NOTES

Introduction 1. Bernard Capp, When Gossips Meet: Women, Family, and Neighborhood in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). 2. Sandy Bardsley, Venomous Tongues: Speech and Gender in Late Medieval England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006). 3. Patricia Meyer Spacks, Gossip (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985), 5. 4. Thelma Fenster and Daniel Lord Smail, ed., Fama: The Politics of Talk and Reputation in Medieval Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), 1. 5. Judith M. Bennett, “Medievalism and Feminism,” Speculum 68.2 (1993): 327. 6. Laura Gowing, Domestic Dangers: Women, Words, and Sex in Early Modern London (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996); Garthine Walker, Crime, Gender and Social Order in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Capp, When Gossips Meet; Bardsley, Venomous Tongues; Martin Ingram, Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in England, 1570–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997); Cynthia J. Neville, “Widows of War: Edward I and the Women of Scotland during the War of Independence,” in Wife and Widow in Medieval England, ed., Sue Sheridan Walker (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993), 109–139; J. A. Sharpe, Defamation and Sexual Slander in Early Modern England: The Church Courts at York, Borthwick Papers 58 (Heslington, York: University of York, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, 1980); Susan Amussen, An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988); Tim Stretton, Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Pamela Allen Brown, Better a Shrew than a Sheep: Women, Drama, and the Culture of Jest in Early Modern England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003); Kim M. Phillips, “The Invention of the Scold,” History Workshop Journal 66.1 (2008): 253–58; Anthony Musson, ed., “Appealing to the Past: Perceptions of Law in Later Medieval England,” in Expectations of the Law in the Middle Ages, (Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2001), 165–80; Sara 148 NOTES

Heller Mendelson, “ ‘To shift for a cloak’: Disorderly Women in the Church Courts,” in Women and History: Voices from Early Modern England, ed. Valerie Frith (Toronto: Coach House Press, 1995), 3–18; Patricia Crawford and Laura Gowing, ed., Women’s Worlds in Seventeenth-Century England (New York: Routledge, 2000); Cordelia Beattie, “Single Women, Work, and Family: The Chancery Dispute of Jane Wynde and Margaret Clerk,” in Voices from the Bench: The Narratives of Lesser Folk in Medieval Trials, ed. Michael Goodich (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 177– 202; Maryanne Kowaleski, “A Prosopography of Scolds in a Medieval English Town,” Paper presented at the 34th International Congress on Medieval Studies, The Medieval Institute, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, MI, May 1999. 7. E. Jane Burns, Bodytalk: When Women Speak in Old French Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), xvi. 8. Kate McKluskie, “Women’s Language and Literature: A Problem in Women’s Studies,” Feminist Review 14 (1983): 54.

1 The Control and Criminalization of Women’s Speech 1. Thelma Fenster and Daniel Lord Smail, “Introduction,” in Fama: The Politics of Talk and Reputation in Medieval Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), 1. 2. The device is called a scold’s brank or brace and fits over the head like a cage, usually with a metal tongue depressor built in. Some extant branks show additional spikes on the tongue depressor preventing its wearer from speaking without injury. Garthine Walker, Crime, Gender and Social Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 109, argues that despite the “scattered references to these vicious instruments, there is scant evidence that the branks were regularly inflicted upon women. The records of the Chester Corporation and the Stockport Court Leet are typical in that they contain not a single order or notice to that effect.” My demure is slight (Walker’s work is among the top in the field). Yet, thousands of defamation cases in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth- century English courts likewise contain not a single order or notice as to the cases’ resolution. Given the expensive undertaking by claimants and given the occasional reference to fines and punishments in a few cases among these thousands of cases, we can nevertheless assume that fines and punishments were very likely the usual resolution to these cases. It may be that scolds’ branks were not “regularly inflicted upon women,” but given the expense of towns’ having these branks forged and the number of towns in which some of these branks survive, I think we need to assume that they did indeed inflict them, whether regularly or not. And the object of that infliction was far more likely to be women than men, if Sandy Bardsley is right: in the Liber Albus (1419), the rules for the governance of London, the compiler’s list of crimes ascribed to indicted men omits scolding but lists NOTES 149

it as an habitual practice by indicted women. The omission, Bardsley says, is no accident. In the articles setting out rules for each London wardmote (a court or ward meeting by inhabitants within a certain ward), Bardsley writes, “scolding was again listed among a list of crimes for which women might be indicted but was left out of the comparable list for men.” Sandy Bardsley, Venomous Tongues: Speech and Gender in Late Medieval England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 85. Both the 1486 Latin ordinances of the borough of Hereford, and the 1510 decrees of the borough of Northallerton (Yorkshire) make it clear that “from the time of its emergence as a legal category, scolding was reflexively a female-gendered crime” (85). (Walker lists the towns of Altrincham, Macclesfield, Congleton, Carrington, Knutsford, Stockport, Chester, and the parish of Acton near Nantwich as places where scold’s bridles were listed by nineteenth-century antiquarians; see Walker, Crime, Gender and Social Order, 108n172). 3. Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, 2. 4. William Shakespeare, Taming of the Shrew; Heywood, A Woman Killed with Kindness; Jonson, Epicene; and Middleton and Dekker, The Roaring Girl. 5. Judging from the wealth of extant literature on the subject: Peter Abelard, The Letters of Abelard and Heloise, trans. Betty Radice (New York: Penguin Books, 1974), 187–89, citing Augustine, Retractiones 1, preface; Proverbs 10:19 (Vulgate); James 3:2, 5; Gregory, Moralia 7.37. See also Erasmus, Lingua (1525), Robert Mannyng, Handlyng Synne (1303), and John Gower, Vox Clamantis (1377–81). 6. Jane Kamensky, Governing the Tongue: The Politics of Speech in Early New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 5. Kamensky’s specific reference to New England attitudes toward speech is couched within the larger British context. The Puritans, with their obsession with speech, “were turning out to be even more English than they intended.” David Waldstreicher, “The First Linguistic Turn,” Reviews in American History 27.1 (1999): 17 [14–21]. 7. Michaela Paasche Grudin, Chaucer and the Politics of Discourse (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1996), 6. 8. Walter Brueggemann, “Life-Giving Speech amid an Empire of Silence,” Michigan Law Review 105.6 (2007): 1124 [1115–32]. Brueggemann’s essay is an analysis of James Boyd White’s Living Speech: Resisting the Empire of Force. The full sentence is “Imagination is the capacity to entertain an alternative wholeness that is not enthralled to the particular demand of the immediate moment.” 9. By “creation,” I refer not to the medieval understanding of God’s conferring existence ex nihilo, but rather to its understanding of humans “actualiz[ing] what God had already created in potency.” Joseph Anthony Mazzeo, “The Analogy of Creation in Dante,” Speculum 32.4 (1957): 706 [706–721]. “Where we would use the term ‘creativity’ loosely, patristic 150 NOTES

and mediaeval thinkers used it with great care to refer only to the work of the Creator. The term that could be applied to the agents of creation, generation, and making equivocally was auctor.” “God, nature, and man are all auctores on a descending scale, with creation only appropriate to the first” (707). In Canto XXIV, ll. 40–63 of Purgatorio—a speech act insofar as the texts were, apparently, verbally presented—Giuseppe Mazzota sees “Dante’s formulation to Bonagiunta of the poetic process as an act analogous to the Incarnation,” but not a divine act or an act ex nihilo. Giuseppe Mazzotta, “Dante’s Literary Typology,” MLN 87.1, The Italian Issue (1972): 3 [1–19]. 10. Leslie K. Arnovick, “ ‘In Forme of Speche’ is Anxiety: Orality in Chaucer’s House of Fame,” Oral Tradition 11.2 (1996): 338 [320–45]. 11. Susan E. Phillips, “Gossip and (Un)official Writing,” in Middle English, ed. Paul Strohm (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 484 [476–90], writes that Mannyng worried about the exemplum’s “ability to enter- tain,” and his narratives “dangerous affinity with idle talk.” He was aware of the common objection that exempla, including classical fables and new verse chronicles, sull[ied] the pulpit with ‘newe soteltes.’ ” See also, Susan E. Phillips, “ ‘Janglynge in Cherche’: Pastoral Practice and Idle Talk,” in Transforming Talk: The Problem with Gossip in Late Medieval England (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007), Chapter 1. 12. According to J. L. Austin, How to Do Things with Words, 2nd ed., ed. J. O. Urmson and Marina Sbisà (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1975), 8, a speech act occurs where “the issuing of the utterance is the performing of an action.” Examples may be “I pronounce you husband and wife,” or “I nominate you to be Chair.” 13. Brian Cummings, The Literary Culture of the Reformation: Grammar and Grace (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 395. 14. Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Speech and Reality (Norwich, VT: Argo Books, Inc., 1970), 120. 15. Ibid., 121. 16. Ibid., 16. 17. Wayne Cristaudo, “Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy,” The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Spring 2008ed., ed. Edward N. Zalta, http://plato.stanford. edu/archives/spr2008/entries/rosenstock-huessy/, accessed December 3, 2009. 18. The Chester Cycle Plays, ed. Gerard NeCastro, Play VII (7), The Play of the Shepherds. At From Stage to Page—Medieval and Renaissance Drama, http://www.umm.maine.edu/faculty/necastro/drama/, accessed October 2, 2009. 19. Gower examines language (and sexuality) in Confessio Amantis, com- pleted 1390–1393; Wycliff (and his associate translators) chose to retain as closely as possible the syntax of his Latin Vulgate source of the Bible even when the meaning was almost incomprehensible in English because he could not risk introducing error; and John of Salisbury’s examination NOTES 151

of the language of morals in the Policraticus may well be one of the first examples of discourse analysis applied to political thought. And his study of grammar and rhetoric in the Metalogicon attempted not only to show grammar as fundamental to truth but also to examine the way that language imitates nature itself. For Salisbury’s uniting grammar and rhetoric, see also Marjorie Curry Woods, “The Teaching of Writing in Medieval Europe,” in A Short History of Writing Instruction: From Ancient Greece to Twentieth- Century America, ed. James J. Murphy (Davis, CA: Hermagoras, 1990), 77–94. 20. The “Gawain poet was intensely concerned with the productive possibilities of controlled ambiguity.” Ross G. Arthur, Medieval Sign Theory and Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), ix. 21. Douay-Rheims Bible: Genesis 11: 1, “And the earth was of one tongue, and of the same speech.” scripturetext.com/genesis/11-1.htm, accessed December 8, 2009. 22. Earl R. Anderson, A Grammar of Iconism (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickenson University Press, 1998), 54. Referring to the Cratylus, Anderson writes of Socrates: “The same things have different names in different dialects, he notes, because the experience of them is ‘relative to individuals.’ Language diversity, therefore, results from variation in the psychological experience of things (485e–86a). This point was disputed later by Aristotle, who, in De interpretatione, insists upon the fundamen- tal unity of psychological experience among human beings regardless of cultural difference.” 23. John A. Alford, “The Grammatical Metaphor: A Survey of Its Use in the Middle Ages,” Speculum 57.4 (1982): 736 [728–60]. Language as express- ing the natural essence of things was the position favored by Plato in the Cratylus, “where Socrates argues that words have a logical relation to reality, while Aristotle is usually associated with the conventionalist point of view.” Alford cautions us to note that tendencies rather than rigidly held stances more accurately describe their positions. 24. Epicureus likewise thought that language reflected the essence or psychological experience of things. Stephen R. L. Clark, “The Evolution of Language: Truth and Lies,” Philosophy 75.293 (2000): 402 [401–421] argues that the “Epicureans explained human speech by suggesting that our ancestors produced relevant gestures and sounds by nature, and that local circumstances (and later history) generated all the different tongues” (402). 25. Diane Cady, “Symbolic Economies,” in Middle English, ed. Paul Strohm (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007): 128 [124–41]. 26. Alford, “The Grammatical Metaphor,” 736; John Fyler, Language and the Declining World in Chaucer, Dante, and Jean de Meun (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 18; Cady, “Symbolic Economies,” 128–29. 152 NOTES

27. John of Salisbury, The Metalogicon of John of Salisbury, trans. Daniel D. McGarry (1955, repr. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982), 39. 28. Ibid., 39. 29. Ibid., 40. 30. Ibid. 31. Ibid., 41. Brackets, i.e., around “the devices of” are McGarry’s. See also, John of Salisbury, Metalogicon, CCCM 98, ed. J. B. Hall (Turnhoult, Belgium: Brepols, 1991), 1.14, 33, and 34. 32. The Statesman’s Book of John of Salisbury, Being the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Books, and Selections from the Seventh and Eighth Books, of the Policraticus, trans. John Dickinson (New York: Russell & Russell, 1963), www. constitution.org/salisbury/policrat456.htm, accessed November 6, 2009. In Section II, “The Law,” Dickinson comments, “While he repeats the cliche that ‘nature is the best guide of life,’ and seems to take it for granted that the will of God and the precepts of rational nature are the same.” Dickenson records Salisbury as saying, in Chapter V, “The things which derive their value from nature are not only everywhere the same, but are held in esteem among all peoples; those which depend upon opinion are uncertain.” 33. Keith Allen, Linguistic Meaning, vol. 1 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986), 136–37. “In direct line of intellectual descent from Aristotle were the medieval monks of the 13th–14th centuries known as the scho- lastic grammarians.” They reinterpreted Latin grammar “in terms of the meanings of grammatical classes, relations, and functions, which they believed to reflect the nature of the world we perceive.” (Parminedean permanence represented in the noun class; Heraclitean flux in the verbs). Because they “thought that God created a logically organized world,” they believed that “the sense of grammatical classes is determined by the nature of the world we live in.” 34. Howard Bloch, Etymologies and Geneologies: A Literary Anthropology of the French Middle Ages (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), 44. In fact, Bloch’s sentence continues following a dash: “a split evident in the easy copresence of what seem like mutually exclusive explanations of linguistic origin (natural versus conventional) as well as in an even more pervasive dichotomy between semiological theory and practice”. 35. Marcia L. Colish, The Mirror of Language, A Study in the Medieval Theory of Knowledge (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968), 99. 36. Bloch, Etymologies and Geneologies, 44. 37. “Semantic isolates” is intended as a play on the concept of language isolates, that is, languages thought to have no relationship to other languages: e.g., Basque and Zuni. 38. In a counterfactual there is no existing or real entity that could make the statement verifiable or true. Buying indulgences, which the Pardoner sells, is itself a counterfactual: if there is a purgatory, (a certain number of) indulgences will shorten your purgatorial time by one year. Or the NOTES 153

Pardoner’s relics scam: if any one is so steeped in sin that s/he cannot confess it, or any woman has made her husband a cuckold, they can “offer no grace” to these relics (i.e., these relics will have no effect on them). 39. Diane Watt, Amoral Gower: Language, Sex, and Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), 24. 40. Admittedly, there was the horror stricken culture critic here and there who decried modernism’s move toward meaninglessness. 41. Noncognivitism claims that moral knowledge is impossible. 42. Deconstruction, more positively perceived, refers to ‘unbuilding’ a text so as to show what might be omitted, overlooked, or suppressed, especially given, first, the failure of language to be able to say everything, and, second, the way that privileged terms or concepts can produce radically different meanings when placed in a different context of judgment. 43. Stephen Gersh, “John Scottus Eriugena and Anselm of Canterbury,” in Medieval Philosophy, Routledge History of Philosophy vol. III, ed. John Marenbon (London: Routledge, 1998), 120–49. See 125n8. www.hse. ru/data/154/256/1235/Vol%20III%20Medieval%20Philosophy%20 -%20John%20Marenbon.pdf, accessed November 12, 2009. 44. John Buridan argued that while “the logician’s notion of truth and the grammarian’s notion of congruence are separable in theory,” no complete significance of a piece of discourse can be determined without both (here, I have modified the syntax of Buridan’s statement). Context is everything in the act of interpretation. “Perhaps the most influential Parisian philosopher of the fourteenth century,” John Buridan exer- cised enormous influence on philosophical thought both during the later scholastic and early modern periods. Jack Zupko, “John Buridan,” The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Fall 2008 Edition. ed. Edward N. Zalta, http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/buridan/, accessed November 12, 2009. 45. David Chalmers, “Is there Synonymy in Ockham’s Mental Language?,” in The Cambridge Companion to Ockham, ed. Paul Vincent Spade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 76 [76–99]. 46. Geoffrey Sampson, The ‘Language Instinct’ Debate (London: Continuum, 2005), 133. 47. Paul Vincent Spade, “Insolubilia,” in The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy: From the Rediscovery of Aristotle to the Disintegration of Scholasticism, 1100–1600, ed. Norman Kretzmann, Anthony John Patrick Kenny, and Jan Pinborg (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 246 [246–53]. “Medieval literature on ‘insolubles’ began to appear by the early thirteenth century at the latest and continued to the end of the Middle Ages. Insolubles were primarily certain sorts of self-referential sentences, semantic paradoxes like the ‘liar paradox’ (‘What I am now saying is false’).” 48. By “hyperreal” I mean, in Baudrillard’s terms, “the meticulous redupli- cation of the real, preferably through another, reproductive medium.” 154 NOTES

Jean Baudrillard, Jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings, 2nd ed. ed. Mark Poster (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), 147. 49. David Bloor, Wittgenstein, Rules, and Institutions (London: Routledge, 1997), 30: “Talk of coins, taken collectively, is not about a reality that is independent of such talk. It is, in a sense, just talk about talk.” See also, Times Literary Supplement, (TimesOnline), April 8, 2005, review of two books on British philosophers, R. G. Collingwood and Michael Oakeshott: “ ‘Talk about talk’ was how the well-known Oxford philoso- pher Gilbert Ryle defined a dominant strand in European philosophy in the inter-war period. He was commenting on the search for a rigorous basis to verify statements and, in particular, on the logical positivism of the Vienna Circle.” 50. Fyler, Language and the Declining World, 3–4, writes that a series of falls, rather than a single fall, led to the ongoing decline of language. The first is God’s (using the Gospel of John [John 1:1]: God is the Word and the Word is God: Et Verbum erat apud Deum/ Et Deus erat Verbum). “The second language is Adam’s, when he gives names to the birds and animals, and the third the speech he hands on to his descendants after the Fall. The fourth and most depraved comprises our diverse tongues after [the Tower of] Babel.” 51. Ibid., 191n22, referencing Colish, Mirror of Language, 7–54. 52. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica (London: R. & T. Washbourne, Ltd., 1915), 2.2.176; 3.7.7; 2.1.51.4. In the last citation, 2.1.51.4, Aquinas is arguing that as a manifestation of God’s power, God “can infuse into humans even those habits, which can be caused by a natural power.” Thus God “gave to the apostles the science of the Scriptures and of all tongues, which men can acquire by study or by custom, but not so perfectly.” See also, the New Testament, Paul’s letters (Ephesians 2:14–15) and John 17: 20–23. 53. “The only copy of the York Plays to survive was written about 1470, and was originally the property of the corporation of the city. It was prob- ably compiled from the various prompt copies belonging to each gild that performed a play, and the language may therefore be that of the late 14th century or early 15th century.” Dennis Freeborn, From Old English to Standard English: A Course Book in Language Variation Across Time, 3rd ed. (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 195. 54. See comparable form madde, v. to act madly, l. 2414 [From OE gemædd, mad.], cited in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, ed. J. R. R. Tolkien and E. V. Gordon, 2nd ed. ed. Norman Davis (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1968), 197. 55. Richard Beadle, ed., The York Plays, (London: E. Arnold, 1982; Corpus of Middle English Prose and Verse, 1993), http://name.umdl.umich. edu/York, accessed November 12, 2009. Quotation is from Play 43, 384. 56. Fyler, Language and the Declining World, 43. NOTES 155

57. John Gower, Prologue to Confessio Amantis, ed. Russell A. Peck (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980). Division is the cause of evil (ll. 849– 1052); and sin is “moder of divisioun” (l. 1030). 58. The friar’s ‘gift’ of a fart to be equally divided in twelve ways in Chaucer’s Summoner’s Tale is often interpreted as a parody of the feast of Pentecost. See Alan Levitan, “The Parody of Pentecost in Chaucer’s Summoner’s Tale,” University of Toronto Quarterly 40 (1971): 236–46; Bernard S. Levy, “Biblical Parody in The Summoner’s Tale,” Tennessee Studies in Literature 11 (1966): 45–60; Glending Olson, “The End of The Summoner’s Tale and the Uses of Pentecost,” Studies in the Age of Chaucer 21 (1999): 209–245. 59. The Chester Cycle Plays, ed. Gerard NeCastro, Play VII (7), The Play of the Shepherds. From Stage to Page—Medieval and Renaissance Drama, http: //www.umm.maine.edu/faculty/necastro/drama/, accessed October 2, 2009. 60. Douglas Sugano, ed., The N-Town Plays, TEAMS Middle English Text Series, www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams/sdntn16.htm, accessed June 20, 2010. 61. All citations from Chaucer’s works are from The Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry D. Benson, 3rd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987). All translations are mine unless otherwise indicated. 62. The full quote reads “Chaucer’s works are riddled with explanations about the primacy of speech ‘experienced’ as opposed to written texts that are ‘authored,’ and which then come to represent the ‘dictates’ of ‘auctoritee.’ ” Dennis L. Weeks and Jane Hoogestraat, “Introduction,” in Time, Memory, and the Verbal Arts: Essays on the Thought of Walter Ong, ed. Dennis L. Weeks and Jane Hoogestraat (London: Associated University Presses, 1998), 19 [9–22]. 63. George Steiner, After Babel: Aspects of Language and Translation (London: Oxford University Press, 1976), 29. 64. John A. Alford, “The Design of the Poem,” in A Companion to Piers Plowman, ed. John A. Alford (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990), 42: In speaking of the mid-to-late-twentieth-century scholars, Alford writes, “The pardon scene represents the most notorious crux in the entire poem.” “Scholarship has focused primarily on three questions. Is the pardon valid? Does its preoccupation with works deny the importance of grace in salvation? What is the significance of Piers’s tearing of the pardon?” 65. William Langland, Piers Plowman: The A-Version, ed. George Kane (Berkeley, CA: The Athlone Press, 1988), Passus VIII, ll. 95–96. 66. James Simpson, “The Transformation of Meaning: A Figure of Thought in Piers Plowman,” Review of English Studies, n.s. 37.146 (1986): 179 [161–83]. 67. The Wife of Bath’s Prologue. Not simply Jerome’s anti-matrimonial state- ments quoted in Jankyn’s Book of Wikked Wives, but the widely read text 156 NOTES

of Innocent III’s “De contempt mundi” reflected the general belief that original sin was transmitted through carnal intercourse. Innocent writes that “even between married persons,” the act is never performed “with- out the itch of the flesh, the heat of passion, and the stench of lust.” “Quis enim nesciat concubitum etiam coniugalem nunquam omnino committi sine pruritu carnis, sine fervor libidinis, sine fetore luxurie.” The text and translation is given by Douglas Wurtele, “The ‘Double Sorwe’ of the Wife of Bath: Chaucer and the Misogynist Tradition,” Florilegium 11 (1992): 179–204n10. See also Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, II, ii, 154.1. (London: Burns Oates & Washbourne Ltd., 1920). 68. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, ed. Tolkien and Gordon. 69. Chaucer, The Nun’s Priest’s Tale. The Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry D. Benson, 3rd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987), l. 3166. 70. Gower completed the first revision of Confessio Amantis in 1390. Chaucer clearly knew Gower’s works, calling him ‘Moral’ Gower at the end of Troilus and Criseyde and giving him power of attorney on one of his trips to Italy in 1378. In the first version of his Confessio Amantis, Gower portrays Venus as calling Chaucer her disciple and her poet, and as having filled England with ‘Ditees and of songes glade’ in the flower of his youth (l. 2945). Confessio Amantis, ed. Peck, 522n7. 71. “Translation is fully implicit in the most rudimentary communication.” Steiner, After Babel, 471. 72. Ibid., 47. 73. Charles Isherwood, “Eloquent Tongues but Anguished Irish Hearts,” New York Times Theatre Review, January 26, 2007, http://theater2.nytimes. com/2007/01/26/theater/reviews/26tran.html, accessed August 14, 2009. 74. See Helen Lojek’s discussion of the relationship between Brian Friel’s plays and Steiner’s theories in Helen Lojek, “Brian Friel’s Plays and George Steiner’s Linguistics: Translating the Irish,” Contemporary Literature 35.1 (1994): 97 [83–99]: “Once Friel used Steiner’s discussion of translation as a basis for his play Translations, however, he pointed interpreters toward an inclusive, useful metaphor for approaching the body of his work.” 75. The Nietzsche quote is cited by Timothy O’Leary, “Dramatic Speech Acts: Language and the Politics of Postcolonialism in Friel’s Translations,” Paper presented at the MOSAIC: Film, Performance, Kinetic Art Conference at the University of Sydney, June 2000, Part I. http://www. ssla.soc.usyd.edu.au/conference/Oleary.html, accessed November 13, 2010. O’Leary is arguing the Nietzshean influence in George Steiner, After Babel. See Friedrich Nietzsche, “On Truth and Lies in a Nonmoral Sense,” in Philosophy and Truth: Selections from Nietzsche’s Notebooks of the Early 1870’s, ed. Daniel Breazeale (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1979), 82–86 [79–97]. 76. Nietzsche, “On Truth and Lies in a Nonmoral Sense,” 84. 77. By perceptual metaphors, I have in mind, generally, metaphors that tend to link perceptual and psychological interpretations, e.g., the man at a party who is referred to as a ping-pong ball. This “could be interpreted NOTES 157

perceptually as movement and mingling or psychologically as gregari- ousness.” Valerie F. Reyna, “Meaning, Memory, and the Interpretation of Metaphors,” in Metaphor: Implications and Applications, ed. Jeffrey Scott Mio and Albert N. Katz (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1996), 50 [39–57]. For the ping-pong perceptual metaphor, Reyna cites Phyllis Louise Lim, “Meaning Versus Verbatim Memory in Language Processing: Deriving Inferential, Morphological, and Metaphorical Gist,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Arizona, 1993). 78. Stephen Jay Gould, Bully For Brontosaurus (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1991), 264. 79. N. Katherine Hayles, “Desiring Agency: Limiting Metaphors and Enabling Constraints in Dawkins and Deleuze/Guattari,” SubStance 30.1/2 (2001): 145 [144–59]. 80. Francois Rabelais, Gargantua and Pantagruel, Book IV, Chapters 55–56, trans. Sir Thomas Urquhart and Peter Antony Motteux (Digireads.com Publishing, 2009), 396. 81. Ibid. 82. Ibid., 397. 83. Ibid., 398. 84. Ibid. 85. Plutarch’s Moralia vol. 1, trans. Frank Cole Babitt (London: Heinemann, 1927), 418–21. 86. Alvin Schwartz, Whoppers, Tall Tales and Other Lies (New York: Lippincott, 1975), 9, 117n. 87. W. F. Garrett-Petts and Donald Lawrence, “Thawing the Frozen Image/Word: Vernacular Postmodern Aesthetics,” Mosaic 31.1 (1998): 144 [143–78]. 88. Britton J. Harwood, “Chaucer on ‘Speche’: House of Fame, the Friar’s Tale, and the Summoner’s Tale,” The Chaucer Review 26.4 (1992): 344–45 [343–49]. 89. Harwood, “Chaucer on ‘Speche,’ ” 345. 90. Martin Irvine, “Medieval Grammatical Theory and Chaucer’s House of Fame,” Speculum 60.4 (1985): 855 [850–76], notes that Priscian states, “for if air is corporeal, then vox, which consists of struck air, is shown to be corporeal since it touches the ear and is divided into the three ways which pertain to corporeal things, namely, in depth, breadth, and length. This being the case, vox is heard from every direction.” Irvine cites Priscian, Institutiones grammaticae, ed. M. Hertz in H. Keil, Grammatici Latini, 2:6. 91. Irvine, “Medieval Grammatical Theory,” 862. 92. Laurel Amtower, “Authorizing the Reader in Chaucer’s House of Fame,” Philological Quarterly 79.3 (2000): 277 [273–91]. 93. William A. Quinn, “Chaucer’s Recital Presence in the House of Fame and the Embodiment of Authority,” The Chaucer Review 43.2 (2008): 175 [171–96]. 94. House of Fame, ll. 1079–82. “Gesse” includes “perceives” and “judges” in its primary meanings. 158 NOTES

95. Quinn, “Chaucer’s Recital Presence in the House of Fame,” 180. 96. Lillian M. Bisson, Chaucer and the Late Medieval World (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000), 89–90. (“domos” as an alternate form of “domus.”) 97. But see Penn R. Szittya, “The Antifraternal Tradition in Middle English Literature,” Speculum 52.2 (1977): 305–11 [287–313], especially the reference to Arnold Williams’s study of English Episcopal registers that suggests that the usurpation of preaching privileges “may have been the other way around” (307–308). 98. Peter W. Travis, “Thirteen Ways of Listening to a Fart: Noise in Chaucer’s Summoner’s Tale,” Exemplaria 16.2 (2004): 332 [323–48]. 99. Harwood, “Chaucer on ‘Speche,’ ” 344. 100. Bettina Lindorfer, “Peccatum linguae and the Punishment of Speech Violations in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times,” in Speaking in the Medieval World, ed. Jean E. Godsall-Myers (Leiden, NLD: Brill, 2003), 24 [23–42]. 101. Ibid. 102. Ibid., 25. 103. Henry Noble MacCracken, ed., The Minor Poems of John Lydgate, Part II. EETS o.s. 192 (London: Oxford University Press, 1934), 468–85, verse 33 and 49. 104. John Dod and Robert Cleaver, A Godlie Form of Household Government (London, 1598), cited in Margaret Mikesell, “The Formative Power of Marriage in Stuart Tragedy,” Modern Language Studies 12.1 (1982): 41 [36–44]. 105. Richard Braithwaite, The English Gentlewoman (1631; Amsterdam, Netherlands: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum Ltd., & Da Capo Press, 1970), 89. 106. Heidi Brayman Hackel, “ ‘Boasting of Silence’: Women Readers in a Patriarchal State,” in Reading, Society and Politics in Early Modern England, ed. Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 104 [101–121]. (For the quotation, Hackel cites p. 285 of Daniel Roger’s Matrimoniall Honour.) 107. Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, 26. 108. Ibid., 34. 109. The Latin text of this treatise (ca. 1125?) appears in Jacques-Paul Migne, Patrologia Latina, v. 176 (Paris, 1844–1865), col. 925–52. 110. Gabriella Ildiko Baika, “Lingua Indisciplinata. A Study of Transgressive Speech in the ‘Romance of the Rose’ and the ‘Divine Comedy.’ ” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 2007), 6. http://etd.library.pitt. edu/ETD/available/etd-07092007-125443/unrestricted/GBaika1.pdf, accessed December 3, 2009. 111. Carolyn Bynum, “The Spirituality of Regular Canons in the Twelfth Century: A New Approach,” Medievalia et Humanistica, n.s. 4 (1973): 12 [3–24]. NOTES 159

112. Bynum, “The Spirituality of Regular Canons in the Twelfth Century,” 12. Bynum cites “Hugh, De institutione, xiv, PL 176, col. 945B-D.” Augustinian spirituality, the dominant influence in Hugh of St. Victor’s text, views silence as “not merely a matter of self-discipline but a necessary preparation for useful speech.” Phillip Sheldrake cites Carolyn Bynum’s example of Peter of Porto, Regula clericorum, Book 1, chapters 32–36 in PL 163 cols. 720–722, as illustrative of that approach. I should add that Porto’s Regula clericorum draws largely on the Rule of St. Benedict, but his added material urging good example by word as well as deed reflects the Augustinian approach. Bynum cites Regula clericorum, I, ii, PL 163, cols. 708C-D and 709B-C. Phillip Sheldrake cites note 13: Peter of Porto, Regula clericorum, Book 1, chapters 32–36 in PL 163, cols. 720–722, in Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1982), 45. See Philip Sheldrake, “Christian Spirituality as a Way of Living Publicly: A Dialectic of the Mystical and the Prophetic,” Spiritus: A Journal of Christian Spirituality 3.1 (2003): 19–37. 113. Raoul Ardent, Speculum universale distinctionem de virtutibus et vitiis eisdem oppositis, ca. 1195, Bibliothèque Nationale MS. la. 3240, ff. 1r-203v: 161r. 114. Baika, “Lingua Indisciplinata,” 7n13. 115. See Alan M. F. Gunn, The Mirror of Love: A Reinterpretation of “The Romance of the Rose” (Lubbock: Texas Tech Press, 1952). For connections between Alain of Lille and Dante, see Peter Dronke, Dante and Medieval Latin Traditions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). 116. Baika, “Lingua Indisciplinata,” 9. 117. Ibid., 6. 118. Edwin D. Craun, Lies, Slander, and Obscenity in Medieval English Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 162. 119. Lindorfer, “Peccatum linguae,” 29. 120. Ibid., 30. 121. Ibid. 122. Richard Newhauser, The Treatise on Vices and Virtues in Latin and the Vernacular (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1993), 197. 123. Craun, Lies, 10. The “pastoral discourse on deviant speech had an uncommon power because of its composition by a militant literate elite, its claims to govern all speech, its authorities (biblical, patristic, philo- sophical), its use in confession (the gateway to the Eucharist), and its advocacy by (supposedly) every priest as a religious teacher.” Craun, (9–10), adds, “Although vast in quantity and varied in type, this pastoral literature constructs a ‘corporate social definition’ of sin, one for all Christians to know and to use in governing their conduct.” 124. Baika, “Lingua Indisciplinata,” 8. 125. Joan Heiges Blythe, “Sins of the Tongue and Rhetorical Prudence in ‘Piers Plowman,’ ” in Literature and Religion in the Later Middle Ages. 160 NOTES

Philological Studies in Honor of Siegfried Wenzel, ed. Richard G. Newhauser and John A. Alford (Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1995), 120–123 [119–142]. 126. Craun, Lies, 16. 127. Book for a Simple and Devout Woman: A Late Middle English Adaptation of Peraldus’s Summa de vitiis et virtutibus and Friar Laurent’s Somme le roi, edited from British Library MSS Harley 6571 and Additional 30944, ed. F. N. M. Diekstra, Mediaevelia Groningana 24 (Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1998). 128. R. F. Yeager, “Aspects of Gluttony in Chaucer and Gower,” Studies in Philology 81.1 (1984): 46n, 12 [42–55], provides the following refer- ences for “Chaucer’s use of the Summa and other sources, see Germaine Dempster, Sources and Analogues of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, ed. W. F. Bryan and Germaine Dempster (New York, 1958), 723 ff; H. G. Pfander, ‘Some Medieval Manuals of Religious Instruction in England and Observations on Chaucer’s “Parson’s Tale,” ’ JEGP, XXXV (1936), 243–258; R. Hazelton, “ ‘Chaucer’s ‘Parson’s Tale’ and the Moralium Dogma Philosophorum,” Traditio, XVI (1960), 255–264; Siegfried Wenzel, ‘The Source of the “Remedia” in the “Parson’s Tale,” ’ Traditio, XXVII (1971), 433–454, and ‘The Source of Chaucer’s Deadly Sins,’ Traditio, XXX (1974), 351–378.” 129. This list is given in Craun, Lies, 18n32. The Book of Vices and Virtues is edited by W. Nelson Francis, EETS o.s. 217 (London, 1942) and Jacob’s Well: An English Treatise on the Cleansing of Man’s Conscience, ed. Arthur Brandeis, EETS o.s. 115 (London, 1900). Other editions: Ayenbite of Inwyt, or Remorse of Conscience, ed. R. Morris, EETS o.s. 23 (London: Trubner, 1866), A Myrour to Lewde Men and Wymmen: A Prose Version of the Specullum Vitae, ed. V. Nelson (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1981). 130. Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, 34. 131. Ibid., 97. Medieval narrative poetry, “exempla,” and “artistic represen- tations overwhelmingly associated swearing and blasphemous speech with men.” 132. Larry Scanlon, Narrative, Authority, and Power: The Medieval Exemplum and the Chaucerian Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 198. 133. Sandy Bardsley, “Sin, Speech, and Scolding in Late Medieval England,” in Fama, 152 [145–64]. See also Edwin D. Craun, “ ‘Inordinata Locutio’: Blasphemy in Pastoral Literature, 1200–1500,” Traditio 39 (1983): 35–62. 134. Gerald R. Owst, Literature and the Pulpit in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1933), 423–424. Cited in Bardsley, “Sin, Speech, and Scolding in Late Medieval England,” 154n30. 135. On the other hand, even though he did not know Greek, Wycliff wrote directions about the need to carefully distinguish among available synonyms when translating from Latin to English; that coupled with his noting that Peter and Paul blasphemed in Christ when they denied NOTES 161

Christ, and his frequently accusing clerics and church administrators of blaspheming when they referred to his work as heresy, indicates that he was keenly aware of the wholly nongendered meaning of “blasphemy.” It raises the question, then, of whether he offered the false etymology as a slur against women. 136. Thomas Wright, ed., A Selection of Latin Stories from Manuscripts of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries. Percy Society Publications, vol. 8 (London: Percy Society, 1842; also, London: T. Richards, 1843), 61–62: “NON solum autem viri, sed quaedam mulieres, tantam habent jurandi consuetudinem, quod vix etiam sine juramento loqui possunt, quin aliquod juramentum praetermittant.” 137. Frank Kermode, “Taking God’s name in vain,” London Review of Books, January 17, 2002, www.guardian.co.uk/books/series /londonreviewofbooks, accessed December 3, 2009. 138. David Lawton, Blasphemy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), 101. 139. A frequently cited case is that of James Nayler, a Quaker from Bristol, who claiming equality with God, in 1656 rode into Bristol on a horse, surrounded by followers who sang “Holy, holy, holy.” He was sentenced to “be repeatedly set in the pillory and scourged; that he be branded on the forehead with the letter ‘B’; that he have his tongue bored with a iron and be confined afterwards in prison and set to hard labour.” Leonard W. Lev y, Treason Against God: A History of the Offense of Blasphemy (New York: Schocken Books, 1981), 265–294. 140. The issue of abolishing the law was forced because of “Sudan’s arrest of a British schoolteacher accused of insulting Islam by letting her students name a class teddy bear Muhammad. The Sudanese ambassador was summoned; Prime Minister Gordon Brown issued a protest. But it didn’t take long for someone to point out that Downing Street was standing on diplomatic quicksand: Britain itself has a law making blasphemy a crime.” Kim Murphy, “Britain’s Blasphemy Law No Longer Sacred,” Los Angeles Times, March 2008, 6, A3. 141. Baika, “Lingua Indisciplinata,” 272. 142. Ibid.: “Charlemagne reinforced the provision on blasphemy from Justinian’s code, initiating a legal tradition faithfully followed by his close successors, and in 1140, Gratian, in his Decretus, still made dozens of references to blasphemy.” 143. Lindorfer, “Peccatum linguae,” 35n15. 144. Ibid., 35. 145. Yeager, “Aspects of Gluttony in Chaucer and Gower,” 49: Apart from the numerous French manuscripts of Lorens’s Somme le roy, “at least nine separate English translations of it have survived in manuscripts datable before 1500, [and] we may perhaps suppose that Friar Lorens’ classifica- tion of wicked magic and gluttony as related would have been familiar to some in the audiences of Pardoner, Parson, and the Confessio Amantis.” 146. Ibid., 50. 162 NOTES

147. Scanlon, Narrative, Authority, and Power, 198. 148. Kirilka Stavreva, “Fighting Words: Witch-Speak in Late Elizabethan Docu-fiction,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 30.2 (2000): 309–338. 149. Ibid., 310. 150. Kamensky, Governing the Tongue, 156. 151. Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, 82. On the other hand, David Underdown has proposed that “before the middle of the sixteenth century, the authorities do not seem to have been particularly concerned about [the scolds], and they were dealt with by the routine processes of present- ment to the ecclesiastical or manor court, with penance or small fines as the customary punishments.” David Underdown, “The Taming of the Scold: The Enforcement of Patriarchal Authority in Early Modern England,” in Order and Disorder in Early Modern England, ed. Anthony Fletcher and John Stevenson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 119 [116–36]. 152. Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, 6. 153. Phillips, “The Invention of the Scold,” 257; Karen Jones, Gender and Petty Crime in Late Medieval England: The Local Courts in Kent, 1460–1560 (Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2006), says that McIntosh “found concern with scolding in the lesser local courts growing from the late fourteenth century to the mid-fifteenth, dropping slightly towards the end of the fifteenth century, then rising again to peak in the 1520’s and 1530’s after which it declined, reaching about the same low level by the end of the sixteenth century as it had been in 1370” (98–9). 154. Jones, Gender and Petty Crime; after 1559, “in the subsequent three years there was a substantial increase in witchcraft prosecutions in the diocese” (178). Jones references the increase again in her conclu- sion, “The Canterbury church courts saw a marked increase in witch- craft cases, beginning in the late 1550’s. This peaked in 1561 and had disappeared by 1563, possibly due to the passage of the Witchcraft Act that year” (198). 155. Lynda E. Boose, “Scolding Brides and Bridling Scolds: Taming the Woman’s Unruly Member,” Shakespeare Quarterly 42.2 (1991): 184 [179–213]. 156. Ibid. 157. Michelle Wolfe, review of Venomous Tongues: Speech and Gender in Late Medieval England, by Sandy Bardsley, H-Net Book Reviews, May 2008, www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=14508, accessed December 11, 2009. 158. Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, argues that the hue and cry fell into disuse in the late fourteenth century as the criminalizing of women’s speech became more pronounced. Moreover, a large percentage of some 1,200 cases in her study indicate that hues and cries were raised on men, and that ultimately the “system of the hue and cry was one that disproportionately provided protection for women and punishment for NOTES 163

men.” Sandy Bardsley, Women’s Roles in the Middle Ages (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2007), 137. 159. Reginald Scot, “Discoverie of Witchcraft,” 1584, dramatists include Webster, Middleton, Shakespeare, Ford, Dekker, Rowley, and poets, Spenser and Ben Jonson. 160. George Webbe, The Arraignment of an Unruly Tongue (London, 1619), 22. 161. Kamensky, Governing the Tongue, 151. 162. Ibid., 266n36, cites Rowley et al., Witch of Edmonton, 188. 163. Richard Bernard, A Guide to Grand-Jury Men (London, 1629; Early English Books Online, Cambridge University Library), 89. http://0-eebo.chadwyck.com.libus.csd.mu.edu/search/full_rec? SOURCE=pgimages.cfg&ACTION=ByID&ID=99849019& SEARCHCONFIG=undefined&ECCO=undefined, accessed October 28, 2010. 164. Similar to those in Malleus Maleficarum. Mentioned are such reasons as women being prone to believing, fickle in heart, easily impressed, having loose tongues, and vengeful. Malleus Maleficarum, ed. and trans. Christopher S. MacKay (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 116. 165. Alexander Roberts, A Treatise of Witchcraft, sections 41 and 43 (Project Gutenberg, 2005), www.gutenberg.org/files/17209/17209-8.txt, accessed December 10, 2009. 166. Walker, Crime, Gender and Social Order, 101, 102, 102n135. 167. Ibid., 271–2. 168. Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, 85. 169. Karen Jones and Michael Zell, “Bad Conversation? Gender and Social Control in a Kentish Borough, c. 1450–c. 1570,” Continuity and Change 13.1 (1998): 26 [11–31]. 170. Malcolm Jones, “Folklore Motifs in Late Medieval Art II: Sexist Satire and Popular Punishments,” Folklore 101.1 (1990): 73 [69–87]. 171. Jones, “Folklore Motifs,” 73. 172. Jones and Zell, “Bad Conversation?,” 26 173. Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, Figure 7: Study of Scolding Prosecutions by Gender and Jurisdiction between 1311–1529, 86–7; quote, 87. 174. Jones and Zell, “Bad Conversation?,” 16. 175. For distinctions between witchcraft and demonic possession, David Harley, “Explaining Salem: Calvinist Psychology and the Diagnosis of Possession,” The American Historical Review 101.2 (1996): 307–330 is most instructive. See also Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe (New York: Longman, 1987), 124; Peter Rushton, “Women, Witchcraft and Slander in Early Modern England: Cases from the Church Courts of Durham, 1560–1675,” Northern History 18 (1982): 116–32; and Henry Goodcole, The wonderfull discoverie of Elizabeth Sawyer a Witch, late of Edmonton, her conviction and condemnation and Deth. Together with the relation of the divels accese to her, and their conference together (London, 1621). 164 NOTES

176. These women that sit the church about/They be all of the devil’s gang/ diuina impedientes [impeding the divine service].” For an extensive study of Tutivillus, see Margaret Jennings, Tutivillus: The Literary Career of the Recoding Demon, Studies in Philology, Texts and Studies 74.5 (1977): 1–95; for its implications for literature and drama, see Kathy Cawsey, “Tutivillus and the ‘Kyrkchaterars’: Strategies of Control in the Middle Ages,” Studies in Philology 102.4 (2005): 434–51. John Mirk’s Festial, an enormously popular vernacular sermon collection aimed at late fourteenth-century rural congregations, situ- ates the fiend on women’s shoulders. John Mirk, Festial: A Collection of Homilies, ed. Theodore Erbe, EETS e.s. 96 (London: Kegan Paul, 1905), 279–80. 177. The principle behind it held that “a loose tongue made a loose woman.” Kamensky, Governing the Tongue, 27. 178. For men (as well as women), a lengthy textual and artistic history had long associated the tongue and penis; as its association as it “became more explicit in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, so too did the imagined relationship between rhetorical and sexual performance.” Carla Mazzio, “Sins of the Tongue in Early Modern England,” Modern Language Studies 28. 3/4 (1998): 101 [95–124], see n. 42. 179. John Stephens, Satyricall Essayes characters and others (London, 1615), 308–09. 180. Gowing, Domestic Dangers, 118n13: Joan Hewes c. Luke Bryan (1618), DL/C 225, fo. 341r-v. 181. Ibid., 118. 182. Thomas’s wife “(the said Suzan being more liberall of her speeche than this respondent [Thomas Rogers] thought fittinge for her) did . . . once saie that he had heard of a man that had a wife given mutche to talkinge and he perswaded her to be lett bloode in the tongue and thereby made her to talke more mildlie And that he thought he should be faine to use the said Suzan soe . . . .” Gowing, Domestic Dangers, 223n89, citing Rogers c. Rogers, DL/ C 221, fo. 1193v. 183. Anthony Fletcher, Gender, Sex and Subordination in England 1500–1800 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), 12. 184. Pamela Allen Brown, Better a Shrew Than a Sheep: Women, Drama, and the Culture of Jest in Early Modern England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), 65. 185. Phillips, Transforming Talk, 182. 186. Ibid., 156. 187. Feasting was a “ubiquitous feature of late medieval spiritual kinship. Indeed, by the fifteenth century, gossips had become synonymous with feasts in popular and penitential literature.” Phillips, Transforming Talk, 156. 188. Bernard Capp, “Gender and the Culture of the English Alehouse in Late Stuart England,” in The Trouble with Ribs: Women, Men and NOTES 165

Gender in Early Modern Europe, ed. Anu Korhonen and Kate Lowe (Helsinki: COLLeGIUM Studies Across Disciplines in the Humanities and Social Sciences, 2007) vol. 2, 112 [103–127]. 189. A. Lynn Martin, Alcohol, Sex, and Gender in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001), 68–78. 190. Martin, Alcohol, Sex, and Gender, 77. 191. Charlotte Augusta Sneyd, trans., A Relation, or Rather a True Account, of the Island of England (London: The Camden Society, 1847), 21, www.archive. org/stream/islandengland00camduoft/ islandengland00camduoft_djvu. txt, accessed December 10, 2009. 192. Patricia Fumerton, “Not Home: Alehouses, Ballads, and the Vagrant Husband in Early Modern England,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 32.3 (2002): 495 [493–518]. 193. Capp, “Gender and the Culture of the English Alehouse,” 119. 194. Mercie Locke of Easbourne v. Margaret Grevett of Easbourne (also referred to as Eastbourne), WRSO EpI/ 11/12, fos. 50v–54v, 59–61, & 72. 195. Thomas Platter’s Travels in England, 1599, ed. and trans. Clare Williams (London: Jonathan Cape, Ltd., 1937), 170. The (trans- lated) text of Platter’s Travels in Clare Williams’s edition runs from pp. 145–232. 196. Fumerton, “Not Home,” 495. 197. Capp, “Gender and the Culture of the English Alehouse,” 120: “even a woman unaccompanied might enter an alehouse or tavern during the day without arousing suspicion or disapproval, provided she looked respectable, behaved quietly and did not linger.” 198. Ibid., 105. 199. Bernard Capp, When Gossips Meet: Women, Family, and Neighborhood in Early Modern England. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 49. 200. Fletcher, Gender, Sex and Subordination, 20. 201. Capp, When Gossips Meet, 49. 202. Mary Wack, “Women, Work, and Plays in an English Medieval Town,” in Maids and Mistresses, Cousins and Queens: Women’s Alliances in Early Modern England, ed. Susan Frye and Karen Robertson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 42 [33–51]. 203. Ibid. 204. Judith M. Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England: Women’s Work in a Changing World, 1300–1600 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 125–26. 205. Ibid.,123. 206. Ibid., 122. 207. Wack, “Women, Work, and Plays,” 38. 208. Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters, 125. 209. John Skelton, The Tunnyng of Elynour Rummyng, Quartus Passus, http: //www.luminarium.org/editions/elynour.htm, accessed June 24, 2010. 166 NOTES

210. Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death, 164. Cressy references ample evidence in diaries, account books, and literary and documentary sources about the secular and festive aspect of baptisms. “Festive drinking might begin as soon as the baby was born, with the gossips in the birthroom and the menfolk in the parlor. But it often reached its peak on the evening of the baptism” (164). “Lavish hospitality attended aristocratic baptisms, while humbler households celebrated in parlours, alehouses, or taverns” (164). Cressy adds, “Christening parties were notorious for their sexual banter” (165). 211. Janelle Jenstad, “ ‘Smock Secrets’: Birth and Women’s Mysteries on the Early Modern Stage,” in Performing Maternity in Early Modern England, ed. Kathryn M. Moncrief and Kathryn Read McPherson (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2007), 89 [87–99]. 212. Michael MacDonald, Mystical Bedlam: Madness, Anxiety, and Healing in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 108–109. 213. Linda A. Pollock, “Childbearing and Female Bonding in Early Modern England,” Social History 22.3 (1997): 287 [286–306]. 214. Ibid. 215. Patricia Crawford, “The Construction and Experience of Maternity in Seventeenth-Century England,” in Women as Mothers in Pre-Industrial England. Essays in Memory of Dorothy McLaren, ed. Valerie Fildes (London: Routledge, 1990), 21, 27 [3–38], cited in Pollock, “Childbearing and Female Bonding,” 288. 216. Pollock, “Childbearing and Female Bonding,” 300. 217. MacDonald, Mystical Bedlam, 108–109. In note 172, MacDonald cites the Aussoppe source as the Bodleian Library, Oxford MS Ashmole 193, f. 67v. 218. Louise Morley, “Hidden Transcripts: The Micropolitics of Gender in Commonwealth Universities,” Women’s Studies International Forum 29.6 (2006): 543–51. See Synopsis: Abstract online,doi:10.1016/j. wsif.2006.10.007, accessed June 24, 2010. Using the framework of micropolitics in its analysis of women students’ and staffs’ experi- ences within the gendered structures of higher education, the essay examines how discriminating practices can occur through “informal networks, coalitions, and exclusions, as well as by formal arrangements in classrooms and boardrooms.” 219. Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death, 84. 220. Phillips, Transforming Talk, 159–160. 221. Henry Parrot, The Gossips Greeting (London, 1620), sig. B3v. Cited in Caroline Bicks, Midwiving Subjects in Shakespeare’s England (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2003), 29–30. 222. Thomas of Reading, or Six Worthie Yeoman, Chapter 12, 6th ed. (London: printed by Eliz-allde for Robert Bird, 1632). 223. Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century, Part I, no. 271, etext.lib. virginia.edu/toc/modeng/public/PasLett.html, accessed December 15, 2009. NOTES 167

224. Thomas Middleton, A Chaste Maid in Cheapside, in Plays on Women, ed. Kathleen E. McLuskie and David Bevington (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), Act 3.2., ll. 35–36. 225. Middleton, A Chaste Maid in Cheapside, Act 3.2., ll. 185–86. Puritan gossips would certainly have been keenly aware of the double meaning of key theological terms such as “zeal” and “fall.” 226. Jenstad, “ ‘Smock-secrets,’ ” 95. 227. Quoted in Rozsika Parker, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine (New York: Routledge, 1984), 55. Parker cites the 1977 edition of Adrienne Rich, Of Woman Born: Motherhood as Experience and Institution (London: Virago Press, 1977), 105. 228. Wack, “Women, Work, and Plays,” 40. 229. Ibid. 230. Ibid. 231. Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death, 85. 232. Ibid. 233. Ibid. 234. Faith Gildenhuys, ed., The Bachelor’s Banquet (Ottawa: Dovehouse Editions, 1993), especially Chapter 3. 235. Adrian Wilson, “The Ceremony of Childbirth and its Interpretation” in Women as Mothers in Pre-Industrial England, 82 [68–107]. In note 81, Wilson cites as his source for the quote M. Roberts, “ ‘Words they are women, and deeds they are men’: images of work and gender in early modern England,” in Women and Work in Pre-industrial England, ed. L. Charles and L. Duffin (London, 1985), 154–155; Wilson, “The Ceremony of Childbirth,” 87, points out, “The effect of the lying-in month was to withdraw from the husband two of the customary fruits of marriage: his wife’s physical labour and her sexual services. From the woman’s point of view this made possible a period of rest and recovery.” “The wife’s bodily energies and sexuality now, for the space of ‘the month’, belonged to her; what marriage had taken away from her, the ceremony of childbirth temporarily restored.” 236. Terry Eagleton, William Shakespeare (1986; repr. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1993), 3.

2 The “Imagined Woman” 1. Dante, Inferno, Canto V, ll. 118–20. “Ma dimmi: al tempo d’i dolci sospiri, / a che e come concedette amore/ che conosceste i dubbiosi disiri?” Dante Alighieri, La Divina Commedia, ed. Tommaso Di Salvo (Bolgna: Zanichelli, 1985), 91, ll. 118–20. 2. Norman Klassen, Chaucer on Love, Knowledge and Sight (Woodbridge, Suffolk: D. S. Brewer, 1995), x. In thirteenth- and fourteenth-century natural philosophy, “confidence in the centrality of sight spill[s] over into philosophy as sight becomes strongly associated with varieties of knowledge.” 168 NOTES

3. Evident not merely in sermons, but ubiquitously in historical treatises, pastoral works, and pedagogical works. Carla Casagrande, “The Protected Woman,” trans. Clarissa Botsford, in A History of Women in the West, vol. II. Silences of the Middle Ages, ed. Christiane Klapisch-Zuber (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), 79–82 [70–104]. The source of this quotation continues to elude my search for it (but see Casagrande, “The Protected Woman,” 70–84). 4. Pierre J. Payer, The Bridling of Desire: Views of Sex in the Later Middle Ages (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), notes that some twelfth- and thirteenth-century scholastic thinkers varied in their proposal of the three-fold division (virgin, widow, and married persons), namely that “the three states of chastity are (1) those who never have and who propose never to experience sex willingly (virgins); (2) those presently unmar- ried who have experienced sex willingly and who propose never more to experience it (‘widows’); (3) those who are married and who legitimately exercise their rights to sex” (161). Payer signals with quote marks that the category of widows could also include those who had not married but still engaged in intercourse (161–62). 5. What is interesting is that “it is not uncommon to find women following two or three bye industries,” (i.e., industries carried on in the home, usually dealing with textile or with the “production or sale of food and drink”) “whereas men as a rule confined themselves to a single craft.” Eileen Power, Medieval Women, ed. M. M. Postan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 62. See also Barbara A. Hanawalt, ed., Women and Work in Preindustrial Europe (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986); David Herlihy, Opera Muliebria: Women and Work in Medieval Europe (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1990); Judith M. Bennett and Amy M. Froide, ed., Single Women in the European Past, 1250–1800 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999); P. J. P. Goldberg, Women, Work, and Life Cycle in a Medieval Economy: Women in York and Yorkshire, ca. 1300–1520 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992); and Martha C. Howell, Women, Production, and Patriarchy in Late Medieval Cities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986). 6. Pilar Ballarín, Margarita M. Birriel, Cándida Martinez, and Teresa Ortíz, ed., Women in the European Union: Women in the History of Europe, Chapter 1.2: “Women’s Waged [Paid] Labour,” University of Granada, Spain. www.helsinki.fi/science/xantippa/wee/wee1.html, accessed August 14, 2007. But see Honeyman and Goodman, who note that by the 1500s “in Frankfort, Strasbourg, Nuremburg, Meningen, Stuttgart, and Munich, women were also excluded from a large number of crafts and, more gener- ally, from the world of work. Male workers attempted to remove competi- tion for jobs by singling out and removing women. Journeymen demanded restrictions on women’s work, even in instances where this worked against their own economic interests.” Katrina Honeyman and Jordan Goodman, “Women’s Work, Gender Conflict, and Labour Markets in Europe, 1500– 1900,” The Economic History Review, n.s. 44.4 (1991): 612 [608–628]. NOTES 169

7. Other professions cited in the Paris archives were “gold and tin beaters and those who make shot silk, silk hatmakers, gold hatmakers, warp- ers, carders, etc. They also carried on other trades in competition with men, as for example, with white cloth dressmaking.” Ballarín, Birriel, Martinez, and Ortíz, Women in the European Union, Chapter 1.2. 8. Maryanne Kowaleski and Judith M. Bennett, “Crafts, Gilds, and Women in the Middle Ages: Fifty Years after Marian K. Dale,” in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. Judith M. Bennett, Elizabeth A. Clark, Jean F. O’Barr, B. Anne Vilen, and Sarah Westphal-Wihl (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 17 [11–25]. 9. Ibid., 15. 10. “The Imagined Woman” is Chiara Frugoni’s phrase. Chiara Frugoni, “The Imagined Woman,” in A History of Women in the West, vol. II, trans. Clarissa Botsford (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2000), 336–422. As I use it, I mean a contrived image of woman ungrounded in social or personal experience. 11. Catherine Gallagher, “Marxism and the New Historicism,” in The New Historicism, ed. H. Aram Veeser (New York: Routledge, 1989), 37, 41. 12. Merry E. Wiesner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 15. 13. Thomas Fox, Sexuality and Catholicism (New York: George Braziller, 1995), 19. Wiesner-Hanks notes that “for New Testament roots of Christian ideas about sex, the letters of Paul and those attributed to Paul are far more important than the Gospels containing the words of Jesus” (22). However, as Wiesner-Hanks adds, “Like all early Christians, Paul expected Jesus to return to earth very soon, and so regarded sex as one of the earthly concerns that should not be important for Christians” (23). Merry E. Wiesner-Hanks, Christianity and Sexuality in The Early Modern World: Regulating Desire, Reforming Practice (London: Routledge, 2000). Although, as Wiesner-Hanks notes, “Jesus seems to have said very little about sex,” (Christianity and Sexuality, 22), Paul Veyne and Michel Foucault argue that “well before the triumph of Christianity,” among the pagan Romans “there existed a ‘virile puritanism.’ . . . Christianity, through its interpretation of Genesis and original sin and the teachings of Saint Paul and the Church Fathers, provided . . . a conceptual framework for the new sexuality, complete with its own vocabulary, definitions, classifica- tions, and distinctions.” Jacques Le Goff, The Medieval Imagination, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 93. Le Goff’s cites Veyne and Foucault, “L’amour et la sexualite,” L’Histoire 63 (1984): 52–59. 14. Fox, Sexuality and Catholicism, 18. 15. Le Goff, The Medieval Imagination, 94. 16. Ibid., 93. There is something pointedly ironic about sexual morality becoming “a central Christian issue.” After all, “Jesus said remarkably little about sexual conduct, and sex was not a central issue in his moral teaching.” James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval 170 NOTES

Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 2. Indeed, the Gospels themselves “are very discreet on the subject of sexuality” (Le Goff, The Medieval Imagination, 95). Even the apostle Paul, for the most part, affirmed sexuality and marriage. He “did not identify the flesh with sinful sexual activity” (95). Yet, it is interesting to note how virginity itself becomes viewed both as menaced or menacing in Kathleen Coyne Kelly and Marina Leslie’s Menacing Virgins: Representing Virginity in the Middle Ages and Renaissance (Newark, NJ: University of Delaware Press, 1999) and in Karen A. Winstead’s Virgin Martyrs: Legends of Sainthood in Late Medieval England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997). 17. Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge and The Discourse on Language, trans. A. M. Sheridan Smith (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972); Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (London: Routledge, 2002). 18. At the same time, despite the fact that other alternative discourses are excluded and suppressed, they nevertheless afford potential sites (women’s speech, certain myths, personal visions, etc.) where hegemonic practices can be contested. 19. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society, 233. 20. While a “return to evangelical purity, to the ideals of the Apostles,” was the proclaimed intention, in reality, an “innovation” was what the reformers had in mind, specifically “to regulate the lives of clerics as well as laymen” and “to improve the morals of the clergy by extend- ing to secular priests the rule of celibacy incumbent on monks.” Jacques Dalarun, “The Clerical Gaze,” trans. Arthur Goldhammer, in A History of Women in the West, vol. II, 18 [15–42]. 21. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society, 220. 22. Ruth Mazo Karras, Sexuality in Medieval Europe: Doing Unto Others (New York: Routledge, 2005), 43. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid., 43–45. 25. Ibid., 45. 26. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society, 70, 245, 252, 401–04. 27. Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, “Including Women,” trans. Arthur Goldhammer, in A History of Women in the West, vol. II, 7 [1–10]. 28. Margaret Hallissy, Clean Maids, True Wives, Steadfast Widows: Chaucer’s Women and Medieval Codes of Conduct (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1993), 14. 29. G. R. Owst, Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England, 2nd rev. ed. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1961), 20, 375–404. 30. Dalarun, “The Clerical Gaze,” 15–16. 31. Klapisch-Zuber, “Including Women,” 7. See also Jean Delumeau, Sin and Fear: The Emergence of a Western Guilt Culture 13th–18th Centuries, trans. Eric Nicholson (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990), 1. 32. Dalarun, “The Clerical Gaze,” 16. 33. Ibid. NOTES 171

34. The way in which reality, so to speak (literally), is sheer linguistic construct is captured by Andre Brink’s insight about Don Quixote (Andre Brink, The Novel: Language and Narrative from Cervantes to Calvino [New York: New York University Press, 1998]). Brink writes, “The main action of the opening situation is constituted by processes of naming, of [Quixote’s] horse, his lady, and himself” (20). In each case, “the name is more than a mask for a paltry reality: what really happens is that in each case the name transforms what is into what may be” (21). 35. Roland Barthes, Image-Music-Text (London: Fontana Press, 1977), 39, described nonlinguistic signs whose lack of definite signifieds and instability leave them open to construction and conversion, constituting thereby a “floating chain of signifieds.” 36. “Floating Signifiers,” http://legacy.lclark.edu/~soan370/glossary /referent.float.html, accessed August 14, 2009. 37. This episode is a separate event to be distinguished from the “Like a Prayer” autobiographical album. 38. Terry Mattingly, “The Church and Madonna’s Prayer Life” (1992), www.gospelcom.net/ tmattingly/tmatt/freelance/spotfire.htm, accessed August 14, 2009. 39. Mattingly, “The Church and Madonna’s Prayer Life.” 40. A prayer’s basis of love and faith, its centering vocabulary, and its disposition of humility seem to be missing. 41. The name, Madonna, is itself a classic example of the arbitrary and differential nature of the sign, as the refrain in Madonna’s song, “Like a Prayer” erotically/prayerfully asserts: “When you call my name it’s like a little prayer/ I’m down on my knees, I wanna take you there/ In the midnight hour I can feel your power/ Just like a prayer you know I’ll take you there.” 42. Frederic Jameson, “Postmodernism and Consumer Society,” in The Anti-Aesthetic Essays on Postmodern Culture, ed. Hal Foster (Port Townsend, WA: Bay Press, 1983), 119 [115–25]. 43. In contradistinction to the power of evil, Hollywood’s Vader is defeated, ultimately, by his own evil even though his last act was a salvific gesture toward good. 44. Jameson, “Postmodernism and Consumer Society,” 119. 45. Robert Goldman, Reading Ads Socially (London: Routledge, 1992), 68. 46. Ibid. 47. Ibid., emphasis mine. 48. Ibid. 49. Disneyland is hyperreal because it is “presented as imaginary in order to make us believe that the rest [of our world] is real,” while, in fact it is as infantile, nonsensical, and raucous as Disneyland, just as “prisons are there to conceal the fact that it is the social in its entirety, in its banal omnipresence, which is carceral.” Jean Baudrillard, Jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings, 2nd ed. ed. Mark Poster (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), 174–75, specific quotes are on p. 175. 172 NOTES

50. Emily Farache, “Supreme Court Says ‘Cheers’ to Cliff and Norm,” E. Online News, October 2, 2000, 1, http://www.eonline.com/News /Items/0,1,7176,00.html, accessed August 16, 2007. 51. Frugoni, “The Imagined Woman,” 357. 52. Ibid., 358. 53. Ibid. 54. Alan Humm, “Lilith Pictures: with Adam and Eve,” jewishchristianlit. com/Topics/Lilith/aNePics.html, accessed June 28, 2010. 55. As to Jeffrey M. Hoffeld’s assertion that Lilith is the basis for the woman-headed serpent in Eden, who, in Pseudo-Ben Sirach, is described as Adam’s first wife, Henry Ansgar Kelly’s research agrees with J. K. Bonnell’s. Kelly writes, “Bonnell rightly dismisses Lilith as a possible influence upon the feminized Eden serpent, since there is no evidence that she was ever regarded as serpentine in form in the Middle Ages.” (Jeffrey M. Hoffeld, “Adam’s Two Wives,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, n.s. 26.10 [1968]: 430–40.) Henry Ansgar Kelly, “Metamorphoses of the Eden Serpent During the Middle Ages and Renaissance,” Viator 2 (1971): 302 [301–332]. 56. Kelly is citing Bereshith Rabbah, 18.6 (147); italics Kelly’s. For a sketch of the Western iconographic and literary traditions of the non-Edenic and the Edenic serpent, see Kelly, “Metamorphoses of the Eden Serpent,” 303–13. 57. As in Adam & Eve (3rd century fresco in the Catacomb of St. Pietro and St. Marcellino, Rome), and also in the 1504 and 1507 illustrations by Albrecht Durer (see the “Garden of Eden Gallery” http://faculty.hope. edu/bandstra/rtot-cd3/rtot-cd/resources/ch1/CH1_EDEN.HTM, accessed 25 June 2010). 58. One of the unusual exceptions occurs in the Chester Plays, “The Creation,” at l. 294 where Eve refers to the snake as “she”: “This edder, lorde, shee was my foe.” www.umm.maine.edu/faculty/necastro/drama /chester/, accessed June 25, 2010. 59. Prasenjit Duara, “Response,” in Symposium on Prasenjit Duara’s Rescuing History from the Nation, Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 29.4 (1997): 2. 60. Both text and illustration of “Eva und Adam” by Lutwin appear in a mid-fifteenth century manuscript from the National Library of Vienna, Codex Vindobonensis 2980. 61. Nona C. Flores, “ ‘Effigies Amicitiae . . . Veritas Inimicitiae’: Antifeminism in the Iconography of the Woman-Headed Serpent in Medieval and Renaissance Art and Literature,” in Animals in the Middle Ages: A Book of Essays, ed. Nona C. Flores (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1996), 179 [167–95]. 62. A series of illustrations of the Temptation of Adam and Eve, spanning several centuries, can be found at online at textweek.com/art/garden _of_eden.htm, accessed August 14, 2009. The Hendrik Goltzius painting is available online at “The Ecole Initiative: Index of Images,” alphaom. tripod.com/tmp/imagesE.htm, accessed June 25, 2010. NOTES 173

63. Frugoni, “The Imagined Woman,” 359, 359n33. Frugoni notes that a “cycle of miniatures like this might have been used for educational purposes, for psalms were used to teach children Latin and help them learn to construct phrases with which to comment on the miniatures themselves. The danger in the female sex was thus learned along with the rudiments of language” (359). 64. Kelly, “Metamorphoses of the Eden Serpent,” 319n88, emphasis mine. Kelly cites Bonaventure, In 2 Sent. 21.1.2 ad 2, Opera omnia 2 (Quaracchi 1885), 495. 65. Adrian Wilson and Joyce Lancaster Wilson, A Medieval Mirror: Speculum Humanae Salvationis, 1324–1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), onlinebooks.library.upenn.edu, accessed August 16, 2007. 66. J. K. Bonnell, “The Serpent with a Human Head in Art and in Mystery Play,” American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series 21.3 (1917): 274 [255–91], fig. 7. 67. Flores, “ ‘Effigies Amicitiae . . . Veritas Inimicitiae,’ ” 179. 68. From Speculum Humanae Salvationis printed in 1473 by Günther Zainer, printed in Flores, “ ‘Effigies Amicitiae . . . Veritas Inimicitiae,’ ” 182, fig. 4. 69. Flores, “ ‘Effigies Amicitiae . . . Veritas Inimicitiae,’ ” 182, fig. 4. 70. Avril Henry, ed., The Mirour of Mans Saluacioun[e]: A Middle English Translation of Speculum Humanae Salvationis, a Critical Edition of the Fifteenth-Century Manuscript Illustrated from Der Spiegel der menschen Behältnis, Speyer: Drach, c.1475 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987). 71. Ibid., l. 343. 72. “Eve” at lines 327, 347, 351, 367; “woman/women” at lines 322, 331, 333, 342, 345, 349, 353, 359, 364, 366. 73. The modern English version of these lines is my translation of the Middle English. 74. “Faging” means “coaxing, beguiling.” In his edition of Richard St. Victor’s “A Treatise Named Benjamin,” Edmund G. Gardner, ed., The Cell of Self-Knowledge: Seven Early English Mystical Treatises Printed by Henry Pepwell in 1521 (New York: Duffield and Co., 1910), 27n1, notes that one of the copies (Harley MS 674) reads “glosing” for “faging.” 75. Henry, The Mirour of Mans Saluacioun[e]: A Middle English Translation of Speculum Humanae Salvationis. 76. My translation: “Through ill counsel outcast are we In bitter bale! Now may God never let [any] man after me Trust a woman’s tale! For surely it rues me full sore That ever I listened to your lore. Your counsel casts me now in care, As you well know!” The York Plays, ed. Beadle, http://name. umdl.umich.edu/York, accessed July 1, 2010. 77. The Towneley Plays, Play 28, Thomas of India, ll. 29–38 and 47–52, http: //name.umdl.umich.edu/Towneley, accessed December 2, 2010. All citations from The Towneley Plays are from the University of Michigan’s online Corpus of Middle English Prose and Verse. 174 NOTES

78. James Morton, ed. and trans., The Ancren Riwle: A Treatise on the Rules and Duties of Monastic Life (London: J. B. Nichols and Sons, Printers, 1853), 53. 79. “The Tempter . . . ” “to passion mov’d, Fluctuats disturbd, yet comely, and in act Rais’d, as of som great matter to begin. As when of old som Orator renound In Athens or free Rome, where Eloquence Flourishd, since mute, to som great cause addrest, Stood in himself collected, while each part, Motion, each act won audience ere the tongue, Somtimes in highth began.” (Book VIII, ll. 665, 667–75) John Milton, Paradise Lost (1667; Renaissance Editions, 1997). See also Satan’s argument in which he defines God as the “forbidder” who, because he is envious, must not, therefore, be a real God. (Book VIII, l. 815), https://scholarsbank.uoregon.edu/xmlui/bitstream/handle/1794/767 /lost.pdf?sequence1, accessed July 2, 2010. 80. Jacques-Paul Migne, Patrologia Latina, v. 198 (Paris, 1844–1865), col. 1072. 81. Bonnell, “The Serpent with a Human Head,” 257n3. 82. Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1952), 178. 83. The other two texts were the glossed Bible and Peter Lombard’s Sentences. Flores, “ ‘Effigies Amicitiae . . . Veritas Inimicitiae,’ ” 169. 84. As evident in Friedrich Stegmüller’s Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi, an alphabetical list of all commentaries on the Bible. Flores, “ ‘Effigies Amicitiae . . . Veritas Inimicitiae,’ ” 169. 85. Speculum Naturale, Lib. 20, chap. 33, vol. 1, col. 1478 in the Douai edition of 1624. I am citing Bonnell, “The Serpent with a Human Head,” 258. 86. This was “the guide most frequently consulted by Christians from most [of] Europe for almost 400 years.” “Medieval Manuscript Facsimile” cited online at www.edilan.es/hojas/0000e.htm, accessed June 30, 2010. 87. William Langland, Piers Plowman (Whitefish, MT: Kessinger Publishing, 2004), Passus 18, 153. 88. The Chester Cycle, Play II, The Drapers Playe. http://www.archive. org/stream/chesterplayscoll00wrig/chesterplayscoll00wrig_djvu.txt /, accessed June 25, 2010. 89. Frugoni, “The Imagined Woman,” 359. 90. Ibid. 91. Susan Mosher Stuard, ed., Women in Medieval Society (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1976). See also, Michael M. Sheehan, Marriage, Family and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, ed. James K. Farge (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996); Jacqueline Murray, ed., Love, Marriage, and Family in the Middle Ages: A Reader (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2001), chaps. 2, 5. NOTES 175

92. The Church’s motives were humane as well as spiritual: it “tried to forbid marriages forced upon the couple against their will, to reduce levels of consanguinity, and to sanction the indissolubility of the rela- tionship. First and foremost, however, it tried to give the legal contract more dignity, accompanying it with special blessings . . . .” Frugoni, “The Imagined Woman,” 347. Despite the fact that “theological discussions of marriage emphasized that both parties had to consent to the union, a provision which served at least in theory to mitigate the absolute control that noble men exercised in negotiating marriages, the predominant theme was the subordination of women.” Sharon Farmer, “Clerical Images of Medieval Wives,” Speculum 61 (1986): 519 [517–43]. 93. At least two popes, Alexander III and Celestine III, tried to “tread an equitable path through conflicting claims and interests” in disputes concerning the legitimacy of certain marriages–disputes often com- plicated by collusion or genuine ignorance or dual ecclesiastical and secular jurisdiction concerning inheritance through the marriage. Charles Duggan, “Equity and Compassion in Papal Marriage Decretals to England,” in Love and Marriage in the Twelfth Century, ed. Willy Van Hoeck and Andries Welkenhuysen (Leuven/Louvain, Belgium: Leuven University Press, 1981), 72 [59–87]. Both popes explicitly attached importance “to marital affection, to mutual responsibilities, to care for children, to a fair solution if alienation arises, to the eradication of abuse, and at least to discretion in potentially scandalous situations.” (72). 94. Frugoni, “The Imagined Woman,” 340. 95. Ibid. 96. Ibid., 340–41; fig. 5, 343. 97. Ibid., 341. 98. Ibid., 344, fig. 6. 99. Aristotle’s various writings dominated the curriculum in the uni- versities, according to Prudence Allen, and his concept of gender formation fairly much shaped the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century attitudes on gender behavior. Prudence Allen, R. S. M., The Concept of Woman: The Aristotelian Revolution 750 BC -AD 1250 (Montreal, Quebec: Eden Press, 1985), 441–44. Thomas Laqueur points out that Aristotle’s Masterpiece or the Secrets of Generation Displayed, “loosely based on the pseudo- Aristotelian Problemata,” “was continuously reprinted from the middle of the fifteenth century to the 1930’s, if not to the present.” Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 246n6. 100. Sherry B. Ortner and Harriet Whitehead, “Introduction: Accounting for Sexual Meanings,” in Sexual Meanings: The Cultural Construction of Gender and Sexuality, ed. Sherry B. Ortner and Harriet Whitehead (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 20 [1–27], emphasis mine. 101. Ortner and Whitehead, “Introduction,” 20. 176 NOTES

102. Ortner and Whitehead cite Raymond Kelly’s (unpublished) study of the Sepik area of Papua New Guinea where male prestige is achieved through activities such as hunting and warfare, activities organized independently of women and of relations with women (Ortner and Whitehead, “Introduction,” 20). There, “relatively little elaboration of beliefs about female pollution” is developed (20). On the other hand, in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, male prestige is directly connected with female productive labor, namely women raising the pigs that “men need for their prestige-generating exchange relations” (20). This female activity is regarded by the men as having the “capacity to undermine their husbands’ ambitions” (20). Thus, there, “beliefs about female pollution tend to flourish, as do male cults that both defend men against such pollution and ritually assert male self sufficiency” (20). An interest- ing corollary of Kelly’s argument appears to be that, in New Guinea, the separation “between sources of male prestige on the one hand and male-female relations on the other, allows for the development of inde- pendent female social groupings and/or independent sources of female prestige” (20). The same is true concerning Samoan women (21). 103. Ortner and Whitehead, “Introduction,” 20. 104. Ortner and Whitehead, “Introduction,” 24, summarizing the theses of both Stanley Brandes, “Like Wounded Stags: Male Sexual Ideology in an Andalusian Town,” in Sexual Meanings, 216–39, and Leslee Nadelson, “Pigs, Women, and the Men’s House in Amazonia: An Analysis of Six Mundurucú Myths,” in Sexual Meanings, 240–72. 105. Ortner and Whitehead, “Introduction,” 24. 106. Ibid. 107. Ibid. 108. Ibid., 25, emphasis mine. 109. Sara Maitland, A Big-Enough God (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1995), 2.

3 Women, Conversation, Crime, and the Courts 1. J. A. Sharpe notes that “Up to about 1500, slander had been the concern of the ecclesiastical courts, or of local tribunals. From that date the common law courts began to interest themselves” in defamations “and rapidly developed a wide cognizance in this area.” J. A. Sharpe, “ ‘Such Disagreement betwyx Neighbours’: Litigation and Human Relations in Early Modern England,” in Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relations in the West, ed. John Bossy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 170 [167–87]. 2. Mark Breitenberg, Anxious Masculinity in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 3. 3. Helen Ostovich and Elizabeth Sauer, ed., Reading Early Modern Women: An Anthology of Texts in Manuscript and Print, 1550–1700 (New York: Routledge, 2004), 16. NOTES 177

4. What is true of Stephen Robertson’s assessment of witnesses in nineteenth- and twentieth-centuries North America was not so far removed from the late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England. “Many of those involved in legal proceedings were forced to participate and did so under the threat of punishment. All who testified might have had reasons to lie: to establish innocence or guilt, to pursue ani- mosities or protect friendships, to please the powerful or thwart them.” Stephen Robertson, “What’s Law Got to Do with It? Legal Records and Sexual Histories,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 14.1/2 (2005): 162 [161–85]. Stephen Robertson is summarizing Edward Muir and Guido Ruggiero, “Introduction: The Crime of History,” in Edward Muir and Guido Ruggiero, ed., History from Crime (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), ix. 5. Origins Network, London Consistory Court Depositions, http://www. origins.net/help/popup-aboutbo-lccd2.htm, accessed July 1, 2010. 6. Sara Heller Mendelson, “ ‘To shift for a cloak,’ Disorderly Women in the Church Courts,” in Women and History: Voices from Early Modern England, Valerie Frith, ed. (Toronto: Coach House Press, 1995), 5. 7. Ibid. 8. Herbert H. Clark and Richard J. Gerrig, “Quotations as Demonstrations,” Language 66.4 (1990): 764–805, esp. 792, 800, conclude that even though direct speech as represented in writing need not mimic the original utterance in every aspect, it is “conventionally implied” that the wording is verbatim in texts such as law court records (792). 9. Laura Gowing, Domestic Dangers: Women, Words, and Sex in Early Modern England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 239. 10. Elizabeth A. Foyster, Manhood in Early Modern England: Honour, Sex, and Marriage (London: Longman, 1999), 207. 11. Ibid. 12. Cheshire Record Office, Quarter Sessions Records, Quarter Sessions Files 56/2/37 article 5. (CRO, QJF 56/2/37 art. 5). 13. Capp, When Gossips Meet: Women, Family, and Neighborhood in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 276. 14. Steve Hindle, “The Shaming of Margaret Knowsley: Gossip, Gender and the Experience of Authority in Early Modern England,” Continuity and Change 9.3 (1994): 404 [391–419], notes that “the Nantwich magis- trates had contacted Jerome’s previous employers in Newcastle, and taken certificate of his conduct. The Newcastle authorities informed them that Jerome had been discharged of his post at St. Nicholas’ for behaviour ‘so notoriously scandalous both to the church and to us by whom he was entertained as we cannot with any due respect continue him in that place unless we should heape much reproach on ourselves.’ ” 15. Petition of Margaret Knowsley to the Justices of Chester, at the Cheshire Quarter Sessions, ca. June 1627. CRO, QJF 56/2/35. 16. Hindle, “The Shaming of Margaret Knowsley,” 396. 17. Petition of Margaret Knowsley, CRO, QJF 56/2/35. 178 NOTES

18. CRO, QJF 56/2/37, art. 1. 19. Hindle reads this name as Mrs Mary Cordy. “The Shaming of Margaret Knowsley,” 415n41. 20. A practice intended to relieve women who had miscarried or who had stillbirths. 21. CRO, QJF 56/2/37, art 3 & 9. 22. Hindle, “The Shaming of Margaret Knowsley,” 407. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid., 401, 416n60. 25. Ibid., 401 and 416n61. Jana Pisani, “ ‘He Must Be Despised’: Hostility to Ministers in Early Modern Cambridgeshire,” World History Review (Fall 2003): 69 [62–84]: “These penances were often highly public, such as that for adulterers, which in the diocese of Ely as well as other areas of England required the sinner to kneel before the congregation to confess his or her misdeeds while wearing a white sheet.” 26. Amy Froide, review of “Nothing is so secret but shall be revealed: The scandalous life of Robert Foulkes,” by David Turner, in English Masculinities, 1660–1800, ed. Tim Hitchcock and Michele Cohen (London: Longman, 1999), 169–92 appears in H-Net Book Reviews for H-Albion, May 2000, h-net.org/reviews/showrev.cgi?path=12048959965234, accessed June 5, 2009. 27. Patrick Collinson, The Religion of Protestants: The Church in English Society, 1559–1625 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 106. 28. Tim Stretton, Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998),226. 29. Kathleen McLuskie, Renaissance Dramatists (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press International, 1989), 225. 30. Gowing, Domestic Dangers, 40. 31. Capp, When Gossips Meet, 269. 32. Mendelson, “ ‘To shift for a cloak,’ ” 15, citing Devon Record Office MS Chanter 866, Diocese of Exeter Depositions 1634–1640. 33. Grand larceny was considered “theft of goods valued at over a shilling (12 pence) . . . a felony or capital crime in common law.” Mendelson, “ ‘To shift for a cloak,’ ” 9. 34. See John Dod and Robert Cleaver, A Godly Forme of Household Government, for the Ordering of Private Families, according to the Direction of God’s Word (London, 1630); and Richard Braithwaite, The English gentleman and English gentlewoman, 3rd ed. (London, 1641). 35. Mendelson, “ ‘To shift for a cloak,’ ” 8. 36. Ibid., 9. 37. Ibid., 3. The Statute of Artificers of 1563 was intended to “determine wage rates at the local level, to control conditions of employment for many workers including apprentices, and to restrict the mobility of labour.” Donald Woodward, “The Background to the Statute of Artificers: The Genesis of Labour Policy, 1558–1563,” The Economic History Review, n.s. 33.1 (1980): 32 [32–44]. NOTES 179

38. Patricia Crawford, Women and Religion in England 1500–1720 (New York: Routledge, 1993), 48. In Chapter 2, note 51, Crawford points out that there were “numerous cases in the Mayor’s court book in Norwich.” 39. David Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England, 1603–1660 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 37n104. 40. The entire passage is printed in Mendelson, “ ‘To shift for a cloak,’ ” 15–16, citing DRO, MS Chanter 866. 41. March 25 in the Julian calendar was the calendar year’s New Year’s Day until 1752. 42. Mendelson, “ ‘To shift for a cloak,’ ” 9. 43. Ingram, Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in England, 1570–1640. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987, 230. Ingram’s studies lead him to ask “just how firmly engaged were such couples” who were court defendants accused of sexual relations before marriage. He notes that while “as many as 70 percent of cases in the court of the archdeacon of Salisbury in the year 1627–1629” alleged prior intention to marry, such allegations were rarely made by defendants in Wiltshire (229). Informal promises seem to coexist with the (declining) practice of “formal spousals” (229). 44. Ibid., 230. 45. George Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Metaphors We Live By (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 4. 46. Sarah Mendelson and Patricia Crawford, Women in Early Modern England 1550–1720 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 215. 47. I have everywhere expanded the abbreviation for “and.” 48. Anne Younge als Lingham c. James Younge (1608), Consistory Court of London Deposition Book, LMA, DL/C 218, 50–51, transcription mine. (Also cited in Crawford and Gowing, ed., Women’s Worlds in Seventeenth- Century England, 173). 49. Gowing, Domestic Dangers, 208–09. 50. Indeed, neighbors’ (or friends’ or kin’s) testimony was crucial to any married woman’s need for litigation: “since neither husband nor wife could testify against each other in court, a wife could not complain against certain actions of her husband” (Mendelson and Crawford, Women in Early Modern England, 38). Except for ecclesiastical or church courts, married women did not have the right to litigate in their own names. See Gowing, Domestic Dangers, 11. And “common law allowed women very limited legal capacities.” See Subha Mukherji, “Women, Law, and Dramatic Realism in Early Modern England,” English Literary Renaissance 35.2 (2005): 251 [248–72]. 51. Michael J. Braddick and John Walter, “Introduction. Grids of Power: Order, Hierarchy and Subordination in Early Modern Society,” in Negotiating Power in Early Modern Society: Order, Hierarchy, and Subordination in Britain and Ireland, ed. Michael J. Braddick and John Walter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 5 [1–42]. The discussion in Braddick and Walter concerns Scott’s distinction between a “public transcript” 180 NOTES

and a “hidden transcript,” namely, that “behind the public transcript of compliance and deference lies a more knowing and manipulative consciousness” (5). 52. Braddick and Walter, “Introduction. Grids of Power,” 5. Braddick and Walter’s language references James C. Scott’s point that the relatively weak did not simply accept the dominant discourse that served to make authority by elite groups appear natural, but, rather, engaged in tactics that constitute a “hidden transcript” beneath a “public transcript.” See Braddick and Walter, “Introduction,” 5–12 and note 8. 53. LMA, DL/C 218, p. 51. I hesitate to differ from Laura Gowing’s identi- fying this “jurate,” as a “friend” (Domestic Dangers, 213) as distinct from her earlier naming Margaret Bonefant (209) as the narrator and deponent of the piece. My choice of Bonefant as both “jurate” and “deponent” is based on the deposition of Joan Brown against Thomas Hellyer in which Joan Brown within the same deposition refers to herself as both “jurate” and “this deponent.” Crawford and Gowing, Women’s Worlds in Seventeenth-Century England, 159–61, 161. 54. LMA, DL/C 218, p. 51. 55. LMA, DL/C 218, p. 51. “Ay” is written in the manuscript as “I.” 56. LMA, DL/C 218, p. 51 (for both quotes). Crawford and Gowing, Women’s Worlds in Seventeenth-Century England, 174, read “sad want” where I see “such want.” 57. LMA, DL/C 218, pp. 51–52. 58. LMA, DL/C 218, p. 88. 59. Bonefant sets the scene as early in her deposition as possible: it is a response to the 2nd and 3rd articles of the deposition. The first article usually establishes one’s credibility and relationship to the litigants. 60. Gowing, Domestic Dangers, 237. 61. Ibid. 62. Younge c. Younge (1608), LMA, DL/ C 218, p. 89. 63. Younge c. Younge (1608) LMA, DL/ C 218, p. 89. I read “knife” as “knief,” comparing it to “quiet” on the same page, p. 89. 64. Gowing, Domestic Dangers, 238. 65. Ibid., 217. 66. Ann Dighton als Hardy c. Thomas Dighton (1608), London Metropolitan Archives: Consistory Court of London Deposition Books, 1572–1640, DL/ C218, p. 16. 67. Dighton c. Dighton (1608), LMA, DL/ C218, p. 16. 68. Ibid., 109. 69. Ibid. 70. Ibid., 16. 71. Ibid., 16–19, 109–112. 72. Dighton als Hardy c. Dighton, DL/ C 218, pp. 17–19. 73. Garthine Walker, Crime, Gender and Social Order in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003) 141. 74. Ibid., 140. NOTES 181

75. Ibid., 140 and 140n122. 76. And reminds one of the fact that two centuries later in nineteenth- century America, the extreme action of wife murder was still perceived as “a defense of the core tenets of patriarchy—sexual con- trol, access, and regulation of women’s sexuality.” Sean T. Moore, “ ‘Justifiable Provocation’: Violence against Women in Essex County, New York, 1799–1860,” Journal of Social History 35.4 (2002): 896 [889–918]. 77. “At court, men measured their own violence with care, emphasizing its rationality in response to women’s ‘provocation’, ‘misbehaviour’, or ‘misuse’.” Gowing Domestic Dangers, 219. 78. Walker, Crime, Gender and Social Order, 141. 79. Susan Amussen, An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), Chapter 2. In pre-1660 Norfolk, male heads of households could be, and often were, punished in the courts for not maintaining obedience and sexual continence among their household. Yet, the level of violence considered acceptable was challenged by neighbors and communities who intervened in what they viewed as excessive “disciplining.” 80. Dighton c. Dighton, LMA, DL/ C 218, p. 19. 81. Ibid., 18. 82. Ibid., 17. 83. Capp, When Gossips Meet, 115–16; quote on p. 116. 84. Wives were keenly aware of the social repercussions of suing for separation. Capp echoes their concerns: “How would they live while the case was pending, and where? Who would protect them from his vengeance?” Moreover, in separations secured through church courts, remarriage was not permitted to either party. Capp, When Gossips Meet, 116. 85. Gowing, Domestic Dangers, 238. 86. Ingram, Church Courts, Sex and Marriage, 181. 87. Ingram, Church Courts, Sex and Marriage, 181–82: “In the archdeaconry of Chichester, in twelve sample years between 1580 and 1640, there were in all only three separation causes . . . . In the diocese of Ely in the 1580s, there were one or two separation or restitution cases each year,” and in Wiltshire in the 39 year period between 1601 and 1640, there were a total of nine separation cases. 88. Ingram, Church Courts, Sex and Marriage, 183. 89. The Plea and Answeare of Sir William Windsor Knight One of the Defendants to the Bill of Complaynte of Robert Collins Complainant (1622). The National Archives, London (formerly Public Record Office) STAC (The Star Chamber) 8/88/9. The complaint by Collins and the “plea and answeare” by William Windsor and by Lady Elizabeth Vaux are all taken from the Star Chamber documents, The National Archives, London (formerly Public Record Office) STAC 8/88/9. 90. Ibid. 182 NOTES

91. The Bill of Complaint of Robert Collins Complainant Against Wm. Windsor, Lady Vaux, et alia (1622). STAC 8/88/9. 92. Ibid. 93. Ibid. 94. The Plea and Answeare of Sir William Windsor Knight to Robert Collins Complainant (1622). STAC 8/88/9. 95. Ibid. 96. Ibid. 97. Ibid. 98. Ibid. 99. Ibid. 100. Ibid. 101. Ibid. 102. Walker, Crime, Gender and Social Order, 40. 103. Ibid., 270. 104. Ibid., 271. 105. Ibid., 270–71. 106. Ibid., 271. 107. The Bill of Complaint of Robert Collins Complainant Against Wm. Windsor, Lady Vaux, et alia (1622). STAC 8/88/9. 108. Walker, Crime, Gender and Social Order, 41. 109. The Bill of Complaint of Robert Collins Complainant Against Wm. Windsor, Lady Vaux, et alia (1622). STAC 8/88/9. 110. This was the period when challenges to James I’s claim to the divine right of kings led to the counter-assertion that the king was under the law and not above it; this implied equity before the law. 111. The severall Plea and Answeare of the Lady Elizabeth Vaux One of the Defendents to the Bill of Complaint of Robert Collins Complainant (1622). STAC 8/88/9. 112. The severall Plea and Answeare of the Lady Elizabeth Vaux to Robert Collins Complainant (1622). STAC 8/88/9. “dare” meant “defy,” “challenge,” even “scare,” “terrify,” as in “For our approach shall so much dare the field,/ That England shall couch down in fear, and yield” (Henry 5, iv, 2) or “Let his grace go forward,/ And dare us with his cap like larks” (Henry 8, iii, 2). Swynfen Jervis, A Dictionary of the Language of Shakespeare (London: John Russell Smith, 1868). 113. The severall Plea and Answeare of the Lady Elizabeth Vaux to Robert Collins Complainant (1622). STAC 8/88/9. 114. Ibid. 115. The Bill of Complaint of Robert Collins Complainant Against Wm. Windsor, Lady Vaux, et alia (1622). STAC 8/88/9. 116. The Plea and Answeare of Sir William Windsor Knight to Robert Collins Complainant (1622). STAC 8/88/9. 117. The severall Plea and Answeare of the Lady Elizabeth Vaux to Robert Collins Complainant (1622). STAC 8/88/9. NOTES 183

118. Ibid. The inserted correction in the manuscript has been occasionally read as “spit and tongs” but I read it as “spit and prongs.” Prongs were a type of spit whose middle section resembled a trident. 119. Ibid. 120. Ibid. 121. Richard Watts, Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 168. 122. Bruce Fraser, “Perspectives on Politeness,” Journal of Pragmatics 14.2 (1990): 219–36. 123. Pierre Bourdieu, “The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges,” Social Science Information 16.6 (1977): 662 [645–68]. 124. The same is true of language patterns advised for Merchants Groups that Magnusson examines in John Browne’s The Marchants Advizo, a business writing manual (1590) that went through three editions by 1640. Lynne Magnusson, Shakespeare and Social Dialogue: Dramatic Language and Elizabethan Letters (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 62, 122–23. 125. Ibid., 1. 126. Ibid., 32. 127. Ibid., 33. 128. Ibid., 32. In Henry VIII, 2.4, ll. 141–149, we read: Most gracious sir, In humblest manner I require your highness That it shall please you to declare in hearing Of all these ears—for where I am robbed and bound, There must I be unloosed, although not there At once and fully satisfied—whether ever I Did broach this business to your highness; or Laid any scruple in your way which might Induce you to the question on’t? 129. Ibid., 33. 130. Penelope Brown and Stephen Levinson, Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). 131. After Wybarn’s death, Elizabeth inherited his brother Edward’s lands and goods as well as those of Edward’s son; both had been accused of recusancy. In early 1612, she married Ambrose Vaux. However, Wybarn’s lawyer, Dudly Norton, convinced her to turn her inheri- tance over to him, preventing Ambrose from going through her inheritance. Norton however may have himself fraudulently misused her inheritance. Norton had told Elizabeth that her inheritance was necessary to pay her husband, Wybarn’s, debts. But Wyborne/ Wybarn, in his will assumes that he will leave his wife a good sum, because he speaks of leaving a “liberal” provision for his “wellbeloved wife.” Norton, being Wybarn’s lawyer, had to know that Wybarn had no great debts. 184 NOTES

132. Mary Blackstone, “The Star Chamber Deposition of Lady Elizabeth Vaux,” in Reading Early Modern Women, 35–39. The Court of Star Chamber documents are PRO STAC 8/289/3 Ambrose Vaux vs. Sir Richard Blunt, Edward Wybarne, Dudly Norton, Joseph Mules. 133. The phrase is lifted from Laura Gowing’s study of London women’s court cases. In its extended form the phrase reads “to claim a verbal and legal authority that was at once powerful and fragile.” Laura Gowing, “Language, Power, and the Law: Women’s Slander Litigation in Early Modern London,” in Women, Crime and the Courts in Early Modern England, ed. Jenny Kermode and Garthine Walker (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 28 [26–47]. 134. James Sharpe, “The People and the Law,” in Popular Culture in Seventeenth- Century England, ed. Barry Reay (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985), 246 [244–70]. 135. Nowhere was it “more true than in early modern England” that law was internalized and part of a culture. Sharpe, “The People and the Law,” 246. 136. Ibid., 247. 137. Ibid., 246. 138. Craig Muldrew, “The Culture of Reconciliation: Community and the Settlement of Economic Disputes in Early Modern England,” The Historical Journal 39.4 (1996): 915–16 [915–42], emphasis mine. 139. Ibid., 916. 140. Ibid., 919. 141. J. A. Sharpe, Early Modern England: A Social History, 1550–1760, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 95. 142. The “expansion of credit in Tudor and Stuart England depended on strategies for judging character and for gauging interpersonal trust based on words and actions, strategies aimed at limiting the natural uncertain- ties about judging the character of others.” Aaron Kitch, “The Character of Credit and the Problem of Belief in Middleton’s City Comedies,” Studies in English Literature, 1500–1900 47.2 (2007): 407 [403–426]. 143. Walker, Crime, Gender and Social Order, 10, cites Craig Muldrew, The Economy of Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social Relations in Early Modern England (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1998). 144. Sharpe, Defamation and Sexual Slander in Early Modern England, 3. 145. Sharpe, Early Modern England, 95.

4 The Assembly of Ladies: Rebelling in Eden 1. C. S. Lewis, The Allegory of Love (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), 264. 2. Ibid., 249. His objection is that genius will never be fulfilled if it offers material unworthy of its chosen form (here, the allegory). He judged the author’s treatment of the allegorical genre to be inconsistent and almost incidental to the subject matter. NOTES 185

3. Walter W. Skeat proposed the Countess of Oxford, Margaret Neville, based partly on his view regarding the female narrative persona. Walter W. Skeat, “The Authoress of ‘The Flower and the Leaf,’ ” The Athenaeum, March 14, 1903, 340. Skeat references his earlier argument in the Modern Language Quarterly, ii (1898–99): 111. Ruth Marie Fisher likewise thought that the author was a woman associated with the court of the Duke of Suffolk. Ruth Marie Fisher, “The Flower and the Leaf and The Assembly of Ladies: A Study of Two Love-Vision Poems of the Fifteenth Century” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1955), cited in Simone Celine Marshall, The Female Voice in The Assembly of Ladies: Text and Context in Fifteenth- Century England (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2008), 2. Ethel Seaton felt that Sir Richard Roos was a possible candidate. Ethel Seaton, Sir Richard Roos: Lancastrian Poet (London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1961), 296. G. L. Marsh proposed John Lydgate. G. L. Marsh, “The Authorship of ‘The Flower and the Leaf’ ” JEGP 6.3 (1906–1907): 375 [373–94]. In 1987, Alexandra A. T. Barratt examined the assumptions and cultural biases that framed so much of the earlier scholarship on the author- ship of the poem. While not explicitly promoting a female author for this work, her arguments removed the barriers that had long hampered theo- ries favoring the possibility of a female author. Alexandra A. T. Barratt, “ ‘The Flower and the Leaf’ and ‘The Assembly of Ladies’: Is There a (Sexual) Difference?” Philological Quarterly 66.1 (1987): 2 [1–24]. Still, in 1988, Judith M. Davidoff, remaining neutral throughout an intriguing essay, ends by hypothesizing the ironic device of a male author using a female persona. The several skillful manipulations going on in the poem, she concludes, “would be an example of what an especially talented poet could do with structural patterns to which he felt confident his audience would respond.” Judith M. Davidoff, Beginning Well: Framing Fictions in Late Middle English Poetry (London: Associated University Presses, 1988), 158–59. Subsequent scholarship seems to have moved toward favoring female authorship. Colleen Donnelly thought that both The Assembly of Ladies and The Flour and the Leafe “may have been written by aristocratic women who, normally denied access to a superior education, learned to read and write and may have read or heard romances, lyrics, and dream visions.” Colleen Donnelly, “ ‘Withoute Wordes’: The Medieval Lady Dreams in The Assembly of Ladies,” Journal of the Rocky Mountain Medieval and Renaissance Association 15 (1994): 36 [35–55]. So, too, does Marshall, The Female Voice in The Assembly of Ladies. 4. All citations from The Assembly of Ladies are from The Floure and the Leafe; The Assembly of Ladies; The Isle of Ladies, ed. Derek Pearsall, TEAMS Middle English Text Series (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1990). Also available at http://www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams /assemfrm.htm, accessed August 6, 2009. All translations are mine unless otherwise indicated. The narrator further tells the knight that she titled the book, L’Assemble de Dames. One could hardly ask for a more specific example of authorial self-reference. 186 NOTES

5. Cambridge Trinity College Library MS R. 3.19, 55r-65v; British Library MS Additional 34360, fols. 37a-49a; and Longleat House MS 258, fols. 58a-75b. 6. Jane Chance, introduction to The Assembly of Gods: Le Assemble de Dyeus, or Banquet of Gods and Goddesses, with the Discourse of Reason and Sensuality, ed. Jane Chance, TEAMS Middle English Text Series (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1999), par. 9, http://www.lib.rochester. edu/camelot/teams/chance.htm, accessed August 6, 2009. 7. To borrow from Ashby Kinch, “ ‘To thenke what was in hir wille’: A Female Reading Context for the Findern Anthology,” Neophilologus 91.4 (2007): 729–44, foremost among the manuscript’s major themes are the power of female eloquence (as demonstrated in Gower’s story of Peronelle and Richard Roos’s translation of Alain Chartier’s La Belle Dame Sans Mercy) and the tension between female choice and social compulsion (as demonstrated in Chaucer’s Parliament of Fowls and Gower’s story of Rosiphelee). 8. The manuscript is Cambridge, University Library MS Ff.1.6, the so-called Findern Anthology. “The names of five women appear in the manu- script, two as scribal signatures, following lengthy stints of copying, and three in the margins of various texts.” Nicola F. McDonald, “Chaucer’s Legend of Good Women, Ladies at Court and the Female Reader,” The Chaucer Review 35.1 (2000): 36 [22–42]. 9. Sarah McNamer, “Female Authors, Provincial Setting: The Re-Versing of Courtly Love in the Findern Manuscript,” Viator 22 (1991): 282 [279–310]. 10. Marshall, The Female Voice, 5, should be credited with this observation. She pointed out that when Chaucer as a character refers to himself in the General Prologue it was considered a legitimate means of determining authorship; the same, she adds, was true of the character of Will in Piers Plowman. The character of Will was accepted as a fictional persona of William Langland. 11. “It fails to satisfy the rime tests over and over again. In fact, some of the rimes can only be described as bad.” Walter W. Skeat, The Chaucer Canon: With a Discussion of the Works Associated with the Name of Geoffrey Chaucer (New York: Haskell House, 1965), 110. D. A. Pearsall refers to a large section of the poem as “a low ebb in fifteenth-century verse.” D. A. Pearsall, ed., notes to The Floure and the Leafe and The Assembly of Ladies (Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd, 1962), 167. A. C. Spearing groups the poem with those whose use of the “dream framework . . . is no more than a literary convention, taken over through sheer inertia on the poet’s part.” A. C. Spearing, Medieval Dream-Poetry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 4. For H. S. Bennett, the poem has many enlivening touches, but, as to its attempts at dream and allegory, “[t]he machinery has creaked and groaned to no purpose.” H. S. Bennett, Chaucer and Fifteenth-Century Verse and Prose (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1947), 135. The poem, he concludes, “cannot be considered a success” NOTES 187

and “is not redeemed by any poetic vision of life, or by any mastery of technique” (136). 12. Poem #18 in Brian Stone, trans., Medieval English Verse (New York: Penguin Classics, 1964), 44, ll. 3–4. 13. Poem #84 in Stone, Medieval English Verse, 200, ll. 1–2, 31–33. 14. Howard Marchitello, “Garden Frisson,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 33.1 (2003): 149 [143–77]. 15. Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Routledge, 2002), 19, 48 . 16. Carol M. Meale, “Women’s Voices and Roles,” in A Companion to Medieval English Literature and Culture, c. 1350–c. 1500, ed. Peter Brown (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007), 79 [74–90]. Although she credits the poem with greater depth and feminist aims than previous scholars had, Ann McMillan finds the “poem’s structure is uneven, its ending inconclusive.” Ann McMillan, “ ‘Fayre Sisters Al’: The Flower and the Leaf and The Assembly of Ladies,” Tulsa Studies in Women’s Literature 1.1 (1982): 33 [27–42]. 17. For example, The Parliament of Fowles, House of Fame, The Book of the Duchess, The Legend of Good Women, De Planctu de Naturae. 18. On the garden as metaphor of the church, see Stanley Stewart, The Enclosed Garden: The Tradition and the Image in 17th-Century Poetry (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966), 54. Also, Paul Meyvaert, “The Medieval Monastic Garden,” in Medieval Gardens, ed. Elisabeth B. MacDougall (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1986), 51, writes that “the earthly paradise of Eden was seen as an image of the Church, in which the redeemed had access to Christ, the Tree of Life.” The garden also served as a figure of the mind; see St. Teresa and St. John. See also George Herbert, Henry Vaughan, and Andrew Marvell in Stewart, The Enclosed Garden, especially Chapters 3 and 5. J. T. Rhodes and Clifford Davidson: “The beginning and end of time were marked by the garden.” J. T. Rhodes and Clifford Davidson, “The Garden of Paradise,” in The Iconography of Heaven, ed. Clifford Davidson. Early Drama, Art, and Music Monograph Series 21 (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1994), 95 [69–103]. 19. John Prest, The Garden of Eden: The Botanic Garden and the Re-Creation of Paradise (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981), 54. 20. Matthew Johnson, Behind the Castle Gate: From Medieval to Renaissance (New York: Routledge, 2002), 45. Citing Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740–1860 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1987); and John Barrell, “The Public Prospect and the Private View: The Politics of Taste in Eighteenth- Century Britain,” in Reading Landscape: Country-City-Capital, ed. Simon Pugh (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990), 19–40, Johnson sees a similarity in English eighteenth- and fourteenth-century attitudes toward gardens. 188 NOTES

21. Sara M. Wages, “Remarks on Love, Woman and the Garden in Netherlandish Art: A Study on the Iconology of the Garden,” in Rembrandt, Rubens, and The Art of Their Time, ed. Roland E. Fleischer and Susan C. Scott (University Park: Penn State Press, 1997), 192 [177–224]. 22. Derek Pearsall, “Gardens as Symbol and Setting in Late Medieval Poetry,” in Medieval Gardens, ed. Elisabeth B. MacDougall (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1986), 239. 23. Poem #93, “Hortum habet insula virgo virginalem,” in The Love Songs of the Carmina Burana, trans. E. D. Blodgett and Roy Arthur Swanson (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1987), 106. 24. Reginald Thorne Davies, ed., Medieval English Lyrics: A Critical Anthology (Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries Press, 1972), 158, 246, 262. 25. William Dunbar, The Tretis of the Twa Mariit Wemen and the Wedo, ed. Eve Salisbury, originally published The Trials and Joys of Marriage, TEAMS Middle English Text Series (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2002), www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams/tmfrm.htm, accessed August 6, 2009. 26. I use the concept of “deterritorialization” less in the Deleuze and Guattari sense and more in the sense that Caren Kaplan uses it. She claims that “We must leave home, as it were, since our homes are often sites of racism, sexism, and other damaging social practices.” Reterritorialization is, it seems, what Michelle Cliff describes as “finding a social space to inhabit that will not deny any of the complicated parts of [one’s] identity and history.” Caren Kaplan, “Deterritorializations: The Rewriting of Home and Exile in Western Feminist Discourse,” Cultural Critique 6, The Nature and Context of Minority Discourse (1987): 194, 195 [187–98]. Michelle Cliff, Claiming an Identity They Taught Me to Despise (Watertown, MA: Persephone Press, 1980), cited by Kaplan, page numbers not given. 27. In Literature of Courtly Love: Introduction, originally published in The Chaucerian Apocrypha: A Selection, TEAMS Middle English Text Series, ed. Kathleen Forni (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2005), par. 1, www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams/forcrtlvint.htm, accessed July 16, 2010, Kathleen Forni notes that in editions of Chaucer’s works as late as the sixteenth century, “most of the poems that accom- panied” those works, “deal in some fashion with what is broadly categorized as fin amours or courtly love.” She continues: “The aristo- cratic amatory idiom is today considered one of the most influential and enduring literary legacies of the Middle Ages” and the evidence of cer- tain texts “dominated by amorous subjects, suggest that the theory and practice of fin amours was a fetishized obsession among fourteenth- and fifteenth-century social elites.” “John Stevens,” she notes, “suggests that from the late fourteenth until the sixteenth century,” courtly love was a ‘game of love,’ that included “reading and talking about love, and act- ing, playing, and emulating the lover, [and] provided a primary form of polite recreation for ‘social play’ and ‘social display.’ ” According to Anna Dronzek, courtesy books of the period assumed that one’s external NOTES 189

behavior (i.e., etiquette) was considered an indicator of that person’s morality or goodness. Anna Dronzek, “Gendered Theories of Education in Fifteenth-Century Conduct Books,” in Medieval Conduct, ed. Kathleen Ashley and Robert L. A. Clark. Medieval Cultures 29 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), 137, 153n8 [135–59]. 28. Andries van den Abeele, “Gardens and Secret Places in Bruges,” par. 7, http://users.skynet.be/sb176943/AndriesVandenAbeele/gardens.htm, accessed August 8, 2009. 29. Davidoff, Beginning Well, 146. Davidoff argues that garden’s maze is paralleled in the dream portion of the poem “where comings and goings seem every bit as chaotic and frustrating as wandering in a maze” (149). 30. Mazes of this sort exist in this period but are not common (the Internet lists several such mazes in later London). See Davidoff about mazes as unique in dream vision poetry. Davidoff, Beginning Well, 214nn30, 34. 31. Johan Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages (1924; repr. Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, Inc., 1999), 99. 32. Larry D. Benson, “Courtly Love and Chivalry in the Later Middle Ages,” in Fifteenth-Century Studies: Recent Essays, ed. Robert F. Yeager (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1984), 240 [237–57]. 33. Ibid., 241. 34. According to Kathleen Forni, Richard Firth Green “acknowledges that for aristocrats, gentry, and the merchant class, the fiction of courtly love offered a system of etiquette, polite behavior, and good breeding.” Forni, Literature of Courtly Love: Introduction, par. 1. Green argues that “since the capacity to experience exalted human love was, by definition in the mid- dle ages, restricted entirely to the well-born, it followed that one way in which a man might display his gentility was to suggest that he was in love.” Richard Firth Green, Poets and Princepleasers: Literature and the English Court in the Late Middle Ages (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 114. 35. Davidoff, Beginning Well, 213–14n30. 36. John Stephens, “The Questioning of Love in the Assembly of Ladies,” Review of English Studies, n.s. 24.94 (1973): 134 [129–40]. Stephens acknowledges the image’s “continued semantic association” within lines 32–38, developing the notion of “maze” as “bewilderment,” and the verb mazen (and its metaphorical implications), but he dismisses the possibil- ity of the poet’s borrowing heavily moralized meanings as represented in classical works such as Ovide Moralisé and Boccaccio’s De Genealogie Deorum Gentilium. 37. Ibid., 132. 38. McMillan, “ ‘Fayre Sisters Al,’ ” 38. 39. Meale, “Women’s Voices and Roles,” 79. 40. Rachel Sullivan, “Guide to Mazes in New South Wales: Lost in the Labyrinth,” The Sydney Morning Herald, May 30, 2009. http://www.smh. com.au/travel/lost-in-the-labyrinth-20090527-bn9d.html, accessed August 8, 2009. 190 NOTES

41. Ovid, Metamorphoses, trans. A. D. Melville (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 8:169–71. 42. Bernard Tschumi, Architecture and Disjunction (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994), 49. 43. Gilles Deleuze, The Logic of Sense (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 253–65. 44. Jean Baudrillard, “The Precession of Simulacra,” in Simulacra and Simulation, trans. Sheila Faria Glaser (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1994), 12–14 [1–42]. 45. Dani Cavallaro, Cyberpunk and Cyberculture: Science Fiction and the Work of William Gibson (London: The Athlone Press, 2000), 212. 46. Green, Poets and Princepleasers, 114, 115. 47. Jeffrey T. Nealon, Alterity Politics: Ethics and Performative Subjectivity (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998), 23. 48. The tradition of the grievance court of love is described by Andreas the Chaplain in De Amore, Bk. II, chap. VII, where judgments concern- ing complaintes d’amour and questions d’amour are passed down by Queen Eleanor, as well as countesses (e.g., Lady Ermengarde of Narbonne, Countess de Champagne and the Countess of Flanders) and where the assemblies of counselors to the Queen or Countess were all-female courts. P. G. Walsh, ed. and trans., Andreas Capellanus on Love (London: Gerald Duckworth & Co. Ltd, 1982), Bk. II, chap. VII. Literary models appear in Gower’s Temple of Glas, Chaucer’s Parliament of Fowls and Legend of Good Women. 49. Much of this view is indebted to Wendy A. Matlock’s impressive article, “ ‘And long to sue it is a wery thing’: Legal Commentary in The Assembly of Ladies,” Studies in Philology 101.1 (2004): 20–37. 50. For example, one’s sleeve reads “Une sans chaungier” (“one without changing” [l. 590]); another reads “Oncques puis lever” (“I cannot ever rise” [l. 598]), and a third reads “Bien monest” (“well advised” [l. 675]). 51. Laura L. Howes, Chaucer’s Gardens and the Language of Convention (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 1997), 65. 52. To quote, perversely, fresshe May’s ready answer to Januarie’s claim to have seen her engaged in intercourse with Damyan (Merchant’s Tale, 4.2387), “ ‘Ye maze, maze, goode sire,’ quod she.” 53. Carole Anne Taylor, “Humor, Subjectivity, Resistance: The Case of Laughter in The Color Purple,” Texas Studies in Literature and Language 36.4 (1994): 463 [462–82]. 54. Fisher, “The Flower and the Leaf and The Assembly of Ladies,” 193, cites a fifteenth-century English poem attributed to the Duke of Suffolk, whose lines read: “ ‘Lo yit,’ quod he, ‘my colour shal be blewe/ That folke may know of my stedfast lyvyng.’ ” The early sixteenth-century poem, The Court of Love, refers to wearing the color “blewe” in whose “signe thay were, and ever will be true,/ Withouten chaunge” (ll. 246, 248–49). The Court of Love, (originally published in The Chaucerian Apocrypha: A Selection), TEAMS Middle English Text Series, ed. Kathleen Forni NOTES 191

(Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2005), http://www. lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams/forcrtfrm.htm, July 15, 2010. 55. Matlock, “ ‘And long to sue it is a wery thing,’ ” 30–31. 56. Donnelly, “ ‘Withoute Wordes,’ ” 46. 57. Donnelly, “ ‘Withoute Wordes,’ ” 46. 58. Matlock, “ ‘And long to sue it is a wery thing,’ ” 33. 59. Donnelly, “ ‘Withoute Wordes,’ ” 43. 60. Donnelly, “ ‘Withoute Wordes,’ ” 44. 61. For example, King Horn visits Rymenhild in her private bower; Tristan prepares a bower in the wood of Morois for himself and Iseult. 62. La Belle Dame Sans Mercy appears in two of the three manuscripts containing The Assembly of Ladies: MS Longleat 258, fos. 120 r-136v (1460–70) and MS Trinity R. 3.19, fos. 98r-108v (1500–25). 63. Rossell Hope Robbins, “The Chaucerian Apocrypha,” in A Manual of the Writings in Middle English, 1050–1500, ed. J. Burke Severs and Albert E. Hartung (New Haven, CT: The Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1967–1973), 4:1094 [1061–1101 and 1285–1306]. 64. The country-house poem, “The Description of Cooke-ham” appears as the last poem in Aemilia Lanyer’s Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum, in which Lanyer (1570?-1645) rewrote the Fall of Humankind and represents Eve not as being deceived, but rather, as “seeker and source” of knowledge. Naomi J. Miller, “(M)other Tongues: Maternity and Subjectivity,” in Aemilia Lanyer: Gender, Genre, and the Canon, ed. Marshall Grossman (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1998), 159 [143–66]. 65. I. Helling, “Autobiography as Self-Presentation: The Carpenters of Konstanz,” in Life Sentences: Aspects of the Social Role of Language, ed. Rom Harré (London: John Wiley and Sons, Ltd., 1976), 42–48. See esp. p. 33, Bronwyn Davies and Rom Harré, “Contradiction in Lived and Told Narratives,” Research on Language and Social Interaction 25 (1991–1992): 33 [1–36]. 66. Fisher, “The Flower and the Leaf and The Assembly of Ladies,” 175. 67. Ibid., 174–75. 68. Stephens, “The Questioning of Love in the Assembly of Ladies,” 137. 69. Barratt, “ ‘The Flower and the Leaf’ and ‘The Assembly of Ladies,’ ” 18. 70. Derek Pearsall, “The Assembly of Ladies and Generydes,” Review of English Studies, n.s. 12.47 (1961): 236 [229–37]. 71. Fisher, “The Flower and the Leaf and The Assembly of Ladies,” 175. 72. Ibid., 163. 73. Matlock, “ ‘And long to sue it is a wery thing,’ ” 21, 22. 74. “Bradford Vivian draws from the works of Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari to suggest that rhetoricians recognize ‘that the self may be conceived as a form—a rhetorical form—that exists only in its contin- ual and aesthetic creation, in its indefinite becoming’ (2000, 304).” See Kendall R. Phillips, “Rhetorical Maneuvers: Subjectivity, Power, and Resistance,” Philosophy and Rhetoric 39.4 (2006): 311 [310–32]. Phillips is quoting Bradford Vivian, “The Threshold of the Self,” Philosophy 192 NOTES

and Rhetoric 33.4 (2000): 304 [303–18]. (Phillips’ citation differs only in minor ways from Vivian’s statement.)

5 Code-Switching: Male Crossing into Female Speech Domain 1. Pull yourself out of such sober reveries, (nurtured, presumably, by such studies); he continues: sober reveries contravene the spirit of the pilgrimage. “For Goddes sake,” be “of bettre cheere!” This is not the time “for to studien here” (IV.7–8). You agreed to participate “in a pley,” and now you “nedes moot unto the pley assente,” so “tell us som myrie tale” (IV.10, 11, 9). Don’t cause us to lose sleep by preaching “as freres doon in Lente,/ To make us for oure olde synnes wepe,” and, finally, lose the rhetorical colors: you can save those for addresses to the king; for us, speak plainly so that we can understand what you say (IV.12–14). 2. Wendy Allman points out that the sophyme was “the prestige academic discourse of the fourteenth century”; “Petrarch,” she says, “engages in virulent objection to sophymes originating in England,” leading her to propose the Clerk’s Tale, particularly the Prologue and the Envoy, as Chaucer’s humorous response to Petrarch. Wendy Allman, “Appropriating Genres: the Clerk’s Tale as Sophisma,” Paper presented at the 33rd International Congress on Medieval Studies, The Medieval Institute, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, MI, 10 May 1998. A similar objection seems to lie behind Leonardo Bruni of Arezzo’s remark in his first Disputation dedicated to Pier Paolo Vergerio in 1401: “What is left in logic which is untouched by British sophisms?” Cited in Stephen Read, ed., Sophisms in Medieval Logic and Grammar (Dordrecht, NLD: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1993), xi. 3. Fallacies appear to be the commonest form of sophismata in current text- books on logic. However, S. Morris Engel distinguishes a sophism from a fallacy thus: “A sophism is an argument that though correct in appearance is nevertheless invalid.” S. Morris Engel, With Good Reason: An Introduction to Informal Fallacies, 3rd ed. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1986), 164. 4. Warren S. Ginsberg referencing the General Prologue (I. 840–841) and Romaunt of the Rose (l. 1000). “The Clerk’s demeanor ought to be maidenly” cites Jill Mann, Chaucer and Medieval Estates Satire: The Literature of Social Classes and the General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 76, in which Mann points to the “gentler ideal of ‘Totum regit saeculum’: Clericos simplicitas decet puellaris” which she translates as “a maidenly innocence is fitting for clerks.” Ginsberg also cites, among others, William of Wheatley’s (fl. 1305–1331) work on Boethius’s Disciplina scholastica, whereby he writes that “the scholar ought to be so chaste and modest in word and action, that he may resemble a virgin newly spoused.” This latter text can be found online at “The Clerk of Oxford in Fiction” at http://www.archive.org NOTES 193

/stream/clerkofoxfordinf00hultiala/clerkofoxfordinf00hultiala_djvu.txt. Warren S. Ginsberg, explanatory notes to The Clerk’s Prologue and Tale in The Riverside Chaucer, 879. 5. Alexander Murray writes, “In the fourteenth century . . . the proportion of tonsured clergy [clergy in orders] among students at some new universi- ties . . . [was] astonishingly low—for instance, 35 per cent at Cologne, and 20 per cent at Heidelberg.” Alexander Murray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), 264. 6. The Lateran decrees of 1123 and 1139 that “transformed clerical marriage from a legally tolerated institution into a canonical crime” come to mind immediately: these were a direct consequence of the reformers’ zeal for making sex and sexual desire the barrier between the worthy priest and the unworthy one. James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987), 220. Heterosexuality itself has long been argued to be a socialization that took place historically under conditions of patriarchy whereby the male ruling-class dominance asserted “sexual control over women and domi- nated men while the dominant men themselves remain[ed] sexually invul- nerable.” Rosemary Radford Ruether, “Homophobia, Heterosexism, and Pastoral Practice,” in Homosexuality in the Priesthood and the Religious Life, ed. Jeannine Gramick (New York: Crossroad, 1989), 31 [21–35]. Ruether continues: One of the ways to establish this system of sexual control was “to create a celibate elite that [became] regarded as above sexuality, morally and spiritually superior to the lower class of sexual people” (31); eventually, the “celibate elite not only [held] itself aloof from sexuality, but also defin[ed] everyone else’s sexuality by strictly delimiting what they [could] do, and when and with whom they can do it” (31–32). Samuel Laeuchli’s study, Power and Sexuality: The Emergence of Canon Law at the Synod of Elvira (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1972), 88, reveals how the Church used sexual legislation as a way of creating Christian identity. By setting exceptionally rigorous sexual taboos for the clergy (as distinct from sexual legislation for the laypeople), the Elvira synod meant to associate clearly the clergy’s Christian identity with their sexual conduct. See also Pierre J. Payer, The Bridling of Desire: Views of Sex in the Later Middle Ages (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993); and Peggy Reeves Sanday, Female Power and Male Dominance: On the Origins of Sexual Inequality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). 7. In the methodology of cultural and linguistic anthropologists, abstracts and ideological preoccupations provide less a site out of which meanings arise than do interactions in a particular situation. Traditionally, our philosophical, religious, or social conceptions (of power, religion, moral- ity, human rights) have started from the representational character of language and/or the mind; rather than asking how those linguistic expressions/ representations acquire definite meaning, i.e., “content,” I intend to examine how those expressions are used in social practices, 194 NOTES

according to standards implicit in those practices. Proverbs, for example, are treated by cultural and linguistic anthropologists not as slices of cultural wisdom but as means or resources available for use in specific situations. The question is not “What do proverbs say,” but rather “How are proverbs used?” Instead of focusing upon what type of morality might be represented by the proverb, the concern now is to see how that morality itself is invoked and negotiated in a discourse. 8. The problem of eliding author, narrator, and character voices is espe- cially endemic to Greek plays in which the voice of the chorus narrator/ persona and the voice of the poet are frequently perceived to be the same. It naturally raises the question: “Whose voice do we hear in a choral ode?” Judith Fletcher, “Choral Voice and Narrative in the First Stasimon of Aeschylus Agamemnon,” Phoenix 53.1/2 (1999): 29 [29–49]. Paul Strohm observes of the Clerk’s Tale, that “this tale, like all of Chaucer’s tales, embraces many voices, including those of predecessor texts, of Chaucer the poet-narrator, of the Clerk himself. But . . . the predominant voice of the tale is that of the Clerk, and he is presented to the audience as conservative satirist, elaborately deferential to authority in his own conduct and in his literary imagination.” Paul Strohm, Social Chaucer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 159. In fact, so dominant is the Clerk’s voice that Strohm consciously blurs it with Chaucer’s voice in noting the tale’s critique of ideal obedience: “Whether we view this critique as issuing from Chaucer or from his Clerk, it calls into question many features of the hierarchical ideology that the tale seems to advance” (160). Elizabeth D. Harvey notes the slippage between characterological and authorial voices not only in the Wife of Bath’s being paired “repeatedly” with “female characters created by female authors,” but also in later female characters such as Molly Bloom who in the writings of some theorists such as Hélène Cixous “comes to stand for the irrepressible female spirit.” Elizabeth D. Harvey, Ventriloquized Voices: Feminist Theory and English Renaissance Texts (London: Routledge, 1992), 16. Even Erasmus, adopt- ing a female voice in The Praise of Folly, ascribes a reality to the character’s voice that displaces his own authorial voice: “ ‘But if you think my speech has been too pert or wordy,’ he says at the end of Folly and then reminds us again in the letter to Dorp, ‘keep in mind that you’ve been listen- ing to Folly and to a woman.’ ” Harvey, Ventriloquized Voices, 63, citing Desiderius Erasmus, The Praise of Folly, trans. Clarence H. Miller (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1979), 138, 160. Interestingly enough, Chaucer himself in his poem to Bukton cites the Wife of Bath as though she were an authoritative voice on the sorrows of marriage (along with his having characters in the Tales cite the Wife of Bath, as well). See Strohm, Social Chaucer, 73. 9. For “hybrid voices,” see Mikhail Bakhtin, “Discourse in the Novel,” in The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays by M. M. Bakhtin, ed. Michael Holquist, trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981), 259–423. NOTES 195

10. J. Burke Severs, The Literary Relationships of Chaucer’s Clerkes Tale (1942; repr. Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1972), 268, Pars III, translation mine. 11. Ruth Evans, “Vulgar Eloquence? Cultural Models and Practices of Translation in Late Medieval Europe,” in Translating Others, ed. Theo Hermans, vol. 2 (Manchester: St. Jerome Press, 2006), 301 [296–313]. 12. John Finlayson, “Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Chaucer’s ‘Clerk’s Tale,’ ” Studies in Philology 97.3 (2000): 268 [255–75]. 13. Finlayson, “Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Chaucer’s ‘Clerk’s Tale,’ ” 270. In his letter, Petrarch writes that while Griselda’s patience “seems hardly imitable,” he wishes “to encourage the readers to imitate at least this woman’s constancy, so that what she maintained toward her husband they may maintain toward our God . . . . I would number among the men overflowing with constancy whoever would suffer without a murmur for his God what this little peasant woman suffered for her mortal husband.” (270), citing “The Clerk’s Tale” in W. F. Bryan and Germaine Dempster, ed., Sources and Analogues of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales (Chicago: Humanities Press, 1941, repr.; New York, 1958), 69–81, 330; and Aldo Bernardo, trans., Francis Petrarch: Letters of Old Age, 2 vols. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 2:668. David Wallace, “ ‘Whan She Translated Was’: A Chaucerian Critique of the Petrarchan Academy,” in Literary Practice and Social Change in Britain 1380–1530, ed. Lee Patterson (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990), 190 [156–215], argues that the “implied analogy between Walter and God can be taken seriously in Petrarch’s text because Walter’s tyrannical proclivities are played down or passed over without comment.” 14. Evans, “Vulgar Eloquence?,” 301. 15. Rita Copeland, Rhetoric, Hermeneutics, and Translation in the Middle Ages: Academic Traditions and Vernacular Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 223. 16. Copeland, Rhetoric, Hermeneutics, and Translation, 36. The larger, but not the full, quote reads: “The medieval practice of translation as a form of appropriation and substitution will be conditioned, as in Roman contexts, by rhetorical theories of invention” (36). 17. Sherry Simon, Gender in Translation: Cultural Identity and the Politics of Transmission (London: Routledge, 1996), 8. 18. Rita Copeland, “The Fortunes of ‘Non Verbum pro Verbo’: or, Why Jerome is not a Ciceronian,” in The Medieval Translator: The Theory and Practice of Translation in the Middle Ages, ed. Roger Ellis (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1989), 35 [15–35]. 19. Copeland, “The Fortunes of ‘Non Verbum pro Verbo,’ ” 35. 20. Ibid. 21. Rime royal is the form used by a number of late medieval (and early modern English) writers to express women’s voice and concerns. In addi- tion to Chaucer’s use of it in the Prioress’s Tale, it was used by Richard Roos for La Belle Dame sans Mercy (mid-1400’s), The Flower and the 196 NOTES

Leafe (female narrator) (ca. 1470), by Samuel Daniel in the “Complaint of Rosamond” (1592), and by Shakespeare, to some extent, in Lucrece (1594). 22. Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde, a translation of Boccaccio’s Il Filostrato (ca. 1335) is characterized by Barry Windeatt as a process of “compo- sition through adaptive translation.” Barry Windeatt, Oxford Guides to Chaucer: Troilus and Criseyde (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 54. 23. Elaine Treharne, “The Stereotype Confirmed? Chaucer’s Wife of Bath,” in Writing Gender and Genre in Medieval Literature: Approaches to Old and Middle English Texts, ed. Elaine Treharne, Essays and Studies 55 (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2002), 109 [93–115]. 24. Katherine Usher Henderson and Barbara F. McManus, ed., Half Humankind: Contexts and Texts of the Controversy about Women in England, 1540–1640 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985), 12. The text, “The Schoolhouse of Women,” occurs on pp. 137–55. 25. Anon., “The Schoolhouse of Women,” 140. 26. Ibid., 141. 27. Ibid., 138. 28. Simon, Gender in Translation, 9. 29. Seth Lerer, “The Canterbury Tales,” in The Yale Companion to Chaucer, ed. Seth Lerer (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 288. 30. Lerer, “The Canterbury Tales,” 288. The actions of quitting and response that so structure the Canterbury Tales provide, according to Seth Lerer, “a model for a future literary history” (288). 31. Carolyn Dinshaw, Chaucer’s Sexual Poetics (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), 136. 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid., 137. 34. Ibid. 35. Wallace, “ ‘Whan She Translated Was,’ ” 195–96. 36. Emma Campbell, “Sexual Poetics and the Politics of Translation in the Tale of Griselda,” Comparative Literature 55.3 (2003): 212 [191–216]. 37. Portions of this chapter were presented at conferences in San Diego and Milwaukee. In both instances, scholars in the audiences voiced hesitation to accept code-switching as meaning anything other than a switching between two (or more) languages by one speaker in a single interac- tion. Fortunately, the last decade of studies by Celso Alvarez-Cáccamo, Cecelia Cutler, Mary Bucholtz, David Graddol, Joan Swan, Elizabeth Gordon, Mark Williams, Bill Manhire, Natalie Hess, and others has opened up the parameters of research whereby the movement has been, as Coupland and Jaworski put it, away from thinking of language as a set of static categories to thinking of language instead as “experienced by users themselves as a complex set of social processes.” Nikolas Coupland and Adam Jaworski, “Social Worlds through Language,” in The New Sociolinguistics Reader, ed. Nikolas Coupland and Adam Jaworski (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 7 [1–21]. That is, “there has been a NOTES 197

steady shift away from formalist approaches to sociolinguistic descrip- tion towards a more integrated approach—understanding how linguistic forms are used in the context of communicative functions” (7). 38. Roxy Harris and Ben Rampton, “Creole Metaphors in Cultural Analysis: On the Limits and Possibilities of (Socio-)Linguistics,” Critique of Anthropology 22.1 (2002): 31–51. 39. Roger Hewitt, White Talk, Black Talk: Interracial Friendship and Communication Among Adolescents (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. Chapters 4 and 5. 40. Cecelia Cutler, “Language as Prestige: Crossing Over,” in “Do You Speak American. What Speech Do We Like Best?,” 1–4, www.pbs.org /speak/speech/prestige/crossing, accessed January 8, 2010. 41. Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination; and Michael McKeon, ed., Theory of the Novel: A Historical Approach (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000). 42. Celso Alvarez-Cáccamo, “Rethinking Conversational Code-Switching: Codes, Speech Varieties, and Contextualization,” in Proceedings of the Sixteenth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, February 16–19, 1990 (Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistics Society, 1990), 3–16. Celso Alvarez- Cáccamo, “From ‘Switching Code’ to ‘Code-Switching’: Towards a Reconceptualisation of Communicative Codes,” in Code-Switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity, ed. Peter Auer (London: Routledge, 1998), 29–48; Celso Alvarez-Cáccamo, “Codes,” Paper Presented at the Annual Meetings of the American Anthropological Association, Philadelphia, PA, Dec. 2–6, 1998. Online at http://www. udc.es/dep/lx/cac/aaa1998/alvarez-caccamo.pdf, accessed July 22, 2010. 43. Nikolas Coupland, Style: Language Variation and Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), and Nikolas Coupland, “Language, Situation, and the Relational Self: Theorizing Dialect-Style in Sociolinguistics,” in Style and Sociolinguistic Variation, ed. Penelope Eckert and John R. Rickford (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 185–210. 44. Gerry Philipsen, “A Theory of Speech Codes,” in Developing Communication Theories, ed. Gerry Philipsen and Terrance L. Albrecht (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1997), 119–56. 45. Peter Auer and Ben Rampton question the traditional views of code- switching in language interactions. Both observe that such views restricted themselves to “participants, topic or setting,” and the way in which those issues revealed a social meaning behind the choices to code-switch or not. Peter Auer, “Introduction: Bilingual Conversation Revisited,” in Code-Switching in Conversation, 3 [1–24]. However, Rampton argues, there is a further option other than those views—a kind of “language crossing” that explores “other people’s ethnicities, embracing them and/or creat- ing new ones,” and this option “is very far from rare.” Ben Rampton, “Language Crossing and the Redefinition of Reality,” in Code-Switching in Conversation, 300 [290–317]. 198 NOTES

46. Contemporary study of women’s speech involves three disciplines: “sociolinguistics, which examines the formal properties of speech and relates them to social context and social roles; discourse analysis; and comparative ethnographic studies that focus on verbal genres.” Laura McClure, Spoken Like a Woman: Speech and Gender in Athenian Drama (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), 32. McClure (32n1) directs us to several important studies of women’s speech in other cultures: Elinor Keenan, “Norm Makers, Norm-Breakers: Uses of Speech by Men and Women in a Malagasy Community,” in Explorations in the Ethnography of Speaking, ed. Richard Bauman and Joel Sherzer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 125–43; Susan Gal, “Between Speech and Silence: The Problematics of Research on Language and Gender,” in Gender at the Crossroads of Knowledge: Feminist Anthropology in the PostModern Era, ed. Micaela di Leonardo (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1991), 175–203; Gloria Goodwin Raheja, “The Limits of Patriliny: Kinship, Gender and Women’s Speech Practices in Rural North India,” in Gender, Kinship, Power: A Comparative and Interdisciplinary History, ed. Mary Jo Maynes, Ann Waltner, Birgitte Soland, and Ulrike Strasser (New York: Routledge, 1996), 149–74. 47. Bill Manhire, Dirty Silence: Impure Sounds in New Zealand Poetry. Cited in Elizabeth Gordon and Mark Williams, “Raids on the Articulate: Code-Switching, Style-Shifting and Postcolonial Writing,” The Journal of Commonwealth Literature 33.2 (1998): 75 [75–96]. 48. Gordon and Williams, “Raids on the Articulate,” 75. 49. Coupland and Jaworski, “Social Worlds Through Language,” 3. 50. Ibid., 8. 51. Rampton, “Language Crossing,” 291. 52. Ibid. 53. Ibid., 290–317. Rampton focuses especially on “crossing” at the bound- ary as distinct from crossing over the boundary; he is interested in how crossing is a form of (playfully) negotiating expectations (resistance) in adult directed activities, and in social relationships. Roger Hewitt, White Talk, Black Talk: Interracial Friendship and Communication Amongst Adolescents, documents the sociolinguistic impact on the language and culture of white London teenagers that the Afro-Caribbean (or “London Jamaican” creole) used by young black Londoners has had. 54. Howard Giles and Robert N. St. Clair, Language and Social Psychology (London: Basil Blackwell, 1979) proposed that some of the cognitive reasons for code-switching and other changes in speech lay in a speaker’s desire to stress or suppress the social differences between themselves and those with whom they are interacting. Giles posits that when speakers seek approval in a social situation they are likely to converge their speech to that of their interlocutor. This convergence or style-shifting includes elements such as language of choice, dialect, grammatical complexity and accent. On the other hand, in order to stress the social distance between NOTES 199

themselves and their audience, the speaker might also resort to “divergent speech.” Here, the speaker would restrict her/himself to using linguistic features belonging to their own group. 55. Harris and Rampton, “Creole Metaphors,” 42. 56. Lee Patterson, Chaucer and the Subject of History (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), 364–65n92, notes that “yerde” as “penis” “is not a slang usage.” He cites R. H. Helmholz, Marriage Litigation in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), who includes documentation of a text that “describes in sober legal prose the tests to which a husband’s ‘yerde’ or virga was subjected to demonstrate impotence (89n53).” 57. Rampton, “Language Crossing,” 309. 58. Cutler, “Language as Prestige: Crossing Over,” 1. 59. Mary Helen Bucholtz, “Borrowed Blackness: African American Vernacular English and European American Youth Identities” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1997). 60. Cutler, “Language as Prestige: Crossing Over,” 4. 61. Ibid. 62. Ibid. 63. Cecelia Cutler, “Hip-Hop Language in Sociolinguistics and Beyond,” Language and Linguistics Compass 1/5 (2007): 520 [519–38], notes that “Researchers often use the term ‘language’ in a loose sense to describe the linguistic variety associated with hip-hop and its relationship to AAE, but the degree to which the linguistic features of HHL overlap with those of AAE actually makes it difficult to argue that it consti- tutes a language unto itself. Perhaps ‘language style’ is a more appro- priate designation.” She repeats this point, noting that “over the past two decades sociolinguistics has identified a language—perhaps more accurately termed a ‘language style’—associated with hip-hop consisting of a range of phonological, grammatical, and lexical patterns” (528). 64. Ibid., 527. 65. Ibid. 66. Treharne, “The Stereotype Confirmed? Chaucer’s Wife of Bath.” Treharne argues that in attempting “to invent a female language” (96) for the Wife of Bath, Chaucer deliberately “emulates aspects of a woman’s language”—repetition, volubility, hyperbole, unfinished sentences (109), etc.—and is so successful at “replicating women’s speech that critics and students are so frequently momentarily beguiled into believing they are reading the real words of a real woman” (115). “Chaucer’s linguistic acuity and his ability to deceive—despite the formal restraints of the written verse form—are what make his observations, not only of social mores and culture in late fourteenth-century England, but also of social and communicative interaction so interesting” (115). 67. Cutler cites, among others, Lanita Jacobs-Huey, “Is there an authen- tic African American speech community: Carla revisited,” University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics (1997) 4.1.331–70; Mary Bucholtz, 200 NOTES

“Borrowed Blackness”; H. S. Alim, “Hip Hop Nation Language,” in Language in the USA: Themes for the Twenty-first Century, ed. Edward Finegan and John R. Rickford (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 387–409; Nikolas Coupland, “Language, Situation, and the Relational Self,” 185–210. 68. Michael McKeon, ed., Theory of the Novel: A Historical Approach (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 350. The translation of Bakhtin’s theory is by McKeon. See also Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays. Social stratification has the power to exploit and inflect language. There are languages even within the stratif ications, particular to “any given moment of verbal-ideological life” (290). “Thus at any given moment of its historical existence, language is heteroglot from top to bottom: it represents the coexistence of socio- ideological contradictions between the present and the past, between different epochs of the past, between different socio-ideological groups in the present, between tendencies, schools, circles and so forth, all given a bodily form. These ‘languages’ of heteroglossia intersect each other in a variety of ways, forming new socially typifying ‘languages’ ” (291). “Literary language is in effect a dialogue of languages, a ‘highly specific unity of several ‘languages’ ” (295). 69. Ken Hirschkop, Mikhail Bakhtin: An Aesthetic for Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 213, citing Bakhtin, “Discourse in the Novel.” 70. Hirschkop, Mikhail Bakhtin, citing Bakhtin, 258. 71. Hirschkop, Mikhail Bakhtin, citing Bakhtin, 258. “For the consciousness living in it,” Bakhtin asserts, language is “a concrete heteroglot opinion on the world. All words taste of a profession, a genre, a movement, a party, a particular work, a particular person, a generation, an age group, a day and hour.” Hirschkop, Mikhail Bakhtin, citing Bakhtin, 19. 72. Ibid., 21. 73. Helen Cooper, Oxford Guides to Chaucer: The Canterbury Tales, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 188. Cooper points to “the blisful ende” as indexing a romance. 74. Noah D. Guynn, review of The Romance of Adultery: Queenship and Sexual Transgression in Old French Literature, by Peggy McCracken, SubStance 31.2&3 (2002): 307 [306–310], remarks that for some medieval scholars, “romance offers a space for late feudal culture to explore, and even thematize, oppositional forces that it imagines to be capable of subvert- ing or destroying political and social hierarchies.” 75. Guynn, review of The Romance of Adultery, 309. 76. Alvarez-Cáccamo, “Rethinking Conversational Code-Switching,” 10. 77. Alvarez-Cáccamo, “Codes,” 2. 78. Ibid., 3. 79. Alvarez-Cáccamo, “From ‘Switching Code’ to ‘Code-Switching,’ ” 31. 80. Alvarez-Cáccamo, “Rethinking Conversational Code-Switching,” 11. Or, as Alvarez-Cáccamo phrases it, alternately, speaking “Spanish with a vernacular prosody” (10). NOTES 201

81. Ibid. 82. Ibid., 10. 83. Philipsen, “A Theory of Speech Codes,” 133. 84. Ibid., 119–56. 85. According to William L. Leap, gay discourse has its own syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. In his book, Word’s Out: Gay Men’s English (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996) and his article, “Gay Men’s English” (1993), Leap, in a controlled, limited study, examines the linguistic ways in which gay men’s gender is conveyed by gay men themselves through language. The problem complicating Leap’s arguments is that gender identity is variable and not fixed, and one cannot claim linguistic regularity from a gay community that is not homogenous. Nevertheless, Leap’s definition of language for his hypothesized linguistic community is worth knowing. It includes “descriptions of grammar as well as discourse, that is, descriptions of speaker knowledge of language (e.g. syntax, semantics, and pragmatics) as well as the uses which speakers make of that knowledge in different social and cultural domains.” William L. Leap, “Gay Men’s English: Cooperative Discourse in a Language of Risk,” New York Folklore 19.1–2 (1993): 46 [45–70]. His book documents what he viewed as distinctive prosodic and syntactical and phonological features of Gay speech including habitual code switching and lexico-semantic borrow- ing from women’s speech practices. Several of Leap’s lexico-semantic and phonological features of Gay speech have been studied, as well, by Robert J. Podesva, Sarah J. Roberts, and Kathryn Campbell-Kibler, “Sharing Resources and Indexing Meanings in the Production of Gay Styles,” in Language and Sexuality: Contesting Meaning in Theory and Practice, ed. Robert J. Podesva, Sarah J. Roberts, Kathryn Campbell- Kibler and Andrew Wong (Stanford: CSLI Publications, 2002): 175–89, as well as by Rudolf P. Gaudio, “Sounding Gay: Pitch Properties in the Speech of Gay and Straight Men,” American Speech 69 (1994): 30–57. 86. The communities forming the study of Nacirema’s speech code were Santa Barbara and Seattle. They were thought to represent the majority of American speech codes. 87. Bucholtz, “Borrowed Blackness,” 86. 88. Coupland added that it would be “futile to try to theorize style, since a theory of style would be a theory of everything.” Coupland, “Language, Situation, and the Relational Self,” 185. 89. Bucholtz, “Borrowed Blackness,” 85. 90. Ibid. 91. Ibid., 86. 92. Ibid., 89. 93. Ibid., 100, citing Elinor Ochs, “Indexing Gender,” in Rethinking Context: Language as an Interactive Phenomenon, ed. A. Duranti and C. Goodwin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 340 [335–58]. 94. Bucholtz, “Borrowed Blackness,” 100. 202 NOTES

95. As Mary Bucholtz and Kira Hall succinctly put it, “identities may be linguistically indexed through labels, implicatures, stances, styles, or linguistic structures and systems.” Mary Bucholtz and Kira Hall, “Identity and Interaction: A Sociocultural Linguistic Approach,” Discourse Studies 7.4–5 (2005): 585 [585–614]. 96. Robert D. Angus, review of Style: Language Variation and Identity, by Nikolas Coupland, California Linguistic Notes 34.1 (2009): 3 [1–6], writes that Coupland is taking issue “with traditional notions that existing ‘speech repertoires’ are employed to negotiate social meaning and iden- tity” (3). His objection is that such a limiting concept such as “speech repertoires” does not “engage political and ideological implications, nor do they pay adequate attention to the ‘contextualization of speaking’ ” (3). 97. That the Griselda story was “one of the most familiar and popular in European literature” can be inferred from manuscript testimony. Warren Ginsberg, notes in The Riverside Chaucer, 880. Charlotte C. Morse mentions knowing of “188 manuscript copies of Petrarch’s Latin Griselda.” Charlotte C. Morse, “What to Call Petrarch’s Griselda,” in The Uses of Manuscripts in Literary Studies: Essays in Memory of Judson Boyce Allen, ed. Charlotte Cook Morse, Penelope Reed Doob, and Marjorie Curry Woods (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1992), 265 [263–303]. 98. Speculation as to whether the tale was a fable or a history cannot rely upon the title commonly given as the source of the tale, Petrarch’s fable, De obedientia ac fide uxoria mythologia, as Charlotte C. Morse demonstrates. The title comes from the 1581 Basle edition, and appears to have been based upon rubrics in the manuscripts. But manuscript rubrics (from which titles were commonly drawn) “were often scribal in origin [and] especially subject to variation.” Walter Ong, Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1958), 311–313, here paraphrased in Morse, “What to Call,” 264. As Morse points out, while fabula occurs in a number of manuscripts, “fifty-seven manuscripts designate the tale as an historia” before the tale’s beginning (269). In an earlier article, Morse reminds us that “sharp distinctions between history and fiction, common to modern thinking, were neither common nor especially meaningful in the late Middle Ages.” Charlotte C. Morse, “The Exemplary Griselda,” Studies in the Age of Chaucer 7 (1985): 63 [51–86]. Her manuscript research offers strong specific support: although the Clerk’s Tale is rarely copied apart from the Canterbury Tales, it “appears once with saint’s lives and three times with romances, illustrating the tendency, particularly in the English tradition, to group saints’ lives and romances, suggesting a less sharp distinction.” Morse, “The Exemplary Griselda,” 66n33. Examining the complicated early Christian and medieval attitudes toward martyrdom, she concludes, nevertheless, that “Petrarch thought of Griselda in terms of pagan martyrs,” while Chaucer thought of her in terms “of Christian martyrs. . . .” Morse, “Exemplary Griselda,” 81. Given that Chaucer’s sources were Petrarch’s Latin and NOTES 203

the anonymous French Livre de Griseldis (J. Burke Severs, The Literary Relationships of Chaucer’s Clerkes Tale [1942; repr. Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1972]), the weightiest evidence supporting Morse’s conclusion might well come from Ilía Golenitscheff-Koutouzoff’s work on the French evidence of transmission and reception of the Griselda tale; he “considers the view of Griselda as a martyr to have been commonly held in France and Italy in the 15th century.” See Ilía Golenitscheff-Koutouzoff, L’Histoire de Griseldis en France au XIVe et au XVe siècle (Paris: E. Droz, 1933), 133; here paraphrased by Morse, “Exemplary Griselda,” 81. Quite apart from the evidence drawn from historical sources and textual transmission, the Tale is unquestionably hagiographic in key ways. The “wild excesses of hagiography,” as Helen M. Jewell describes the unrestrained features of the biographies of female saints, are, here, conspicuous: the repeated humiliating indignities quietly accepted, the assumed brutalities against her children silently suffered, the exultation of self-effacement, and the emphasis upon submission as the female ideal of obedience. Helen M. Jewell, Women in Medieval England (New York: Manchester University Press, 1996), 10. Further, the Clerk’s frank caution at the Tale’s end, “This storie is seyd nat for that wyves sholde/ Folwen Grisilde as in humylitee,/ for it were inportable . . . ” underscores the didac- tic purpose intrinsic to that “storie of swich mervaille” (IV.1142–44). Helen Cooper, Oxford Guides to Chaucer, 188, notes that the Host describes the tale “at the end both as a ‘legende’, with its primary mean- ing of a saint’s life, and a ‘gentil tale’, the romance opposite of the ‘cherles tale.’ ” 99. Morse raises a question about the “undue favor for the obedientia/fides rubric” which the 1581 Basle edition, as the standard edition, of the tale encouraged. Morse, “What to Call,” 264. She notes that almost half of the classifiable manuscripts contain “[r]ubrics identifying Griselda’s virtues” (272). “These rubrics fall into two broad categories, the obedientia/fides rubrics and the patientia/constantia rubrics” (272). “Twenty-six, or perhaps twenty-seven” manuscripts present a variation of the first category (274). Thirty-five manuscripts’ rubrics identify Griselda with patientia/constantia (277). The obedientia/fides rubrics “collocate with the term uxor [wife] for Griselda,” while patience and steadfastness “is associated with spiritual martyrdom” (278, 279). Petrarch, Morse argues, “took some trouble to redirect his story to its new readers of Latin, whom he assumed would be men” (278). Since in the Middle Ages, one practiced patientia in one’s relationship with the world as distinct from practicing obedientia in rela- tionship with “another to whom one is obedient and devoted” (279), Morse regards patientia/constantia as the more fitting with Petrarch’s moral conclusion (278). This does not pose a problem for my position because Morse’s question asks where the weight of the Petrarch/Chaucer’s inter- est lies (i.e., which set of virtues is it weighted toward?). That patientia/ constantia might well dominate, does not diminish the significance of the obedientia/fides function in the tale. 204 NOTES

100. M. C. Bodden, “Chaucer’s Clerk’s Tale: Interrogating ‘Virtue’ through Violence,” in ‘A Great Effusion of Blood’?: Interpreting Medieval Violence, ed. Mark D. Meyerson, Daniel Thiery, and Oren Falk (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 218–19 [216–40]. 101. Griselda Pollock, “Feminism/Foucault—Surveillance/Sexuality” in Visual Culture: Images and Interpretations, ed. Norman Bryson, Michael Ann Holly, and Keith Moxey (Middleton, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1994): 9 [2–41]: “The will to know and the resultant relations of power are furrowed by the more unpredictable and destabilizing plays of fascination, curiosity, dread, desire, and horror.” 102. Thomas H. Bestul, “True and False Cheere in Chaucer’s Clerk’s Tale,” JEGP 82 (1983): 501 [500–514]. 103. See Part II, Chapter 5, “Chaucer and the Postures of Sanctity,” in The Powers of the Holy: Religion, Politics, and Gender in Late Medieval English Culture, by David Aers and Lynn Staley (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), 252 [179–259]. Staley argues that the “Clerk construes Griselda as more than the focus for compli- cated male drives and desires. Her poverty and her virtue designate her as a signifier for another level of holiness: the symbols with which he surrounds her inevitably recall the Christ who challenges the world’s power and wealth.” Later, both Aers and Staley add (263), that the “call to Christ is a call to consciousness.” That such a call “poses serious risks to all civil or ecclesiastical structures that are based on the assump- tion that powerlessness can be mythologized or weakness sanctified” in support of authority (263). 104. Bodden, “Chaucer’s Clerk’s Tale: Interrogating ‘Virtue’ through Violence,” 216–40. 105. Daniel Poirion, Le Poete Et Le Prince: L’evolution Du Lyrisme Courtois De Guillaume De Machaut a Charles d’Orléans (Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1965), 373, here as paraphrased in Ginsberg, notes in The Riverside Chaucer, 883. 106. “I trowe ye studie aboute som sophyme,” and “It is no tyme for to studien heere” (IV. 5, 8). 107. Shannon Bell, Reading, Writing, and Rewriting the Prostitute Body (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1994), 102. See also Chinweizu, Onwuchekwa Jemie and Ihechukwu Madubuike’s “critique of cultural nationalism’s entrapment in a reverse-discourse” and its relation to counter-identification mentioned in Benita Parry, Postcolonial Studies: A Materialist Critique (London: Routledge, 2004), 41. 108. For example, by identifying men as singular in form (call them all violent or all predisposed to harming women), a person uncritically mimics the dominant discourse’s strategy of identifying women as the enemy instead of offering to them a different set of terms. 109. A frequently cited example of such reinvestment is that of Gay Pride’s public appropriation of the pink triangle used by the Nazis to separate and signify sexual deviants. Homophiles and sexologists of the late NOTES 205

nineteenth century used the medical category of inversion to argue for “naturalness” of certain forms of gender or sexual deviance. For “reverse” discourse, see Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, trans. Robert Hurley, 3 vols. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 1:101. 110. I am borrowing John Stephens and Marcella Ryan’s description of the prevalent and limiting views that dominated the scholarship on the “marriage group” in the twentieth century. John Stephens and Marcella Ryan, “Metafictional Strategies and the Theme of Sexual Power in The Wife of Bath’s and Franklin’s Tales,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 33 (1989): 57–58 [56–75]. 111. W. Flagg Miller, “Metaphors of Commerce: Trans-Valuing Tribalism in Yemeni Audiocassette Poetry,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 34.1 (2002): 29 [29–57]. 112. Karen A. Winstead, “Saints, Wives, and Other ‘Hooly Thynges’: Pious Laywomen in Middle English Romance,” Chaucer Yearbook 2 (1995): 153 [137–54].

6 Margery Kempe: “I grab the microphone and move my body”—Volatile Speech, Volatile Bodies 1. Apart from instances of hostility recorded in her Book, negative criti- cism has been well-documented several times over, especially, in the last decade of the twentieth century. Perhaps Margery’s chances were doomed when one of the best critics, editors, and translators of The Book of Margery Kempe, Barry Windeatt, concluded—more as a lament rather than a reproach, I think—in his Introduction to his edition of that text, that despite the fact that the “Proem [to The Book] makes clear that this life is being recalled because of God’s wonderful dealings with Margery, to God’s glory rather than Margery’s” (22), nevertheless, “we cannot claim Margery’s Book to be the autobiogra- phy of a great mystic—the quality of her mystical experience prevents this—but it remains one of the most immediate ‘Lives’ of the period” (23). For nuanced interpretations of Margery Kempe’s mysticism, see Nancy F. Partner, “Reading The Book of Margery Kempe,” Exemplaria 3.1 (1991): 29–66, esp. pp. 31–33; Sara Beckwith, “Problems of Authority in Late Medieval English Mysticism: Language, Agency, and Authority in The Book of Margery Kempe,” Exemplaria 4.1 (1992): 176–78 [171–99]; Sheila Delany, “Sexual Economics, Chaucer’s Wife of Bath and The Book of Margery Kempe,” in Feminist Readings in Middle English Literature: The Wife of Bath and All Her Sect, ed. Ruth Evans and Lesley Johnson (London: Routledge, 1994), 72–74 [72–87]; Eluned Bremner, “Margery Kempe and the Critics: Disempowerment and Deconstruction,” in Margery Kempe: A Book of Essays, ed. Sandra J. McEntire (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1992), 123–31 [117–35]. 206 NOTES

2. I am aware of Mariateresa Fumagalli Beonio-Brocchieri’s argument that the term “mystical” in the Middle Ages “is used neither for the state of a soul nor for an experience, even less for a person, man or woman,” but, instead, refers solely to theology, as in “mystical theology.” Mariateresa Fumagalli Beonio-Brocchieri, “The Feminine Mind in Medieval Mysticism,” in Creative Women in Medieval and Early Modern Italy: A Religious and Artistic Renaissance, ed. E. Ann Matter and John Coakley (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 19 [19–33]. I employ the word, “mystic,” as it is popularly used in current medieval scholarship, namely, as “an intimate relationship of origin between God and human beings on the basis of which humans can turn to God and be reunited in ecstasy, excessus, or deification” (19), but I would modify that description with Ellen Ross’s representation of the more typical medieval mystic: “They do not seek momentary ecstatic experiences of God, . . . but rather they envision a holistic lifelong path on which a growing relationship with the Divine is coupled with a deepening love of self and neighbor.” Ellen Ross, “ ‘She Wept and Cried Right Loud for Sorrow and for Pain’: Suffering, the Spiritual Journey, and Women’s Experience in Late Medieval Mysticism,” in Maps of Flesh and Light: The Religious Experience of Medieval Women Mystics, ed. Ulrike Wiethaus (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1993), 49 [45–59]. 3. Liz Herbert McAvoy, Authority and the Female Body in the Writing of Julian of Norwich and Margery Kempe, Studies in Medieval Mysticism 5 (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2004), 22. 4. Sarah Salih, Versions of Virginity in Late Medieval England (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2001), 1. 5. Kim M. Phillips, “Four Virgins’ Tales: Sex and Power in Medieval Law,” in Medieval Virginities, ed. Anke Bernau, Ruth Evans and Sarah Salih (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), 81 [80–100]. 6. McAvoy, Authority and the Female Body, especially Chapter 5; “Margery Kempe: Wisdom, Authority and the Female Utterance”; Laurie A. Finke, “Mystical Bodies and the Dialogics of Vision,” in Maps of Flesh and Light, Ulrike Wiethaus, ed (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1993), 28–44; Sarah Beckwith, “A Very Material Mysticism: The Medieval Mysticism of Margery Kempe,” in Medieval Literature: Criticism, Ideology, and History, ed. David Aers (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1986), 34–57; Clarissa W. Atkinson, Mystic and Pilgrim: The Book and the World of Margery Kempe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983); Diane Watt, “Political Prophecy in The Book of Margery Kempe,” in A Companion to The Book of Margery Kempe, ed. John H. Arnold and Katherine J. Lewis (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2004), 145–60; David Lawton, “Voice, Authority, and Blasphemy in The Book of Margery Kempe,” in Margery Kempe: A Book of Essays, ed. Sandra J. McEntire (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1992), 93–115; Amy Hollywood, Sensible Ecstasy: Mysticism, Sexual Difference, and the Demands of History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Bremner, “Margery Kempe and the Critics: Disempowerment and NOTES 207

Deconstruction”; Carolyn Dinshaw, “Margery Kempe,” in The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Women’s Writing, ed. Carolyn Dinshaw and David Wallace (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 2003), 222–39; Salih, Versions of Virginity in Late Medieval England; Denis Renevey, “Margery’s Performing Body: The Translation of Late Medieval Discursive Religious Practices,” in Writing Religious Women: Female Spiritual and Textual Practices in Late Medieval England, ed. Denis Renevey and Christiania Whitehead (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), 197–216; Sandra J. McEntire, “The Journey into Selfhood: Margery Kempe and Feminine Spirituality,” in Margery Kempe: A Book of Essays, 51–69; David Aers, Community, Gender, and Individual Identity: English Writing 1360–1430 (London: Routledge, 1988), Chapter 2, “The Making of Margery Kempe: Individual and Community,” 73–116; Lynn Staley, Margery Kempe’s Dissenting Fictions (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994); Karma Lochrie, Margery Kempe and Translations of the Flesh (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991). 7. Dinshaw, “Margery Kempe,” 226. 8. Ruth Shklar, “Cobham’s Daughter: The Book of Margery Kempe and the Power of Heterodox Thinking,” Modern Language Quarterly 56.3 (1995): 278 [277–304]. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. By that, Shklar means that Kempe (through her narrative) “sets forth her own model of dissent and reform as a critique of the prevailing discourses that would define heresy” (279). 11. Santha Bhattacharji, “Medieval Contemplation and Mystical Expe- rience,” in Approaching Medieval English Anchoritic and Mystical Texts, ed. Dee Dyas, Valerie Edden, and Roger Ellis (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2005), 56 [51–59]. 12. Beckwith, “Problems of Authority,” 197. 13. Shklar, “Cobham’s Daughter,” 278n4. 14. Beckwith, “Problems of Authority,” 177. 15. Albrecht Classen, The Power of a Woman’s Voice in Medieval and Early Modern Literatures: New Approaches to German and European Women Writers and to Violence Against Women in Premodern Times (New York: Walter de Gruyter, Inc., 2007), 272–73. Classen’s chief concern is to discover the significance of Kempe’s book as a contribution to the literary discourse of her period; in doing so, he provides a superb exploration of mysticism and autobiography in Chapter 8 of his book. 16. Ibid., 272. 17. Sandra J. McEntire, introduction to Margery Kempe: A Book of Essays, x [ix–xvii]. 18. Dinshaw, “Margery Kempe,” 222–39. 19. Lochrie, Margery Kempe and Translations of the Flesh, 8. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid., 6. 22. Ibid., 228. 208 NOTES

23. Katherine J. Lewis, “Margery Kempe and Saint Making in Later Medieval England,” in A Companion to The Book of Margery Kempe, 199 [195–215]. 24. Ibid. 25. Ibid., 200. 26. The saint-making process is now largely initiated by an organization or a religious society, etc., brought to the attention of the local bishop and then, if sufficient cause is deemed, it is immediately taken over by Rome’s Congregation for the Causes of Saints. 27. Karlheinz Stierle, “Translatio Studii and Renaissance: From Vertical to Horizontal Translation,” in The Translatability of Cultures: Figurations of the Space Between, ed. Sanford Budick and Wolfgang Iser (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 55–67. 28. Yochai Benkler, The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 33. Benkler’s concept of simple or complementary coexistence is largely concerned with the Internet and its ability to change patterns of infor- mation and cultural production. 29. John B. Thompson, The Media and Modernity: A Social Theory of the Media (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), 82. 30. At one time, it was virtually the “vox populi,” or local campaigns, that seemed to have promoted a cause for a particular person’s candidacy for sainthood. Later, anyone petitioning on behalf of a candidate for canonization had to be put their case in the hands of an official represen- tative, a “procurator.” Pope Gregory IX’s Decretals (ca. 1234) established the canonization process as being under the absolute jurisdiction of the pope. In the eighteenth century, Pope Benedict XIV’s five volumes on beatification and canonization that remained the official source for procedures until Pope John Paul II’s radical reformation of the canon- ization process. For a brief account of the history of the development of saints and their cults, see Kenneth L. Woodward, Making Saints: How the Catholic Church Determines Who Becomes a Saint, Who Doesn’t and Why (New York: Touchstone Publishers, 1996), esp. 51 and 52–86. 31. Richard Rorty, Objectivity, Relativism, and Truth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 28. 32. Ibid., 15. 33. For “ethnocentric” I am relying on Webster’s Third International Dictionary (1993) and The Oxford Companion to the English Language (1992) both of which offer as their first and most usual meaning of the term, “the inclination” or “habitual disposition” “to view other communities and cultures from the perspective or security of one’s own, and therefore inclined to judge them by the norms or conventions with which one is familiar” or, “to gauge other societies by those criteria which are signifi- cant in one’s own society” (Kenneth McLeish, ed., Bloomsbury Guide to Human Thought [London: Bloomsbury, 1993]). 34. Gail Ashton, The Generation of Identity in Late Medieval Hagiography: Speaking the Saint (New York: Routledge, 2000), notes that one element NOTES 209

is “particularly problematic . . . in the case of female hagiography; repre- sentations of saintliness become inextricably mingled with representa- tions of ideal womanliness. Thus, what it means to be a female saint is not quite the same as what it means to be a male saint” (2). This ideal womanliness included “a valorisation of silence” (3). Mirk’s Festial (part of Ashton’s study), written prior to 1415 and intended as religious instruc- tions for clerics, stresses silence and submission as necessary to holiness. Because Mirk was threatened “by a late medieval upsurge in lay piety, especially a female lay piety,” he often suppressed details of women saints who preached or were disruptive of male authority (14). His texts empha- sized, rather, “the patient fortitude of a chaste, saintly woman who keeps her own counsel and is frequently meek, frequently passive” (17). Karen A. Winstead’s study of holy or pious women in Middle English romances supports this emphasis upon silence and submission. The writers of these romances, she says, “used the familiar conventions of saints’ lives to endorse a new kind of ‘saint.’ Demure, gentle, and obedient, the ‘martyrs’ of [those Middle English romances] differ sharply from the obstreper- ous heroines of contemporaneous martyr legends” (Karen A. Winstead, “Saints, Wives, and Other ‘Hooly Thynges’: Pious Laywomen in Middle English Romance.” Chaucer Yearbook 2 (1995): 139). On the other hand, Winstead suggests, the fact that saintliness became so frequently associ- ated then with “submission to male authority figures” might well point to an emerging sociocultural problem, namely, that “gender roles and relations were being contested and needed to be affirmed” (152). See also Clarissa W. Atkinson, “Female Sanctity in the Late Middle Ages,” in The Book of Margery Kempe, ed. Lynn Staley (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001), 225–36; Catherine Sanok, “Reading Hagiographically: The Legend of Good Women and Its Feminine Audience,” Exemplaria 13.2 (2001): 269–303; Elizabeth Alvilda Petroff, “Women and Mysticism in the Medieval World,” in Body and Soul: Essays on Medieval Women and Mysticism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994)3–24. Finally, within two centuries, the “ante” on elevation to sainthood was raised. “Until the early years of the seventeenth century, saint makers contin- ued to apply rather elastic criteria, ‘excellence of virtues’ and ‘multiple excellence of life,’ the clearest evidence of which was miracles. In 1602, theologians of Salamanca . . . introduced a quite different standard: the humanist notion of ‘heroic virtue.’ ” Anne Jacobson Schutte, Aspiring Saints (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 77. Heroic virtue involved what was called “the glory of grace,” whose prime exam- ple was no longer the earlier kinds of miracles such as curing others or levitation, “but rather such full participation in Christ’s Passion as to receive physical marks identical to his wounds” (77). 35. It bears mentioning that Lynn Staley views The Book of Margery Kempe as a fiction and proposes a “Kempe” or a “Margery” as the author critiquing fifteenth-century cultural attitudes and political and religious views whom she distinguishes from the “protagonist” Margery. Although Staley’s 210 NOTES

study raises intriguing issues, too many moments in The Book of Margery Kempe seem to contradict Staley’s chief thesis. Two episodes (among others) come to mind: first, that of Kempe’s having Christ authorize, as a means of testing, her explicit sexual fantasies with naked clerics in which the devil forces her to be “comown to hem alle” (The Book of Margery Kempe, ed. Sanford Brown Meech and Hope Emily Allen, EETS o.s. 212 [London: Oxford University Press, 1940, repr. 1997], 145, hereaf- ter cited as BMK), and, second, Kempe’s insistence that she contrived the wearing of a hair-cloth nightly so that her husband never noticed it through years of intercourse with him and the bearing of children. The first episode is outright unsound theology for both the Middle Ages and our own twenty-first century: the end (Kempe’s achievement of virtue through testing) never justifies the means (“authorized” fantasies of grati- fying the sexual urges of the naked clerics). The second episode exhibits such psychic perturbation that it would render untrustworthy that per- son’s critiquing of cultural and political/religious views. Staley’s proposal of “Margery”/”Kempe” as an author critiquing fifteenth century cultural attitudes, etc., loses much ground here. If an “author’s” perception of her (here, Margery’s) events of her life is conspicuously flawed in her theology and if she is flagrantly indulgent in her psychic disposition at times, the whole poses an insurmountable threat to her stance as an author having any credibility because it proposes that the “author” cannot evaluate certain fundamental elements of her life much less that she can evaluate the complex spectrum of her culture. 36. G. G. Coulton, Medieval Village, Manor, and Monastery (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1960): At Billingham (in Northumberland or Durham), “ ‘it is ordained by common assent that all the women of the township control their tongues without any sort or defamation’ ” (92). “The cucking-stool [a public toilet seat] for scolds was an indispensable village institution; [the town of] Shields is fined (or threatened) three times for neglect- ing to provide one” (92). From the Extracts from the Halmote Court Rolls of the Prior and Convent of Durham, 1345–83, is an entry about Hazeldean: “Hesilden, 1376 . . . . It is enjoined upon all the women of the vill that they restrain their tongues and that they do not quarrel nor swear at any one.” Edward P. Cheyney, trans., “English Manorial Documents,” in Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, vol. 3, no. 5 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1907), 29, http://www.archive.org/stream/translationsrepr03univiala#page/n147 /mode/2up, accessed December 1, 2010. 37. For example, in Book I, Chapter 46, p. 149, the Mayor of Leicester having heard of her public speaking, called her “a false strumpet.” In the following chapter, p. 151, the Steward of Leicester after asking “many questions, to which she answered readily and reasonably,” “took her by the hand and led her into his chamber, and spoke many foul, lewd words to her, intending and desiring, as it seemed to her, to overcome her and rape her.” And seeing her “boldness in that she was not afraid of any NOTES 211

imprisonment, [he] struggled with her, making filthy signs and giving her indecent looks.” In Book II, Chapter 6, pp. 280–81, the priests residing near Aachen went to her lodging and “called her an Englishwoman with a tail, and spoke many filthy words to her, giving her indecent looks.” The Book of Margery Kempe, trans. B. A. Windeatt (London: Penguin Books, 1994). All references will be from Windeatt’s edition except for the Middle English citations, which will be from BMK. Translations based on BMK are my own. 38. Keith Green and Jill LeBihan, Critical Theory and Practice: A Coursebook (London: Routledge, 1996), 187. 39. David Knowles, The English Mystical Tradition (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1961), 148. 40. Windeatt, 23. (cited earlier in endnote 1, Chapter 6). 41. Classen, The Power of a Woman’s Voice, 292n65. 42. Verena E. Neuburger, Margery Kempe: A Study in Early English Feminism (Bern: Peter Lang, 1994), 69. 43. Ibid.,113. 44. Classen, The Power of a Woman’s Voice, 272, 281, 298, 308. 45. Ibid., 241, 279. 46. McAvoy, Authority and the Female Body, 170. 47. Among the endless sources inveighing against women’s lack of control of their speech, two popular sources are especially illustrative: the conduct book entitled The Book of the Knight of La Tour Landry (ca. 1372), and the mystery play, “Noah,” from The Towneley Plays (early 1400s). Eve’s real sin was her speech, according to the Knight of La Tour Landry. Not only did she answer “too-lightly,” but also, he emphasizes, she answered “with-oute counsaile of her husbonde, helde with hym talkinge . . . for the ansuere longed to her husbonde, and not to her.” Book of the Knight of La Tour Landry, Chapters XXXIX–XLVI, http://www.hti.umich.edu /cgi/c/cme/cme-idx?type=HTML&rgn=DIV0&byte=7892759, accessed June 2, 2009. In the Towneley Cycle mystery plays, Noah can scarcely bring himself to pass on to his wife God’s warning about the imminent flood because he fears her obstreperous reproaches. He warns the audience: my wife can “byte,” “whyne,” and “skryke” (shriek), and he advises the male spectators: “Yee men that have wifis/ whyls thay ar yong/ If ye luf youre lifis/ chastice thare tong,” The Towneley Plays, Play 3, Noah and the Ark, ll. 230, 232, and 397–98. Sandy Bardsley notes that the Towneley and Chester Noahs “focus their aspersions on wives’ unruly speech. What is obnoxious about wives, therefore, is less their presence per se (which husbands desire) than their loudness and insubor- dination.” Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, 60. 48. Finke, “Mystical Bodies and the Dialogics of Vision,” 35. 49. Ibid. 50. Ashton, The Generation of Identity, 127. 51. Ibid. 52. Ibid., 127–28. 212 NOTES

53. Windeatt, Chapters 61 and 62. 54. See BMK, 321: the note (regarding p. 148/28–29) proposes Melton as the preaching friar. 55. Windeatt, 188: “Then many people turned against her and were very glad that the good friar held against her. Then some men said that she had a devil within her, and they had said so many times before, but now they were bolder, for they thought that their opinion was much strengthened by this good friar.” 56. Susan Dickman, “Margery Kempe and the Continental Tradition of the Pious Woman,” The Medieval Mystical Tradition in England, ed. Marion Glasscoe (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1984), 165 [150–68]. 57. Ibid. 58. Windeatt, 187–93, and 189. 59. Ibid., 189. 60. For example: Paul’s letter to the Corinthians (I Cor.14:34–35): “Let your women keep silence in the churches.” “For it is a shame for a woman to speak in the church.” Or, again, Paul to Timothy (I Tim. 2:12–15): “I suffer not a woman to teach, nor to usurp authority over the man, but to be in silence.” 61. Wendy Harding, “Body into Text: The Book of Margery Kempe,” in Feminist Approaches to the Body in Medieval Literature, ed. Linda Lomperis and Sarah Stanbury (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), 186n18 [168–87]. 62. Ibid., citing Danielle Régnier-Bohler, 479. Harding’s translation of Régnier-Bohler’s conclusion more strongly points up the issue of female mysticism’s language distancing itself from clerical control than does the English version of Régnier-Bohler, “Voix littéraires, voix mystiques” in Histoire des femmes en occident: Le Moyen Age, ed. Christiane Klapisch- Zuber, vol. II (Paris: Plon, 1991), 479. For the English version, see “Literary and Mystical Voices,” in A History of Women in the West, vol. II, 463 [427–82]. 63. Harding, “Body into Text,” 173. 64. Ibid., 173–74. 65. Donna Spivey Ellington, From Sacred Body to Angelic Soul: Understanding Mary in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2001), 98. 66. Lochrie, Margery Kempe and Translations of the Flesh, 7. 67. Frank M. Napolitano, “Discursive Competition in the Towneley Crucifixion,” Studies in Philology 106.2 (2009): 170 [161–77]. (See also The Towneley Plays, Play 23, The Crucifixion, ll. 382–384). 68. The Towneley Plays, Play 23, The Crucifixion, l. 385, translation mine. 69. Napolitano, “Discursive Competition in the Towneley Crucifixion,” 171. John says, “For the sorow that I see/ Sherys myn harte in sonder,/ When that I se my master hang/ With bytter paynes and strang;” (ll. 455–58 Napolitano’s text) (ll. 418–21 on University of Michigan Towneley Plays site). NOTES 213

70. The Little Office of the Virgin Mary—which speaks of her agony at the cross—“formed a kind of appendix to the Psalter, the prayer book normally used by the laity. Sometime during the thirteenth century it became detached and became a separate book: the Book of Hours.” The Marian Library/International Marian Research Institute Site: http://campus. udayton.edu/mary/resources/bkhours.html, accessed October 23, 2010. In turn, the Book of Hours typically had at its core the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The early fourteenth-century Hours of the Virgin, in Cambridge University Library MS Dd. 8.2, is filled with “historiated initial scenes from the life and Passion of Jesus.” Ellen M. Ross, The Grief of God: Images of the Suffering Jesus in Late Medieval England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 44. 71. Spivey Ellington, From Sacred Body to Angelic Soul, 97n63. 72. Ibid., 97n64. Spivey Ellington references Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex, 222–23. 73. Ibid., 98. 74. Ibid. 75. Gail McMurray Gibson, The Theatre of Devotion: East Anglian Drama and Society in the Late Middle Ages (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 49–51. 76. Ibid., 50. 77. Lochrie, Margery Kempe and Translations of the Flesh, 174–75. 78. Sidonie Smith, A Poetics of Women’s Autobiography: Marginality and the Fictions of Self-Representation (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1987), 75: “Kempe amasses the details and re-creates the dramas encircl- ing three kinds of speech—mystical visions and communings, weepings, and cultural criticism, including prophesy.” 79. Ashton, The Generation of Identity, 103. 80. Ella Shohat, “The Struggle Over Representation: Casting, Coalitions, and the Politics of Identification,” in Late Imperial Culture, ed. Román de la Campa, E. Ann Kaplan, and Michael Sprinker (London: Verso, 1995), 173 [166–78]. 81. Ashton, The Generation of Identity, 103. Ashton remarks that woman was perceived as “represent[ing] the border between body and soul, the fissure within which boundaries might be erased, for she especially was, even physically, open to corruption and concupiscence” (138). 82. Joyce E. Salisbury, “Gendered Sexuality,” in The Handbook of Medieval Sexuality, ed. Vern L. Bullough and James A. Brundage (New York: Garland Publishing, 1996), 87 [81–102]. 83. Ibid.; Tertullian, “To His Wife,” in A Select Library of the Ante-Nicene Fathers (Grand Rapids, MI: Eardmans Publishing, 1951), 43. 84. Karma Lochrie, “The Language of Transgression: Body, Flesh, and Word in Mystical Discourse,” in Speaking Two Languages: Traditional Disciplines and Contemporary Theory in Medieval Studies, ed. A. J. Frantzen (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1991), 115–40, esp. 120–23 and 127. 214 NOTES

85. “I wold þow wer closyd in an hows of ston þat þer schold no man speke wyth þe.” BMK, 27. The exchange occurred during the famous interrogation scene at Lambeth by Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury. 86. Susan Francis Jarek-Glidden, “Conjoining Silence and Speech: The Textual Voice of Margery Kempe” (Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1994), 44, quoting Elizabeth Robertson, Early English Devotional Prose and the Female Audience (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1990), 40. The phrase “while men were confessors, bishops,” cited by Jarek- Glidden as belonging to the Robertson citation, appears to include pages beyond Robertson’s quote. See Robertson, 32–43. Apart from Theresa of Avilla and Catherine of Siena, women saints have been categorized by the Catholic Church according to the “virgin/virgin martyr or non- virgin” status. Elizabeth Stuart, Spitting at Dragons: Towards a Feminist Theology of Sainthood (London: Mowbray, 1996), 17. 87. Kathleen Coyne Kelly, “Menaced Masculinity and Imperiled Virginity in the Morte Darthur,” in Menacing Virgins, ed. Coyne Kelly and Leslie, 102 [97–114]. “These two bodies are equated many times in patristic texts. For example, Jerome says that ‘no vessel of gold or silver was ever so dear to God as the temple of a virgin’s body’ ” (102). Coyne Kelly, 218n13, cites Jerome’s Letter XXII to Eustochium: “Neque enim aureum vas et argenteum tam carum Deo fuit, quam templum corporis virgin- alis.” From Select Letters of St. Jerome, ed. T. E. Page, E. Capps, and W. H. D. Rouse, trans. F. A. Wright [Cambridge: Harvard University Press/ Loeb Classical Library, 1933], 104–105). 88. Bremner, “Margery Kempe and the Critics,” 119. 89. Smith, A Poetics of Women’s Autobiography, 55. 90. Bremner, “Margery Kempe and the Critics,” 119. 91. Ibid., 119–20. 92. Smith, A Poetics of Women’s Autobiography, 75. 93. Winstead, “Decorous Lives: Saints and Consumers, 1400–1450,” in Virgin Martyrs, 112–46; and Ashton, “Articulating an Identity: Speech, Silence, and Self-Disclosure,” in The Generation of Identity, 12–13 and Chapter 3, 103–36. 94. Winstead, “Saints, Wives, and Other ‘Hooly Thynges,’ ” 153. 95. Meech and Allen, BMK, Hope Emily Allen’s Prefatory Note, lxv. 96. Ibid., lxv–lxvi. Herbert Thurston, “Margery the Astonishing,” The Month (November 1936), 452 [446–56]. 97. Ibid., lxv-lxvi. 98. While hundreds of books and articles reflect a research that argues The Book of Margery Kempe to be a genuine account of a woman’s spiritual journey toward holiness, there are also books and articles in which these two charges linger despite their authors’ eagerness to critique Kempe fairly. Recent examples include the illuminating study by Mary Hardiman Farley, “Her Own Creature: Religion, Feminist Criticism and the Functional Eccentricity of Margery Kempe,” Exemplaria 11.1 NOTES 215

(1999): 1–21, which examines Kempe’s behavior in terms of the diag- nostic criteria for Personality Disorders, and the exceptional, thorough study of conflicting narrative modes in saints’ lives (in The Book of Margery Kempe) by Helen Clare Taylor who notes that Kempe’s “image of the dovehouse full of holes as Christ’s body is full of wounds,” “suggests a deliberate echo [of Richard Rolle], rather than a casu- ally remembered image” (96). Helen Clare Taylor, “Hagiography to Autobiography: Generic Conflation in The Book of Margery Kempe” (Ph.D. diss., University of Connecticut, 1991), 96. For a broader scope of the book’s reception history, see Karma Lochrie, Margery Kempe and Translations of the Flesh (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991), 224–28; and Jennifer Lane, “Explaining Margery Kempe: A Review of the Literature,” http://fac.cgu.edu/~torjesek/matristics /kempereview.html, accessed April 3, 2007. 99. Janet Wilson, “Margery and Alison: Women on Top,” in Margery Kempe: A Book of Essays, 225 [223–37]. 100. McEntire, introduction to Margery Kempe, xiv. 101. Kathleen Ashley, “Historicizing Margery: The Book of Margery Kempe as Social Text,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 28.2 (1998): 381 [371–88]. 102. Laurie A. Finke, Women’s Writing in English: Medieval England (New York: Addison Wesley Longman Limited, 1999), 180. 103. Taylor, “Hagiography to Autobiography,” introduction [no page number, 2nd page]. 104. Ibid., 100. 105. Claire Sponsler, “Drama and Piety: Margery Kempe,” in A Companion to the Book of Margery Kempe, ed. John H. Arnold and Katherine J. Lewis 141 [129–43]. 106. Sponsler, “Drama and Piety,” 130. Sponsler’s essay includes valuable details about the vibrant theatrical traditions in the region, especially in Lynn. 107. Ibid., 132. 108. Ibid. 109. Jarek-Glidden, “Conjoining Silence and Speech,” 26. See also pp. 132–33, concerning the confrontation with the Archbishop of York. Jarek-Glidden writes, “The resulting confrontation scenes, in which Kempe emerges as victor, must therefore be regarded at least in part as fictive accounts with the requisite literary license taken.” 110. BMK, Chapter 55, 135; see also Windeatt, Chapter 55, 174. 111. John C. Hirsch, The Revelations of Margery Kempe: Paramystical Practices in Late Medieval England (Leiden, NL: E. J. Brill, 1989), 45. 112. Hirsch, The Revelations of Margery Kempe, believes that one of the confrontations (Kempe and the lawyers of Lincoln, 135/26–35) may be entirely fictive: “[t]here are reasons to doubt the veracity of this particular scene—for one thing it is a little too reminiscent of Christ in the Temple; for another men of the law do not traditionally admit shortcomings of whatever sort” (45). 216 NOTES

113. Finke, “Mystical Bodies and the Dialogics of Vision,” 29. 114. Ibid., quoting Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, 354. 115. Ibid., 30. 116. Ashton, The Generation of Identity, 1, includes in her study of “medieval female hagiography produced by men during the period 1200–1500,” Mirk’s Festial, The Life of Saint Katherine of Alexandria, the Early South- English Legendary, Legendys of Hooly Wummen, and The Golden Legend. Brigitte Cazelles asserts that the hagiographic texts in her study are a “product of a predominately male discourse.” Brigitte Cazelles, The Lady as Saint: A Collection of French Hagiographic Romances of the Thirteenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991), 43. The predominately male-authored hagiographic tradi- tion is a premise in Amy Hollywood’s insistence that scholars need to make a distinction between “male and male-defined understand- ings of women’s religiosity and women’s own texts” (88). See Amy Hollywood, “Suffering Transformed. Marguerite Porète, Meister Eckhart, and the Problem of Women’s Spirituality,” in Meister Eckhart and the Beguine Mystics, ed. Bernard McGinn (New York: Continuum, 1994), 88 [87–113]. 117. Ashton, The Generation of Identity, 2. 118. Ibid., 3. 119. Harding, “Body into Text,” 168. 120. Ashton, The Generation of Identity, 4. 121. I have already offered arguments, above, to Staley’s view that “Margery” was a fictional persona created by an author bent upon a critique of her/ his culture, but a particular view proposed by my graduate student, Kate Haffey, is especially relevant here: “Margery’s relation, in the first few chapters, of her carnal desires and her later temptation with the geni- tals of clergy men become very interesting when we consider the fact that she was dictating this to a priest. To me, it is amazing that these conversations took place, but to suggest that a writer would sit down and create a woman who relates these images to a priest, is, I find, even less believable. Margery (a real Margery) as a vessel of God (or who thinks she is a vessel of God) would feel a need to relate her whole life, including that scene. An autonomous author creating a fictional character would have no such need and might think that he or she is risking the book not being published should such material be placed in it.” (Kate Haffey, English 204 Seminar: “Women, Money and Power,” M. C. Bodden, Marquette University, Fall 2003). 122. Most frequently quoted is Jerome’s judgment: “As long as a woman is for birth and children, she is different from man as body is from soul. But when she wishes to serve Christ more than the world, then she will cease to be a woman, and will be called a man.” Commentary on Ephesians II, Chapter 5 (cited in both Harding, “Body into Text,” 179, and Elizabeth Robertson, “Medieval Medical Views of Women NOTES 217

and Female Spirituality in the Ancrene Wisse and Julian of Norwich’s Showings,” in Feminist Approaches to the Body, 148 [142–67]). 123. Gregory of Nyssa’s account is found online at http://www.fordham. edu/halsall/basis/macrina.html#life, accessed January 18, 2010. See “Introduction” to his account. 124. Robertson, “Medieval Medical Views of Women,” 149. 125. Ibid., 149. 126. Ibid., 154. 127. Harding, “Body into Text,” 173. 128. Jane L. Huenneke, “Groupies for Jesus: Sexual Freedom and Female Identity in Julian of Norwich’s Revelations of Divine Love, and The Book of Margery Kempe,” Proceedings of the 11th Annual Northern Plains Conference on Early British Literature (Minot State University, Minot, ND, 2003), 128. Huenneke here cites Leslie A. Donovan, Women’s Saints’ Lives in Old English Prose (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1999), 122. 129. Huenneke, “Groupies for Jesus,” 131. 130. Kathleen Ashley, “Historicizing Margery: The Book of Margery Kempe as Social Text,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 28.2 (1998): 379 [371–88]. 131. As “maidens dance now merrily in heaven,” Christ replies that “for as much as you are a maiden in your soul, I shall take you by the one hand in heaven and my mother by the other hand, and so shall you dance in heaven with other holy maidens and virgins.” 132. Ashley, “Historicizing Margery,” 379. 133. Ashton, The Generation of Identity, 5. 134. Cristina Mazzoni, “Of Stockfish and Stew: Feasting and Fasting in The Book of Margery Kempe,” Food and Foodways: Explorations in the History and Culture of Human Nourishment 10 (2003): 177 [171–82]. 135. Ibid., 172. 136. Windeatt, Chapter 6, 52–53. 137. Liz Herbert McAvoy, “ ‘aftyr hyr owyn tunge’: Body, Voice, and Authority in The Book of Margery Kempe,” Women’s Writing 9.2 (2002): 166 [159–76]. The text actually describes the wine as being in a pot, with a cup sent up alongside of it, but McAvoy’s construction of the scene as reminiscent of the cup of wine offered to Christ at Calvary is valid, nevertheless. 138. Ibid., 166. 139. Windeatt, 181. 140. Ibid., 245. 141. Mazzoni, “Of Stockfish and Stew,” 182. 142. Ibid. 143. Ibid. 144. Windeatt, 288. 145. Mazzoni, “Of Stockfish and Stew,” 182, emphasis mine. 146. Ashton, The Generation of Identity, 12. 218 NOTES

147. Petroff, Body and Soul, ix. 148. Ibid., 217, citing Finke, “Mystical Bodies and the Dialogics of Vision,” 44. 149. Ibid. Petroff ascribes this feature to three Continental saints: Marguerite d’Oingt (ca.1260–1310 CE), Angela of Foligno (1248–1309 CE), and Umiltà of Faenza (1226–1310 CE). 150. Ashton, The Generation of Identity, 11: “Heffernan [T. J. Heffernan, Sacred Biography: Saints and Their Biographers in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 16] identifies a pattern in hagiographi- cal tales where the act of writing gathers up all the myths and stories surrounding its subjects, whether oral, eyewitness record, or previous, perhaps contradictory, versions of a fictional life, and offers a sanc- tioned authority which allows all to be brought back into a Christian paradigm.” As a result, it might be said that the subject’s “single-minded pursuit of virtue is to achieve union with Christ rather than to perfect self or character.” Ashton, The Generation of Identity, 11–12. 151. Petroff, Body and Soul, 214, also observes that Angela’s “focus on physicality seems to be reinforced by God himself when she joyfully recalls on her way home” that Christ said to her: “ ‘All your life, your eating and drinking, sleeping and all your living is pleasing to me.’ ” (translation Petroff, 214). 152. Peter Dronke, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua to Marguerite Porete (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 215. 153. Ashley, “Historicizing Margery,” 374. 154. Ibid., 377.

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Page numbers in bold refer to figures.

Abelard, Peter, 11, 149 n5, 219 Aquinas, Thomas, Saint, 13, 23, 154, Adam, 48–50, 51, 172 n54 156, 220 Adam and Eve, 12–13, 45, 51, 53, Ardent, Raoul, 23, 159 n113, 220 82, 154, 172 n54, n57, n59, Aristotle, 151, 152, 153, 241 n62, 231 Arnovick, Leslie K., 150 n10, 220 advertising, 43 art, 13, 41–3, 48, 81, 82 Aers, David, 122, 204 n103, 206–7 see also iconography, visual n6, 219, 221 language agency (female), 2, 30, 36, 63, 64, 66, Arthur, Ross G., 151 n20, 220 68, 93, 95, 119, 144 Ashley, Kathleen, 137, 140, 189 n27, Alain of Lille, 23, 159 n115 215 n101, 217 n130, 132, alehouses, 31–3, 36, 166 n210, 218 n153, 220, 226 228 Ashton, Gail, 130, 135, 208 n34, see also taverns 211 n50, n51, n52, 213 n81, Alford, John A., 151 n23, n26, 155 214 n93, 216 n116, n117, n118, n64, 160 n125, 219, 222 n120, 217 n133, n146, allegory, 79, 81, 92, 94, 107–8, 218 n150, 220 112–13, 115–16, 184 n1, n2, Ashton, John, 69 186 n11, 234 Askew, Ann, 29 Allen, Hope Emily, 132, 210 n35, Atkinson, Clarissa W., 122, 206 n6, 214 n95, 222, 232 209 n34, 220 Allen, Keith, 152 n33, 219 Auer, Peter, 197 n42, n45, 219, 220, Allen, Prudence, 175 n99 239 Allman, Wendy, 192 n2, 219 Aussoppe, Mary, 34, 166 n217 Alvarez-Cáccamo, Celso, 104, 107, Austin, J. L., 150 n12, 220 108–9, 196 n37, 197 n42, authority 200 n76, 77 church’s, 122, 218 n150 Amtower, Laurel, 19, 157 n92, 219 cultural, 131, 180 n52, 194 n8 Amussen, Susan, 2, 69, 147 n6, legal, 76, 183 n133 181 n79, 219 men’s, 33, 64, 93, 103, 209 n34 Anderson, Earl R., 151 n22, 219 secular, 22, 26, 28, 39, 62, 94, Angela of Foligno, 138, 139, 140, 204 n103 218 n149 women’s, 97, 131, 139, 212 n60 246 INDEX

Babel, Tower of, 12–13, 154 n50 Bible, 39, 52, 105 n19, 151 n21, Baika, Gabriella Ildiko, 158 n110, 174 n82, n83, n84, 222 159 n114, n116, n117, n124, Bible moralisée, 53 161 n141, n142, 220 Holkham Bible, 13 Bailly, Herry (Host), 5, 97–100, 110, Bickerton, Marjery, 61 114, 117, 118, 144 birthing, 7, 34, 36 Bakhtin, Mikhail, 107, 108, 194 n9, see also lying-in 200 n71 Blackstone, Mary, 184 n132, 222 ballads, 27, 28, 29, 31, 130, 165 n192, blasphemy, 22–3, 25–6, 161 n135, 228 n138, n139, n140, n142, Bardsley, Sandy, 1, 2, 27–9,147 n2, 206 n6, 233, 236 148 n6, 149 n2, n3, 158 n107, Bloch, Howard, 11, 152 n34, 36, 222 n108,160 n130, n133, n134, Bloor, David, 154 n49, 222 162, n151, n152, n157, n158, Blythe, Joan Heiges, 24, 159 n125, 163 n168, n173, 211 n47, 222 220, 244 Boccaccio, 103, 189 n36, 195 n12, 13, Barons, Agnes, 62–4, 77–8, 94 196 n22, 227 Barthes, Roland, 171 n35, 221 Bodden, M. C., 204 n100, n104, 222 Baudrillard, Jean, 41–2, 153 n48, body, the 171 n49, 190 n44, 221 Griselda’s, 114 Beadle, Richard, 154 n55, 173 n76, Margaret Knowsley’s, 59 244 Margery Kempe’s, 5, 121, 126, 127, Beattie, Cordelia, 2, 148 n6, 221 128, 135–9, 207 n6, 212 n61, Beckwith, Sarah, 122–3, 145, n63, n64, 216 n119, n122, 205 n1, 206 n6, 207 n12, 217 n127, n137, 230, 239 14, 221 serpent’s body, 46 Bede, 48, 52 woman’s body, 30, 59, 82, 83, 88, Pseudo-Bede, 52 122, 125, 130, 136, 137, 139, Bell, Shannon, 204 n107, 221 206 n3, n6, 211 n46, 213 n81, Benedict, Saint, 53–4 235 Rule of St. Benedict, 159 n112 woman/serpent’s body, 47, 48 Benkler, Yochai, 124, 208 n28, 221 Bonaventure, Saint, 48, 173 n64 Bennett, H. S., 186 n11, 221 Bonefant, Margaret, 65–7, 77, Bennett, Judith M., 2, 33, 147 n5, 180 n53, 59 165 n204, n208, 168 n5, Bonnell, J. K., 48, 52, 172 n55, 169 n8, 221, 233 173 n66, 174 n81, 85, 222 Benson, Larry D., 155 n61, 189 n32, Boose, Lynda E., 27, 162 n155, 222 221, 224, 229 Bourdieu, Pierre, 183 n123, 222 Beonio-Brocchieri, Mariateresa Braddick, Michael J., 179 n51, Fumagalli, 206 n2, 221 180 n52, 223 Bermingham, Ann, 187 n20, 221 Bradwall, Ellen, 61 Bernard, Richard, 28, 163 n163, Braithwaite, Richard, 158 n105, 221 178 n34, 223 Bestul, Thomas H., 204 n102, 221 Brandes, Stanley, 54–5, 176 n104, 223 Bhattacharji, Santha, 122, 207 n11, Bremner, Eluned, 122, 131, 205 n1, 222 206 n6, 214 n88, n90, 223 INDEX 247

Bridget of Sweden, 130, 133, 139 194 n8, 196 n22, n29, 199 Brink, Andre, 171 n34, 223 n56, n66, 200 n73, 202 n98, Brown, Mary, 61 202 n97, 204 n103, n105, Brown, Pamela Allen, 2, 30, 147 n6, 205 n112, 222, 224, 225, 228, 164 n184, 223 229, 230, 233–9, 241, 242, 244 Brown, Penelope, 76, 183 n130, 223 Chaunticleer, 16 Brueggemann, Walter, 149 n8, 223 Cheers, 43, 172 n50, 227 Brundage, James A., 40, 169 n16, Chester 170 n19, n21, n26, 193 n6, see mystery cycle plays 213 n82, 223, 240 town of, 33, 35, 59, 148–9 n2, Bryan, Luke, 30, 164 n180 177 n15 Bucholtz, Mary, 106, 110, 196 n37, Cheyney, Edward P., 210 n36, 224 199 n67, 201 n87, 89, 94, Cholmondeley, Sir Robert, 59 202 n95, 223 Christianity, 11, 39, 169 n 13, 244 Buridan, John, 12, 153 n44, 244 Clark, Alice, 61 Burns, E. Jane, 148 n7, 223 Clark, Herbert H., 177 n8, 224 Bynum, Carolyn, 158 n111, 159 n112, Clark, Stephen R. L., 151 n24, 224 223 Classen, Albrecht, 123, 127, 207 n15, 211 n41, 44, 224 Cabell, Mr, 63 Cleaver, Robert, 158 n104, 178 n34, Cady, Diane, 10, 151 n25, 26, 223 224, 226 Campbell, Emma, 103, 196 n36, 223 Clergy, 31, 40, 52, 53, 170 n20, canon law, 39, 54, 125, 193 n6, 233 193 n5, 6, 216 n121 Capp, Bernard, 70, 147 n1, n6, Clerk (General Prologue and Clerk’s 165 n197, n199, n201, 177 n13, Tale), 5, 64, 97–100, 101, 178 n31, 181 n83, n84, 223, 103–106, 108–109, 111–19, 224 144, 192 n4, n8, 204 n103 Caroles, Ellen, 60 clerks, 26, 58, 70, 98, 117, 128, 192 n4 Casagrande, Carla, 168 n3, 224 Cliff, Michelle, 188 n26, 224 Castiglione, 18 Clifford, Anne, 29, 94 Catherine of Sienna, Saint, 138 Clowes, Dorothy, 61 Cavallaro, Dani, 89, 190 n45, 224 code-switching, 5, 97, 100, 104–108, Cazelles, Brigitte, 216 n116, 224 116, 196 n37, 197 n42, n45, celibacy, 39–40, 43, 46, 54, 55, 136, 198 n47, n54, 200 n76, n79, 143, 170 n20 n80, 219, 220, 229, 239 censorship of speech, 3, 112, 117 Colish, Marcia, 13, 152 n35, 154 n51, Chance, Jane, 87, 186 n6, 224 224 chastity, 40, 64, 84, 98–9, 130–1, 137, Collins, Robert, 70–5, 181 n89, 168 n4 182 n94, 111, 113, 116, 117 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 5, 11, 14, 15, Collinson, Patrick, 61, 178 n27, 224 18–21, 25–6, 97, 100–103, Comestor, Peter, 52 106, 112,114–16, 149 n7, conduct literature and manuals, 30, 151 n26, 155 n58, n61, 156 61, 93, 97, 109, 112, 113, 125, n67, n70, 157 n88, n89, n93, 130, 189 n27, 211 n47, 226 158 n99, 169 n128, 161 n145, conversation 167 n2, 186 n10, n11, 192 n4, see women, conversation of 248 INDEX

Cooper, Helen, 200 n73, 203 n98, Davies, Reginald Thorne, 188 n24, 225 226 Copeland, Rita, 101–2, 195 n15, 16, defamation, 27, 58, 60–2, 147 n6, 18, 19, 225 148 n2, 184 n144, 210 n36, Cotes, Mrs Anne, 66–7 240 Coulton, G. G., 210 n36, 225 Dekker, Thomas, 30, 149 n4, Coupland, Nikolas, 105, 110, 196 n37, 163 n159 197 n43, 198 n49, 200 n67, Delany, Sheila, 205 n1, 226 201 n88, 202 n96, 220, 225 Deleuze, Gilles, 89, 157 n79, 188 n26, courtly 190 n43, 191 n74, 226, 230 courtly love, 4, 40, 80, 85, 87–91, Delves, Sir Thomas, 59 93–5, 186 n9, 188 n27, de Meun, Jean, 23, 82, 228 189 n32, n34, 221, 228, 235 depositions, 1–4, 57–8, 61–5, 70–1, courtly romance, 48 75–6, 129, 144, 177 n5, Coyne Kelly, Kathleen, 130, 170 n16, 178 n32, 179 n48, 180 n53, 214 n87, 225 n59, n66, 184 n132, 222 Craun, Edwin D., 159 n118, n123, see also testimony 160 n126, n129, n133, 225 Derrida, Jacques, 54 Crawford, Patricia, 2, 38, 148 n6, de Word, Wynken, 132 166 n215, 179 n38, n46, n48, Dickman, Susan, 128, 212 n56, 226 180 n53, n56, 225, 235 Dighton, Ann, 68–70, 78, 180 n66, Cressy, David, 2, 147 n6, 166 n210, 67, 72, 181 n80 n219, 167 n231, 225 Dinshaw, Carolyn, 103, 122, 123, crime, 26–7, 39, 148 n2, 161 n140, 196 n31, 207 n6, 7, 18, 226 178 n33, 193 n6 Disneyland, 43, 89, 171 n49 Criseyde, 102 Dod, John, 158 n104, 178 n34, 226 Cristaudo, Wayne, 150 n17, 225 Done, Mr, 62–4, 77 Cummings, Brian, 150 n13, 225 Donnelly, Colleen, 87, 91–2, 185 n3, Cutler, Cecelia, 106, 196 n37, 197 191 n56, 57, 59, 60, 226 n40, 199 n58, n60, n61, n62, Drach, Peter, 48 n67, 226 dream vision poetry, 18–19, 81, 85, 92–3, 185 n3, 186 n11, d’Oignies, Marie, 128, 139 189 n30, 226, 241 d’Orleans, Friar Lorens, 24, 160 n127, Dronke, Peter, 158 n115, 218 n152, 161 n145, 222 226 Dalarun, Jacques, 170 n20, n30, n32, Dronzek, Anna, 188 n27, 226 226 Duara, Prasenjit, 47, 172 n59, 227 Dame, Belle, 93, 186 n7 Duggan, Charles, 175 n93, 227 Dante Alighieri, 23, 37, 149 n9, Dunbar, William, 84, 188 n25, 227 150 n9, 151 n26, 159 n115, 167 n1, 219, 226, 228, 235 Elynour Rummyng, 33, 165 n209, Darth Vader, 42–3, 171 n43 241 Davidoff, Judith M., 84, 87, 185 n3, Epicureus, 10, 151 n24 189 n29, 30, 35, 226 Erasmus, Desiderius, 149 n5, 194 n8, Davies, Anne, 61 227 Davies, Bronwyn, 191 n65, 226 Eruigena, Scotus, 12, 229 INDEX 249 ethnocentrism, 105, 125–7, 135, Froide, Amy M., 61, 168 n5, 178 n26, 208 n33 221, 228 Evans, Ruth, 87, 101, 195 n11, n14, frozen words, 17 205 n1, 206 n5, 226, 227, 238 Frugoni, Chiara, 169 n10, 172 n51, Eve, 13, 45, 46–9, 51, 53, 82, 96, 143, n52, n53, 173 n63, 174 n89, 172 n54, n57, n58, n62, n90, 175 n92, n94, n95, n96, 173 n72, 191 n64, 231 n97, n98, 228 Eve’s hair, 47–8, 53 Fumerton, Patricia, 165 n192, n196, see also Adam and Eve 228 Fyler, John, 12–13, 151 n26, 154 n50, Fall, the (of Humankind), 4, 10, n56, 228 12–13, 46–7, 49, 51, 80, 144, 154 n50, 191 n64 Gallagher, Catherine, 38, 169 n11, Fame (House of Fame), 19–20 228 Farley, Mary Hardiman, 214 n98, gardens 227 garden of delight, courtly love, 4, Farmer, Sharon, 175 n92, 227 43, 80–94, 96, 144, 187 n14, Fenster, Thelma, 147 n4, 148 n1, n18, n20, 188 n21, n22, 220, 227 189 n28, n29, 231, 234, Finke, Laurie A., 122, 133, 134, 242, 243 206 n6, 211 n48, 215 n102, garden of Eden, 4, 47, 52, 80–3, 216 n113, 218 n148, 227 88–9, 96, 172 n57, 187 n18, Finlayson, John, 101, 195 n13, 227 n19, 188 n22, 234, 239, 242 Fletcher, Anthony, 30, 162 n151, Garnet, Oliver, 31 164 n183, 165 n200, 227, 243 Geffrey, Annie, 62 floating signifiers, 41–3, 45, 171 n36, Genesis, 46, 52, 143, 151 n21, 227 169 n13 Flores, Nona C., 172 n61, 173 n67, Gerrig, Richard J., 177 n8, 224 n68, n69, 174 n83, 227 Gersh, Stephen, 153 n43, 229 Forni, Kathleen, 188 n27, 189 n34, Gibson, Gail McMurray, 129, 190 n54, 228 213 n75, 229 Foucault, Michel, 39, 54, 81, 116, Giles, Howard, 105, 198 n54, 229 169 n13, 170 n17, 187 n15, Ginsberg, Warren S., 192 n4, 204 n101, 205 n109, 228, 202 n97, 204 n105, 229 238 glosing, 49, 173 n74 Fox, Thomas, 169 n13, 228 Goldman, Robert, 171 n45, n46, n47, Foyster Elizabeth A., 177 n10, 228 n48, 229 Fraser, Bruce, 75, 183 n122, 228 Goltzius, Hendrik, 47, 172 n62 Freeborn, Dennis, 154 n53, 228 Gordon, Elizabeth, 196 n37, 198 n47, Friar John (Summoner’s Tale), 20–1 n48, 229 friars, 11, 20–1, 128, 139, 212 n54, n55 gossip, 1, 29, 61, 77, 147 n3, 150 n11, Friel, Brian, 16, 156 n74, n75, 234, 177 n14, 230, 238, 241 237 Gould, Stephen Jay, 17, 157 n78, 229 friends (community of), 34–5, 59, Gower, John, 9, 11, 13, 149 n5, 65–7, 129, 179 n50 150 n19, 155 n57, 156 n70, Frith, Valerie, 177 n6, 235 160 n128, 161 n145, 229, 244 250 INDEX

Gowing, Laura, 2, 30, 65, 147–8 n6, Hewes, Joan, 30, 164 n180 164 n180, n182, 177 n9, Hewitt, Roger, 104, 105, 197 n39, 178 n30, 179 n48, n49, n50, 198 n53, 230 180 n53, n56, n60, n64, Hill, Ann, 68 181 n77, n85, 184 n133, Hill, Robert, 35 225, 229 Hindle, Steve, 177 n14, n16, n19, Graddol, David, 196 n37 178 n22, n23, n24, n25, 230 Green, Richard Firth, 189 n34, 229 Hirsch, John C., 215 n111, n112, 231 Gregory of Nyssa, Saint, 135–6, Hirschkop, Ken, 200 n60, n70, n71, 149 n5, 217 n123 n72, 231 Griselda (Clerk’s Tale), 97, 99–101, Historia scholastica, 52 103, 112–16, 117, 144, Hoffeld, Jeffrey M., 172 n55, 231 195 n13, 196 n36, 202–3 n98, Hollywood, Amy, 206 n6, 216 n116, 203 n99, 204 n103, 223, 236 231 Grudin, Michaela Paasche, 8, 149 n7, Hoogestraat, Jane, 155 n62, 244 229 “hue and cry,” 27, 162 n158 Gründel, Johannes, 23 Huenneke, Jane L., 217 n128, n129, Guattari Félix, 157 n79, 191 n74, 230 231 Guynn, Noah D., 200 n74, n75, 229 Hugh of St. Victor, 23, 159 n112 hyperreality, 12, 43, 51, 89–90, Hackel, Heidi Brayman, 158 n106, 153 n48, 171 n49 229 hagiography, 5, 107–9, 113, 116, 118, iconography, 41, 46, 51–3, 172 n61, 121, 126–7, 135, 138, 140–1, 187 n18, 227, 239 203 n98, 208–9 n34, 215 n98, see also art, visual language (under n103, 216 n116, 220, 242 language) Hallissy, Margaret, 170 n28, 230 imagined woman, the, 3, 4, 38–9, 41, Hanawalt, Barbara A., 168 n5, 230 43, 46, 53, 54, 55, 143, Harding, Wendy, 135, 136, 212 n61, 169 n10, 172 n51, 173 n63, n62, n63, 216 n119, n122, 174 n89, 175 n92, n94, 228 217 n127, 230 Inferno, 37, 167 n1 Harré, Rom, 191 n65, 226, 230 Ingram, Martin, 2, 64, 70, 147 n6, Harris, Humphrey, 62 179 n43, 181 n86, n87, n88, Harris, Roxy, 104–105, 107, 197 n38, 231 199 n55, 230 insolubles, 12, 153 n47 Harvey, Elizabeth D., 194 n8, 230 interrogatories, 58 Harwood, Britton J., 18, 21, 157 n88, Irvine, Martin, 19, 157 n90, n91, 231 n89, 158 n99, 230 Helling, I., 94, 191 n65, 230 Jameson, Frederic, 42, 171 n42, n44, Henderson, Katherine Usher, 231 196 n24, 230 Jarrek-Glidden, Susan Francis, Henry, Avril, 173 n70, n75, 230 214 n86, 215 n109, 231 heresy, 22–5, 161 n135, 207 n10 Jaworski, Adam, 105, 196 n37, Herrad of Hohenbourg, xiii, 43, 44 198 n49, 225 Hess, Natalie, 196 n37 Jenstad, Janelle, 166 n211, 167 n226, heteroglossia, 104, 200 231 INDEX 251

Jerome, Stephen, 58–61, 78, 177 n14 Knowsley, Margaret, 59–62, 78, 94, Joan of Arc, Saint, 25 177 n14, n15, n16, n17, John of Salisbury, 9–11, 150 n19, 178 n19, n22, 230 152 n27, n31, n32, 232 Kowaleski, Maryanne, 2, 148 n6, Johnson, Lesley, 87, 205 n1, 226 169 n8, 233 Johnson, Mark, 179 n45, 233 Johnson, Matthew, 83, 187 n20, 232 The Ladder of Virtues, 43–4, 44 Jones, Karen, 27, 28, 162 n153, n154, Laeuchli, Samuel, 193 n6, 233 163 n169, n172, n174, 232 Langland, William, 9, 79, 155 n65, Jones, Malcolm, 28, 163 n170, n171, 174 n87, 186 n10, 233 232 language Jonson, Ben, 30, 35, 149 n4, visual language , 41, 43, 48, 143 163 n159 see also art, iconography Julian of Norwich, Saint, 133, 136, language-crossing, 100, 104–7, 111, 138, 206 n3, 217 n128, 235 197 n45, 198 n51, n53, 199 n57, 239 Kamensky, Jane, 28, 149 n6, 162 Lanyer, Aemilia, 191 n64, 236 n150, 163 n161, 164 n177, Lawton, David, 26, 122, 161 n138, 232 206 n6, 233 Kaplan, Caren, 188 n26, 232 Leap, William L., 104, 201 n85, 233 Karras, Ruth Mazo, 39–40, 170 n22, LeBihan, Jill, 211 n38, 229 n23, n24, n25, 232 Le Goff, Jacques, 169 n13, n15, Kelly, Henry Ansgar, 46, 172 n55, 170 n16, 233 n56, 173 n64, 232 Le Mystère d’Adam, 46 Kempe, Margery, 3, 5, 25, 29, 94, Lerer, Seth, 103, 196 n29, n30, 233 121–40, 145, 205 n1, 206 n3, Leslie, Marina, 170 n16, 225 n6, 207 n7, n8, n15, n17, n18, Levinson, Stephen, 170 n130, 223 n19, 208 n23, 209 n34, n35, Levy, Leonard W., 161 n139, 233 211 n37, n42, 212 n56, n61, Lewis, C. S., 79, 184 n1, 234 n66, 213 n77, n78, 214 n86, Lewis, Katherine J., 123–4, 206 n6, n88, n90, n98, 215 n99, n100, 208 n23, 234, 244 n101, n105, n109, n111, n112, Lilith, 172 n54, n55, 231 217 n128, n130, n134, n137, Lindorfer, Bettina, 21, 23, 26, 158 220, 221, 222, 223, 226, 227, n100, 159 n119, 161 n143, 234 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, lineage honor, 55 237, 238, 241, 242, 244 Livy, 103 Kent, 27, 29, 162 n153, 163 n169, Lochrie, Karma, 122, 123, 129, 130, 232 207 n6, n19, 212 n66, 213 n77, Kermode, Jenny, 184 n133, 229 n84, 215 n98, 234 Kinch, Asby, 186 n7, 232 Loiaulte, Lady, 81, 90, 92 Kitch, Aaron, 184 n142, 233 Lorens, Friar Klapisch-Zuber, Christiane, 168 n3, see d’Orleans, Friar Lorens 170 n27, n31, 212 n62, 224, Lucas Cranach the Elder, 47 226, 228, 233 Lutwin, 47, 172 n60 Knowles, David, 126, 211 n39, 233 Lydgate, John, 22, 93, 158 n103, Knowles, Margery, 29 185 n3, 234 252 INDEX lying-in, 31, 34–6, 167 n235 McManus, Barbara F., 196 n24, 230 see also birthing McMillan, Ann, 87, 187 n16, Lyotard, Jean-François, 54 189 n38, 235 Meale, Carol M., 81, 87, 189 n39, 235 MacCracken, Henry Noble, Meech, Sanford Brown, 210 n35, 158 n103, 234 214 n95, n96, n97, 222 MacDonald, Michael, 166 n212, Melton, Friar William, 128, 212 n54 n 217, 234 Mendelson, Sara Heller, 2, 148 n6, MacDougall, Elisabeth B., 83, 177 n6, 178 n32, n33, n35, 187 n18, 188 n22, 234 179 n42, n46, n50, 235 Macrina, 135–6 Michel, Dan, 24 Madonna (Madonna Louise Ciccone), Michelangelo, 47 41–2, 171 n38, n39, n41, 235 Middleton, Thomas, 29, 30, 149 n4, Magdalene, Mary, 50, 129 167 n224, n225, 184 n142, Magnusson, Lynne, 75, 183 n124, 234 233, 235 Manhire, Bill, 105, 196 n37, 198 n47 Mills, Elizabeth, 62 Mann, Jill, 192 n4, 234 Milton, John, 51, 174 n79 Mannyng, Robert, 9, 149 n5, 150 n11 Moi, Toril, 103 Marshall, Simone Celine, 87, 185 n3, monks, 9, 23, 39, 40, 46, 54, 128, 130, 186 n10, 234 135, 139, 152 n33, 170 n20 Martin, A. Lynn, 31, 165 n189, n190, Moore, Sean T., 181 n76, 236 234 Morrante, Mary, 67–70, 77–8 Mary (Virgin), 53, 83, 99, 115, 129, Morse, Charlotte C., 202 n97, n98, 132, 137, 212 n65, 213 n70, 203 n99, 236 227 Muldrew, Craig, 77, 184 n138, n143, Matlock, Wendy A., 91, 95, 190 n49, 236 191 n55, n58, n73, 234 Murphy, Kim, 161 n140, 236 Mattingly, Terry, 41, 171 n38, n39, Musson, Anthony, 2, 147 n6, 236 235 Mystery Plays maze, 84–8, 90, 93, 189 n29, n30, Chester Cycle mystery cycle plays, n36, n40, 190 n52, 242 9, 13–15, 16, 32, 52,150 n18, Mazzeo, Joseph Anthony, 149 n9, 235 155 n59, 172 n58, 174 n88, Mazzio, Carla, 164 n178, 235 211 n47, 224 Mazzoni, Cristina, 137–8, 217 n134, N-Town Cycle, 14, 155 n60, 237 n141, n145, 235 Towneley Cycle (Wakefield), 211 Mazzotta, Giuseppe, 150 n9, 235 n47, 212 n67, n68, n69, 237 McAvoy, Liz Herbert, 122, 206 n3, York Cycle, 13, 16, 49, 154 n53, n6, 211 n46, 217 n137, 235 n55, 244 McClure, Laura, 104, 198 n46, 235 mysticism, 122–3, 126–9, 139, McDonald, Nicola F., 186 n8, 235 205 n1, 206 n2, n6, 207 n15, McEntire, Sandra J., 122, 123, 209 n34, 212 n62, 221, 231, 205 n1, 206–7 n6, 207 n17, 238 215 n100, 223, 244 McIntosh, Marjorie, 27, 162 n153 Nadelson, Leslee, 54–5, 176 n104, McLuskie, Kathleen, 167 n224, 236 178 n29, 235 Nantwich, 58–9, 61, 149 n2, 177 n14 INDEX 253

Napolitano, Frank M., 129, 212 n67, Petroff, Elizabeth Alvilda, 209 n34, n69, 237 218 n147, n148, n149, n151, Nayler, James, 161 n139 238 Nealon, Jeffrey T., 90, 190 n47, 237 Philipsen, Gerry, 104, 109–10, 197 Neuburger, Verena E., 127, 211 n42, n44, 201 n83, 238 237 Phillips, Kendall R., 191–2 n74, Neville, Cynthia J., 2, 147 n6, 237 238 Newhauser, Richard, 159 n122, Phillips, Kim M., 2, 147 n6, 206 n5, 160 n125, 222, 237 238 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 17, 107, Phillips, Susan E., 150 n11, 164 n185, 156 n75, n76, 237 n187, 166 n220, 238 Plato, 9, 151 n23 Ochs, Elinor, 110, 201 n93, 237 Platter, Thomas, 32, 165 n195, Ockham, William of, 12, 153 n45, 243 224 Plowman, Piers, 16, 52, 79, 155 n64, Ortner, Sherry B., 54, 175 n100, n65, 159 n125, 174 n87, n101, 176 n102, n103, n104, 186 n10, 219, 222, 233, 241 n105, 237 Plutarch, 18, 157 n85, 238 Ovid, 190 n41, 237 Policraticus, 151 n19, 232 Owst, Gerald R. (G. R.), 40, Pollock, Griselda, 204 n101, 238 160 n134, 170 n29, 237 Pollock, Linda A., 34, 166 n213, n215, n216, 239 Pandarus, 102 Powell, Alice, 59, 61 Pantagruel, 17–18 Power, Eileen, 168 n5, 238 Paston, John, II, 35 Priscian (Priscianus Caesariensis, Paston, Margery, 29 grammarian), 19, 157 n90 patriarchy, 34, 131, 168 n5, 181 n76, 193 n6, 231 Quinn, William A., 19, 20, 157 n93, Paul, Saint (the apostle), 50, 53, 158 n95, 239 154 n52, 160 n135, 169 n13, 170 n16, 212 n60 Rabelais, Francois, 17–18, 157 n80, Payer, Pierre J., 168 n4, 193 n6, 238 239 Pearsall, Derek (D. A.), 87, 185 n4, Rampton, Ben, 104, 105, 107, 186 n11, 191 n70, 228, 238 197 n38, n45, 198 n51, n53, Pentecost, 13, 155 n58, 233, 237 199 n55, n57, 230, 239 Peraldus, William, 24, 160 n127, Régnier-Bohler, Danielle, 128, 222 212 n62 Perseveraunce (The Assembly of Renevey, Denis, 122, 207 n6, 239 Ladies), 90–2 Reyna, Valerie F., 157 n77, 239 Peter, Saint (the apostle), 50, Rich, Adrienne, 35, 167 n227 160 n135 Richardson, Samuel, 140 petitions, 3, 4, 57–62, 76, 81, 90–2, rime royal, 100, 102, 195 n21 94–5, 177 n15, n17 Robbins, Rossell Hope, 93, 191 n63, Petrarch, 97, 100–1, 103, 113, 117, 239 192 n2, 195 n12, n13, 202 n97, Roberts, Alexander, 28, 163 n165, n98, 203 n99, 227, 236 239 254 INDEX

Robertson, Elizabeth, 214 n86, Severs, J. Burke, 191 n63, 195 n10, 216 n122, 217 n124, n125, 203 n98, 239, 240 n126, 239 Sharpe, J. A. (Sharpe, James), 2, 77, Robertson, Stephen, 177 n4, 239 147 n6, 176 n1, 184 n134, Rogers, Daniel, 22, 158 n106 n135, n141, n144, n145, 240 Rogers, Thomas, 30, 164 n182 Sheldrake, Philip, 159 n112, 241 Roos, Sir Richard, 93, 185 n3, Sherman, Anne, 69 186 n7, 195 n21, 240 Shklar, Ruth, 122, 207 n8, n13, 241 Rorty, Richard, 125, 208 n31, 239 Shohat, Ella, 130, 213 n80, 241 Rosenstock-Huessy, Eugen, 9, 36, silence 150 n14, n17, 225, 240, 242 glorification of, 5, 22–3, 110, 112, Ross, Ellen M., 206 n2, 213 n70, 126, 158 n106, 159 n112, 240 209 n34, 212 n60, 214 n93, Rowell, Audrey, 62, 77 229 Rowlands, Samuel, 32 in the Clerk’s Tale, 97–100, 111–12, Rowley, William, 28, 163 n162 114–19 Ruether, Rosemary Radford, Simon, Sherry, 101, 195 n17, 196 n28, 193 n6, 240 241 Rumor (House of Fame), 18–19 simulacra, 42, 190 n44, 221 Ryan, Marcella, 205 n110, 242 sins of the tongue, 1, 3, 8, 21–4, 127, Ryle, Gilbert, 12, 154 n49 159 n125, 164 n178, 222, 235 see also blasphemy, defamation, St. Amour, William, 20 glosing, gossip, heresy, St. Clair, Robert N., 198 n54, 229 scolding, see scold(s), scolding, Salih, Sarah, 122, 206 n4, n5, 207 n6, slander 238, 240 Skeat, Walter W. (W. W.), 185 n3, Salisbury, Joyce E., 130, 213 n82, 240 186 n11, 241 Sampson, Geoffrey, 12, 153 n46, 240 Skelton, John, 33, 165 n209, 241 Scanlon, Larry, 27, 160 n132, slander, 1, 24, 31, 58, 61, 147 n6, 162 n147, 240 159 n118, 163 n175, 176 n1, Schutte, Anne Jacobson, 298 n34, 240 184 n133, n144, 225, 229, 240 Schwartz, Alvin, 18, 157 n86, 240 Smail, Daniel Lord, 147 n4, 148 n1, scold(s), 21, 27–30, 147–8 n6, 220, 227 162 n151, n155, 222, 238, 243 Smith, Sidonie, 131, 213 n78, scolding, 1, 27–30, 76, 148–9 n2, 214 n89, n92, 241 160 n133, n134, 162 n153, Sneyd, Charlotte Augusta, 165 n191, n155, 163 n173, 220, 222 241 scold’s brace, 148–9 n2 Socrates, 10, 151 n22, n23 Scott, James C., 65–6, 180 n52 Spacks, Patricia Meyer, 1, 147 n3, serpent 241 as Devil in scripture, 4, 45, 46–8, Spade, Paul Vincent, 153 n45, n47, 51–3, 172 n55, n56, 173 n64, 224, 241 232 Spearing, A. C., 186 n11, 241 as sexualized, 3–4, 45, 46–8, 51–3, Speculum Humanae Salvationis 172 n55, 173 n66, 174 n81, (A Medieval Mirror), 13, 47–8, n86, 222, 227 52, 173 n65, n68, n75, 230 INDEX 255 speech Stephens, John, 87, 189 n36, n37, as deviant, 1, 9, 159 n123 191 n68, 205 n110, 242 as mystique, 3, 8, 17, 19–21, 25–6, Stone, Brian, 187 n112, n13, 242 36, 143 Stretton, Tim, 2, 147 n6, 178 n28, 242 as power, 3–4, 8–9, 15, 18, 23–4, Strohm, Paul, 150 n11, 151 n25, 26–7, 29, 36, 143 194 n8, 223, 238, 242 as uncontrollable/ transgressive, Sugano, Douglas, 155 n60, 237 3–4, 8, 21–5, 36, 125, 143, Sullivan, Rachel, 189 n40, 242 158 n110, 211 n47, 220 Swan, Joan, 196 n37 as unreliable (unreliability of), 3, Szittya, Penn R., 158 n97, 242 7–9, 15, 17, 21, 143 controlling of women’s speech, 7, talk, talking (women), (see also 23, 25–6, 29 speech), 22, 24, 30, 35–6, 57, criminalization, criminalizing of, 61, 148 n7, 150 n11, 164 n182, 3–4, 7, 21–2, 26, 162 n158 211 n47, 223 women’s speech (see also talk, taverns, 25, 31–2, 34, 71, 72, talking), 1–5, 7–8, 21, 23, 25, 165 n197, 166 n210 27–30, 36–8, 46, 49–52, 57, see also alehouses 84, 94, 97, 102, 112, 116–19, Taylor, Carole Anne, 91, 190 n53, 121, 124–7, 131–2, 138, 141, 242 143–6, 162 n158, 164 n182, testimony, 23, 62, 67, 69–70, 75–6, 170 n18, 198 n46, 199 n66, 95, 179 n50 201 n85, 211 n47, 231, 235, Thomas (Summoner’s Tale), 20 239 Thompson, John B., 208 n29, 243 speech act, 7, 9, 21, 69, 75, 146, Thurston, Herbert, 132, 214 n96, 243 150 n9, n12, 156 n75, 237 tongue, women’s, 27–30, 118, 145, speech codes, 104, 109–11, 197 n44, 164 n182, 210 n36 201 n83, n86, 238 translation (as interpretive and speech practices political act), 16, 100–3, female speech practices, 104, 111, 155 n63, 156 n71, n74, n75, 119, 201 n85, 239 195 n11, n15, n16, n17, n18, male speech practices/talk, 7, 22, 196 n22, n28, n36, 208 n27, 109–10 223, 225, 227, 237, 241, 242 Spivey Ellington, Donna, 129, Travis, Peter W., 158 n98, 243 212 n65, 213 n71, n72 Treharne, Elaine, 106, 196 n23, Sponsler, Claire, 134, 215 n105, 241 199 n66, 243 Staley, Lynn, 114, 122, 204 n103, Troilus (Troilus and Criseyde), 102 207 n6, 209 n34, 209–10 n35, Turner, David, 61, 178 n26, 228 216 n121, 219, 220, 242 Tutivillus, 29, 164 n176, 224, 231 Star Chamber, The, xvii, 73, 76, 181 n89, 184 n132, 222 Underdown, David, 162 n151, Stavreva, Kirilka, 27, 162 n148, 242 179 n39, 243 Steiner, George, 15–16, 155 n63, 156 n71, n74, n75, 234, 242 vainglory, 49 Stephens, John (f. 1615), 29, Van den Abeele, Andries, 84, 164 n179 189 n28, 243 256 INDEX

Vaux, Ambrose, 71, 76, 183 n131, Watts, Richard, 75, 183 n121, 244 184 n132 Webbe, George, 28, 163 n160, 244 Vaux, Lady Elizabeth, 29, 70–4, 76, Webster, John, 30, 35, 163 n159 181 n89, 182 n91, n107, n109, Weeks, Dennis L., 155 n62, 243 n111, n 112, n 113, n115, n117, Whitehead, Harriet, 54, 175 n100, 184 n132, 222 n101, 176 n102, n103, n104, violence, 65, 67–70, 73–4, 77, 78, 84, n105, 237 110, 112–14, 116, 118, 145, Wiesner (Hanks), Merry E., 39, 181 n76, n77, n79, 204 n100, 169 n12, n13, 244 n104, 207 n15, 222, 224, 236 Wife of Bath (Wife of Bath’s Tale), 16, virginity, 29, 40, 83, 135, 137, 25, 103, 106, 117, 156 n67, 170 n16, 206 n4, 207 n6, 194 n8, 196 n23, 199 n66, 214 n87, 225, 240 205 n1, 226, 242, 243, 244 voices Williams, Mark, 196 n37, 198 n47, female, 185 n3, 186 n10, 234 n48, 229 mystical, 117, 122–3, 134, 136, Wilson, Thomas, 21 212 n62 Windeatt, Barry (B. A.), 127, power of woman’s voice, 186 n7, 196 n22, 205 n1, 211 n37, n40, 207 n15, 211 n41, n44, 224, 212 n53, n55, n58, 215 n110, 234 217 n136, n139, n144, 222, women’s, 2, 58, 92, 100, 102, 112, 224, 232 117, 122, 127, 131, 134, 139, Windsor, William, 70–6, 181 n89, 143–4, 148 n6, 177 n6, 182 n91, n94, n107, n109, 187 n16, 189 n39, 194 n8, n115, n116 195 n21, 206 n6, 207 n15, Winstead, Karen A., 132, 170 n16, 211 n41, n44, 217 n137, 224, 205 n112, 209 n34, 214 n93, 231, 233, 235 n94, 244 witchcraft, 1, 26–8, 34, 162 n154, Wack, Mary, 33, 35, 165 n202, n207, 163 n159, n165, n175, 239, 167 n228, 243 240 Wages, Sara M., 83, 188 n21, 243 witches, 27–8, 29, 163 n162, n175, Waldstreicher, David, 149 n6, 243 233 Walker, Garthine, 2, 28, 69, 147 n6, “witch-speak,” 25, 27, 162 n148, 148–9 n2, 163 n166, 180 n73, 242 181 n78, 182 n102, n108, witness(es), 32, 57–60, 70, 144 184 n133, n143, 229, 243 Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 12, 154 n49, Walker, Sue Sheridan, 147 n6, 237 222 Wallace, David, 103, 195 n13, woman 196 n35, 207 n6, 226, 243 imagined Walter, John, 179 n51, 180 n52, 223 see imagined woman, the Walter, Marquis (Clerk’s Tale), women (see also speech, women’s and 99–101, 103, 112–15, 117–18, tongue, women’s) 144, 195 n13 as masterless, 62, 77 Watt, Diane, 11, 122, 153 n39, conversation of, 2, 9, 30, 34–6, 48, 206 n6, 244 57, 58, 61, 94–5, 145 INDEX 257

Woods, Marjorie Curry, 151 n19, Younge, Anne, 65–7, 179 n48, 202 n97, 236, 244 180 n62, n63 Wybarn, William, 76, 183 n131 Younge, James, 65–7, 77, 179 n48, Wycliff, John, 9, 25, 150 n19, 180 n62, n63 160 n135 Zell, Michael, 28–9, 163 n169, n172, Yeager, R. F., 26, 160 n128, 161 n145, n174, 232 189 n32, 221, 244 Zupko, Jack, 153 n44, 244