of this volume consist of Reis’ Swaan’s framework probably needs to What is particularly appealing about probing analysis of elites and poverty in be revisited. It is worth noting that in intra-elite competition is that it may Brazil (Chapter 8), Kalebe-Nyamongo’s the subsequent chapter, Bourguignon enable true reforms. If objective meas- exploration of elites and the poor in and Verdier (Chapter 11) introduce a ures of performance can be developed Malawi (Chapter 9), and Zang’s discus- formal model exploring the incentives and accepted, Cantens believes that the sion of why elites in China choose to under which elites choose to increase factions within the customs’ offi ce will promote growth (Chapter 10). While each state capacity for collecting and redis- compete over improving overall per- of these chapters are worthy of attention tributing taxes. Not surprisingly, and formance, which will necessarily result for those who study these respective re- in line with other mainstream formal in more honest revenue collection. This gions, Reis’ chapter in particular offers a theories of elite behaviour, the elites’ chapter illustrates the ways in which useful framework for crafting a theory notions of social responsibility do not intra-elite competition, even within of elite preferences that may travel factor into this model. organisations, can be leveraged for beyond her country of analysis. Utilising improving outcomes. a framework fi rst developed by de Swaan Elites and State Capacity The fi nal empirical chapter by Wong (1988), Reis states that in order for elites The remaining three empirical chapters considers the two main approaches by to address poverty, three conditions take unconventional views as to who foreign agencies in engaging with local must be met. First, elites have to perceive comprise “elites”. Cantens (Chapter 12) elites during development projects. poverty as something that carries nega- classifi es customs’ offi cials in Cameroon Sometimes agencies seek to counter tive consequences for themselves. Second, as elites, while Pinhanez (Chapter 13) the local elite by marginalising them in elites have to feel that they can do some- claims that Brazilian tax collectors are the decision-making processes. Alter- thing to decrease poverty. Finally, elites elites. Considering revenue-collecting natively, sometimes agencies seek to have to feel socially responsible for bureaucrats as elites makes some sense, co-opt the elite by including them. poverty. After all, elites “have to feel even though they do not exercise decisive Through case studies of Ghana and involved, or else why bother?” (p 182). control over the organisation of society, Bangladesh, Wong illustrates how both To demonstrate this framework, Reis in- they certainly can affect the organisa- approaches have serious limitations. If troduces survey and interview results tion of society and they also enjoy a elites are excluded from the develop- from 300 Brazilian elites. While Brazilian privileged status. Going beyond the def- ment process, their infl uence is not elites recognise that the persistence of inition of elites proffered at the outset, necessarily undermined and they can poverty bears negative consequences for it is important to note that bureaucrats work against the project; if elites are themselves and while they believe that in revenue-collecting agencies in the included, existing (and presumptively they can address poverty, they do not developing world oftentimes consider- problematic) power structures are rein- feel a responsibility to do so. While Reis ably benefi t from the status quo at the forced by the foreign agency. Wong sug- does not state how Brazil is performing expense of the rest of society. Under- gests that a middle-ground must be in terms of poverty reduction, we can standing how and why reforms take discovered, whereby elites are engaged infer that elites do not have a sense of place within such agencies should shed only to a certain extent. Echoing many responsibility and therefore Brazil should light on how cohesion and contestation of the other chapters in this volume, not be addressing poverty. But the oppo- can reform a powerful status quo, Wong concludes that further research is site is in fact true – among other countries which should have implications for elite required in order to ascertain the true in the developing world, and far more than dynamics more broadly, regardless of nature of elite politics. Taken together, ever before in its history, contemporary whether one comes from the power- these chapters show that the study of Brazil has been pioneering new and elite school or in the diffuse-elite-theory elites has a promising future in the effective poverty-alleviation strategies. school. For instance, Castens explains years ahead. This suggests that the third condition that the Cameroon customs’ offi ce is identifi ed by Reis – that elites need to one of the main revenue-collecting Dinsha Mistree ([email protected]) is feel responsible for poverty – really centres for the government and offi cials a PhD student in the Department of Politics at does not matter. If elites believe that are well-compensated through both Princeton University, the US. poverty carries negative consequences legal as well as illegal means. Not sur- for themselves and if they believe they prisingly, graduates from the top national REFERENCES can do something about it, they prob- school typically seek jobs there. Through Dahl, Robert C (1961): Who Governs? Democracy ably will address the problem. Relatedly, a close ethnographic study, Cantens and Power in an American City (New Haven, elites will probably also elect to reduce shows that intra-elite competition with- CT: Yale University Press). de Swaan, Abram (1988): In Care of the State: poverty if they believe that such an in this bureaucracy is quite fi erce – Health Care, Education and Welfare in Europe action carries positive consequences for those who triumph rise in the ranks, but and the USA in the Modern Era (London, UK: Polity Press). themselves and they have the ability are forced to spend resources to remain Mills, C Wright (1956): The Power Elite (New York, to do so, regardless of whether they on top for long, while those who fail NY: Oxford University Press).

32 August 31, 2013 vol xlviII no 35 EPW Economic & Political Weekly