School Education in Uruguay
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Democracy and Educational Expansion: Evidence from 200 Years
Democracy and Educational Expansion: Evidence from 200 Years Agustina S. Paglayan - UC San Diego LSE-Stanford-Universidad de los Andes Conference on Long-Run Development in Latin America, London School of Economics and Political Science, 16-17 May 2018 DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATIONAL EXPANSION: EVIDENCE FROM 200 YEARS Agustina S. Paglayan* June 1, 2018 Because primary education is often conceptualized as a pro-poor redistributive policy, a common political economy argument is that democratization leads to increases in its provision. But primary education can also serve the goals of autocratic regimes, including industrialization, inculcation of loyalty, and nation- building. To examine the relationship between regime type and education provision empirically, this paper leverages new country-level datasets spanning 200 years. Difference-in-differences and interrupted time series estimates indicate that democratization had no or little impact on primary school enrollment rates. The analysis reveals two historical patterns that can explain this null finding: first, state-controlled primary education systems emerged about a century before democratization; and second, in most countries, a large majority of the population already had access to primary education before democratization. These findings challenge the centrality given to democracy and the enfranchisement of the poor in existing theories of what drives governments to provide basic education. * Assistant professor of political science and public policy, UCSD (starting July 2018); and postdoctoral -
Country of Women? Repercussions of the Triple Alliance War in Paraguay∗
Country of Women? Repercussions of the Triple Alliance War in Paraguay∗ Jennifer Alix-Garcia Laura Schechter Felipe Valencia Caicedo Oregon State University UW Madison University of British Columbia S. Jessica Zhu Precision Agriculture for Development April 5, 2021 Abstract Skewed sex ratios often result from episodes of conflict, disease, and migration. Their persistent impacts over a century later, and especially in less-developed regions, remain less understood. The War of the Triple Alliance (1864{1870) in South America killed up to 70% of the Paraguayan male population. According to Paraguayan national lore, the skewed sex ratios resulting from the conflict are the cause of present-day low marriage rates and high rates of out-of-wedlock births. We collate historical and modern data to test this conventional wisdom in the short, medium, and long run. We examine both cross-border and within-country variation in child-rearing, education, labor force participation, and gender norms in Paraguay over a 150 year period. We find that more skewed post-war sex ratios are associated with higher out-of-wedlock births, more female-headed households, better female educational outcomes, higher female labor force participation, and more gender-equal gender norms. The impacts of the war persist into the present, and are seemingly unaffected by variation in economic openness or ties to indigenous culture. Keywords: Conflict, Gender, Illegitimacy, Female Labor Force Participation, Education, History, Persistence, Paraguay, Latin America JEL Classification: D74, I25, J16, J21, N16 ∗First draft May 20, 2020. We gratefully acknowledge UW Madison's Graduate School Research Committee for financial support. We thank Daniel Keniston for early conversations about this project. -
Brazil Double Tax Treaty
Tax Insight Uruguay - Brazil Double Tax Treaty June 2019 In Brasilia, on June 7th the Authorities of the Brazilian and Uruguayan Government signed a tax treaty to avoid double taxation and prevent fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income and on capital (DTT) which substantially follows the OECD Model Tax Convention. This is a second step after the Agreement for the Exchange of Information (AEoI) that these countries signed back in 2012, which is still waiting ratification of the Brazilian Congress. The DTT is expected to enter into force in January 2020, provided Congress approval in both countries and the exchange of ratifying notes occur before the end of this calendar year. PwC Uruguay The DTT signed by Brazil and Uruguay follows in general terms, Business profits the OECD Model Tax Convention. Below we include a summary Profits of a company of a Contracting State are taxable only in of the most relevant provisions that the DTT contains. the State of residence, except when a PE in the country of source exists. If that case, its benefits may be taxed in the latter but only if they are attributable to that PE. Permanent Establishment (PE) Nevertheless, the protocol provides for a clause referring to It is included in PE definition building sites, constructions, and business profits, which establishes that in the event that the related activities when such work lasts for a period exceeding six State to which the tax authority is granted does not effectively months. According to Uruguayan domestic tax law, a levy taxes on said profits obtained by the company, those may construction PE is deemed to exist if the activities carried out be subject to taxes in the other Contracting State. -
Primary Education.Pdf
1 CDD 300 ISSN: 1510-5628 Serie Documentos de Trabajo del IPES / Colección Monitor Social Nº8 Uruguay asiste a una radical transformación de su matriz social y de sus mecanismos de integración social. El Monitor Social del Uruguay recoge los aportes de los investigadores del IPES a la comprensión de dichas transformaciones y de la realidad actual del Uruguay social. Este Monitor pretende aportar información y análisis que permita el seguimiento de la situación social de los uruguayos. Mediante tales aportes se busca contribuir a modelar agendas sociales así como lograr una mejor comprensión de las dinámicas económicas y sociales que operan en la producción de desigualdad, pobreza y exclusión social del Uruguay. Programa IPES Facultad de Ciencias Humanas Universidad Católica del Uruguay Dep. Legal 326.861 2 © 2006, Universidad Católica del Uruguay Para obtener la autorización para la reproducción o traducción total o parcial de este documento debe formularse la correspondiente solicitud a la Universidad Católica del Uruguay (IPES), solicitud que será bien acogida. No obstante, ciertos extractos breves de esta publicación pueden reproducirse sin autorización, con la condición de que se mencione la fuente. 3 Primary Education: Changing Mainstay of Uruguay Juan A. Bogliaccini La versión original de este trabajo fue publicada en Noblit, G. and Pink, W. (2006) International Handbook of Education. University of North Carolina & Marquette University. USA. 4 ABSTRACT The Uruguayan public educational system is undergoing profound changes in response -
URUGUAY by Pablo Landoni
URUGUAY by Pablo Landoni Landoni, P. (2012). Uruguay. In C. L. Glenn & J. De Groof (Eds.), Balancing freedom, autonomy and accountability in education: Volume 3 (397-415). Tilburg, NL: Wolf Legal Publishers. Overview In 2008, Uruguay approved a new education law (Ley General de Educación, subsequently LGE),1 as a result of a reform process begun by the new left-of- center government that took office in 2005. The law adopted was a substitute for a law of deep significance, because it was the second law approved after the restoration of democracy in 1985, following a decade of military rule. This previous law2 enjoyed the unanimous support of the political parties and social organization that made up the Comisión Nacional Programática (CONAPRO), a coordinating group for policies as the country returned to democracy. The reform strategy adopted by the government that took office in 2005 has been defined as “bottom-up,”3 in the sense that it was intended that the law be the result of an extensive process of participation by educators and by society. The process began with the so-called “Debate Educativo” organized by a Commission of twenty- two individuals coming from the Ministry of Education, educational institutions, teacher and student organizations, and some civil-society organizations. Political participation was indirect, through the Ministry. The discussion was organized through regional assemblies in the entire country. This process culminated with the National Education Congress in 2006, with more than six hundred delegates from the most diverse civil-society organizations and public and private educational institutions. The opposition political parties stayed aloof from this process.4 In addition to emphasizing the participatory nature of the design of the new education law, there was an effort to distinguish it from earlier reforms. -
The United States and the Uruguayan Cold War, 1963-1976
ABSTRACT SUBVERTING DEMOCRACY, PRODUCING TERROR: THE UNITED STATES AND THE URUGUAYAN COLD WAR, 1963-1976 In the early 1960s, Uruguay was a beacon of democracy in the Americas. Ten years later, repression and torture were everyday occurrences and by 1973, a military dictatorship had taken power. The unexpected descent into dictatorship is the subject of this thesis. By analyzing US government documents, many of which have been recently declassified, I examine the role of the US government in funding, training, and supporting the Uruguayan repressive apparatus during these trying years. Matthew Ford May 2015 SUBVERTING DEMOCRACY, PRODUCING TERROR: THE UNITED STATES AND THE URUGUAYAN COLD WAR, 1963-1976 by Matthew Ford A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History in the College of Social Sciences California State University, Fresno May 2015 APPROVED For the Department of History: We, the undersigned, certify that the thesis of the following student meets the required standards of scholarship, format, and style of the university and the student's graduate degree program for the awarding of the master's degree. Matthew Ford Thesis Author Maria Lopes (Chair) History William Skuban History Lori Clune History For the University Graduate Committee: Dean, Division of Graduate Studies AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS X I grant permission for the reproduction of this thesis in part or in its entirety without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provides proper acknowledgment of authorship. Permission to reproduce this thesis in part or in its entirety must be obtained from me. -
How Uruguay Implemented Its Computer Science Education Program
How Uruguay implemented its computer science education program Brian Fowler Emiliana Vegas March 2021 How Uruguay implemented its computer science education program Brian Fowler is a research analyst in the Center for Universal Education at Brookings. Emiliana Vegas is a senior fellow and co-director of the Center for Universal Education at Brookings. Acknowledgements The authors are grateful to Cristobal Cobo, whose feedback on a previous draft greatly helped improve this version, as well as to Michael Hansen and Yuri Nesen for their edits and suggestions. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings gratefully acknowledges the support provided by Amazon, Atlassian Foundation International, Google, and Microsoft. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides is in its commitment to quality, independence, and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment. Brookings Institution 1 Summary Computer science (CS) education helps students acquire skills such as computational thinking, problem-solving, and collaboration. It has been linked with higher rates of college enrollment (Brown & Brown, 2020; Salehi et al., 2020), and a recent randomized control trial showed that lessons in computational thinking improved student response inhibition, planning, and coding skills (Arfé et al., 2020). Since these skills take preeminence in the rapidly changing 21st century, CS education promises to significantly enhance student preparedness for the future of work and active citizenship. -
The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of Insecurityinsecurity,, Solidaritysolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution
The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of InsecurityInsecurity,, SolidaritySolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution by Jennifer Fender A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Jennifer Fender 2020 The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of InsecurityInsecurity,, SolidaritySolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution Jennifer Fender Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2020 Abstract This dissertation explores the relationships between the middle class and the Left with a specific focus on attitudes towards redistributive policies. The work is based on an examination of the social attitudes and political propensities of the Uruguayan middle class during the Left governments of the Frente Amplio (FA) (2005-2014) including the lead up to their re-election in 2014. In investigating the attitudes and political proclivities of members of the Uruguayan middle class, I incorporate a consideration of the significant political and economic changes that occurred from the middle of the twentieth century onward. The work combines historical analysis and analysis of in-depth interviews conducted by the author. I argue that the presence of two sets of factors that shape individual’s senses of insecurity and solidarity help to explain middle class support for, or opposition to, redistributive policies. One set involves the presence or absence of a complex of insecurity mitigating factors; the second involves socialization processes that inculcate support for the social norms of equality and collective responsibility. I argue that a combination of insecurity mitigating factors and exposure to socialization processes that inculcate norms of equality and collective responsibility, producing social solidarity, tends to contribute to middle class support for the Left and the redistributive measures it stands for. -
Terrorist and Organized Crime Groups in the Tri-Border Area (Tba) of South America
TERRORIST AND ORGANIZED CRIME GROUPS IN THE TRI-BORDER AREA (TBA) OF SOUTH AMERICA A Report Prepared by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress under an Interagency Agreement with the Crime and Narcotics Center Director of Central Intelligence July 2003 (Revised December 2010) Author: Rex Hudson Project Manager: Glenn Curtis Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 205404840 Tel: 2027073900 Fax: 2027073920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage: http://loc.gov/rr/frd/ p 55 Years of Service to the Federal Government p 1948 – 2003 Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Tri-Border Area (TBA) PREFACE This report assesses the activities of organized crime groups, terrorist groups, and narcotics traffickers in general in the Tri-Border Area (TBA) of Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay, focusing mainly on the period since 1999. Some of the related topics discussed, such as governmental and police corruption and anti–money-laundering laws, may also apply in part to the three TBA countries in general in addition to the TBA. This is unavoidable because the TBA cannot be discussed entirely as an isolated entity. Based entirely on open sources, this assessment has made extensive use of books, journal articles, and other reports available in the Library of Congress collections. It is based in part on the author’s earlier research paper entitled “Narcotics-Funded Terrorist/Extremist Groups in Latin America” (May 2002). It has also made extensive use of sources available on the Internet, including Argentine, Brazilian, and Paraguayan newspaper articles. One of the most relevant Spanish-language sources used for this assessment was Mariano César Bartolomé’s paper entitled Amenazas a la seguridad de los estados: La triple frontera como ‘área gris’ en el cono sur americano [Threats to the Security of States: The Triborder as a ‘Grey Area’ in the Southern Cone of South America] (2001). -
Uruguay MINIMAL ADVANCEMENT
Uruguay MINIMAL ADVANCEMENT In 2016, Uruguay made a minimal advancement in efforts to eliminate the worst forms of child labor. The Committee to Prevent and Fight Trafficking in Persons presented a draft of a comprehensive anti-trafficking law to the Parliament and began updating the hazardous work list for children. However, children in Uruguay also engage in the worst forms of child labor, including in garbage scavenging and recycling, as well as commercial sexual exploitation, sometimes as a result of human trafficking. The Government does not collect or publish comprehensive labor and criminal law enforcement statistics or implement sufficient programs to prevent and eliminate the worst forms of child labor. I. PREVALENCE AND SECTORAL DISTRIBUTION OF CHILD LABOR Children in Uruguay engage in the worst forms of child labor, including in garbage scavenging and recycling, and commercial sexual exploitation, sometimes as a result of human trafficking.(1-14) Table 1 provides key indicators on children’s work and education in Uruguay. Table 1. Statistics on Children’s Work and Education Figure 1. Working Children by Sector, Ages 5-14 Children Age Percent Working (% and population) 5 to 14 6.1(31,955) Agriculture Attending School (%) 5 to 14 97.8 28.4% Services Combining Work and School (%) 7 to 14 6.5 59.1% Primary Completion Rate (%) 103.3 Industry 12.5% Source for primary completion rate: Data from 2014, published by UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2016.(15) Source for all other data: Understanding Children’s Work Project’s analysis of statistics from Encuesta Nacional de Trabajo Infantil (MTI), 2009.(16) Based on a review of available information, Table 2 provides an overview of children’s work by sector and activity. -
The Non-Democratic Roots of Mass Education: Evidence from 200 Years
EdWorkingPaper No. 20-245 The Non-Democratic Roots of Mass Education: Evidence from 200 Years Agustina S. Paglayan University of California, San Diego Because primary education is often conceptualized as a pro-poor redistributive policy, a common argument is that democratization increases its provision. But primary education can also serve the goals of autocrats, including redistribution, promoting loyalty, nation-building, and/or industrialization. To examine the relationship between democratization and education provision empirically, I leverage new datasets covering 109 countries and 200 years. Difference-in-differences and interrupted time series estimates find that, on average, democratization had no or little impact on primary school enrollment rates. When unpacking this average null result, I find that, consistent with median voter theories, democratization can lead to an expansion of primary schooling, but the key condition under which it does—when a majority lacked access to primary schooling before democratization—rarely holds. Around the world, state-controlled primary schooling emerged a century before democratization, and in three-fourths of countries that democratized, a majority already had access to primary education before democratization. VERSION: June 2020 Suggested citation: Paglayan, Agustina S. (2020). The Non-Democratic Roots of Mass Education: Evidence from 200 Years. (EdWorkingPaper: 20-245). Retrieved from Annenberg Institute at Brown University: https://doi.org/10.26300/y9nj-4957 THE NON-DEMOCRATIC ROOTS OF MASS EDUCATION: EVIDENCE FROM 200 YEARS Agustina S. Paglayan* June 19, 2020 Because primary education is often conceptualized as a pro-poor redistributive policy, a common argument is that democratization increases its provision. But primary education can also serve the goals of autocrats, including redistribution, promoting loyalty, nation-building, and/or industrialization. -
Uruguay 2020 Human Rights Report
URUGUAY 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Oriental Republic of Uruguay is a constitutional republic with a democratically elected president and a bicameral legislature. In November 2019 Luis Lacalle Pou won a five-year presidential term in a free and fair election. No political party won a majority in parliament, but the ruling party formed a coalition to pass legislation. Legislative elections were also held in October 2019. Under the Ministry of Interior, the National Police maintains internal security, and the National Directorate for Migration is responsible for migration and border enforcement. The armed forces, under the Ministry of National Defense, are responsible for external security and have some domestic responsibilities, including perimeter security for six prisons and border security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over security forces. Members of the security forces committed some abuses and were brought to justice. Significant human rights abuses included harsh and potentially life-threatening conditions in some prisons. The government took steps to investigate and prosecute officials who committed human rights abuses, and there were no reports of impunity. The judiciary continued to investigate human rights violations committed during the 1973-85 military dictatorship, which the law classifies as crimes against humanity. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. The Office of the Prosecutor investigates whether security force killings were justifiable and pursues prosecutions. On July 10, President Lacalle Pou signed into law an omnibus reform bill that introduces an expansion of the right to self-defense.