Korean International Graduate Students in Canada

Korean International Graduate Students in Canada:

Identity and Internet Use

Pauline Carpenter

Department of Integrated Studies in Education

McGill University, Montreal

June, 2009

A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the

requirements of the degree of Master of Arts

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Abstract

East Asian international students often face challenges identifying and participating as active and equal members in western academic communities (Morita, 2004). Even though international students often depend on the internet during this critical time (Yang, et al., 2004), how their internet uses impact their identity is largely unknown. Using semi-structured interviews, this phenomenological study explores the experiences of seven South Korean graduate students in Canada, their internet uses, and how these uses influence their identity construction. Findings reveal that these students often experience identity challenges and report that using the internet for socializing, entertainment and information alleviates these issues. Depending on the degree of awareness and purposes of their online practices, these students‟ internet uses both enable and constrain their identities. Understanding these processes is useful for university student services and students themselves in considering ways the internet can be used to facilitate overcoming challenges international students face during educational sojourn.

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Résumé

Les étudiants internationaux d‟Asie de l‟Est se retrouvent souvent confrontés à de nombreux challenges quant il s‟agit de s‟identifier et de participer de manière active et égale aux autres étudiants au sein des communautés universitaires occidentals (Morita, 2004). Même si l‟on sait que les étudiants internationaux dépendent souvent d‟internet durant cette période cruciale (Yang, et al., 2004), la façon dont ils l'utilisent et l‟influence que cela peut avoir sur leur identité reste un domaine largement peu connu. En utilisant des interviews semi structurés, cette étude phénoménologique explore les expériences de sept étudiants universitaires au Canada, leur utilisation d'internet et comment cette utilisation peut avoir une influence sur la construction de leur identité. Les résultats nous révèlent que ces étudiants se retrouvent fréquemment confrontés à des challenges identitaires et que l‟utilisation d‟internet à des fins de socialisation, d'amusement et d‟information les aident dans les difficultés qu‟ils rencontrent. L‟utilisation d‟internet peut à la fois affirmer leur identité ou alors être une source de contrainte suivant le degré de conscience et les raisons pour lesquelles ils se servent d‟internet. La compréhension de ces processus décrits précédemment est non seulement utile pour les services aux étudiants au sein des Universités, mais également pour les étudiants eux-mêmes, puisqu‟elle met en lumière différentes manières dont internet peut être utilisé afin de dépasser les difficultés que peuvent rencontrer les étudiants internationaux durant leur parcours universitaire.

Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I owe a great deal of thanks to my two supervisors Doreen Starke-Meyerring and Ratna Ghosh who have stuck with me along this journey. Their knowledge, patience, guidance and encouragement were outstanding and I could not have asked for anything more from them as mentors. To my partner Tim, I am truly thankful for your support both emotional and intellectual. Your continued encouragement and unquestioning belief in me has much to do with the completion of this thesis. Moreover, our frequent brainstorming sessions and your insightful feedback (not to mention ongoing editing and technical assistance!) was always appreciated and beyond helpful. I am also grateful to my friends for allowing me to talk for hours about my thesis while also giving me a chance to get away and enjoy life. A special thanks to Nicole for being a great sounding board and never turning down a brainstorm session. Your insight and suggestions always made things more clear. Isin as well, although brief, your input was both significant and inspiring. To all my friends (you know who you are!) thank you for your company. The enjoyment I got from our friendships was greatly needed during the ups and downs of the thesis process. Whether it was long and frequent phone conversations, walks on the mountain, dinner parties or Korean restaurants, it goes without saying that I highly valued and cherished our time. To the participants of this study who made time in their busy schedules, I am very thankful to you for sharing your experiences and for allowing me a window into your worlds. I learned so much from your accounts, and for me, our interviews were truly the highlight of this research project. And finally, a deep thank you to my family who never lost faith in my abilities and who were always there to help out with anything when need be. Having you as a constant in my life is never taken for granted.

Dedication

This thesis is dedicated to Grandma Vivian who always held great enthusiasm for our accomplishments.

Table of Contents Abstract ………………………………………………………………………….. ii Résumé …………………………………………………………………………. iii Acknowledgments ……………………………………………………………… iv Dedication ……………………………………………………………………….. v CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION Current Trends in International Education and Student Mobility: An Overview..10 Statement of Purpose …….....………..…………...……………………….…….12 Methodologies.…………………………………...……………………..……….12 Key Terms Defined ………...……………………………………………………13 Structure of the Thesis …………………………...……………...………………13 CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction …………………………………..………………………………… 14 International Students: Setting the Context ……………………………………..15 International Students in the Literature …………...…….……………….15 International Students, Identity Politics and the Negotiation and Construction of Identity ……………….…………………………...… 17 Theoretical Framework: Identity ………………………………………………..19 Identity Construction is a Process …...……………………...... 21 Identity is Discursive ……………………………...……………………. 22 Identities are Multiple/ Plural …………………...……………………... 23 Identities are Performed and Practiced ……………...………………… 23 Identity Construction is Dependent on Social Spaces ………..………... 24 Identity and the Internet ………………………………………………………... 25 Enabling Aspects of Online Environments on Identity Construction.…... 27 Constraining Aspects of Online Environments on Identity Construction..29 International Students and the Internet ………………………………………… 31 Quantitative Studies of International Students Online……...... ……….32 Qualitative Studies of International Students Online...... ……34 Summary …………………………………………………………………...……38

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CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGIES Introduction ………………………………………………………………..…… 39 Purpose of the Study ……………………………………………………….……39 Methodological Approach ………………………………………………….……40 Phenomenology ……...... ………………………………….……...……42 The Interview……………...…...... ……………………………………………42 Research Participants ……………………………………………………………43 Ethical Considerations Involving Research and the Internet ……………………44 Procedure …………………………………………………………………...…...45 Revisiting and Revising the Research Questions ………………………………..47 Data Analysis …………………………………………………………...……….48 Role of the Researcher …………………………………………………………..49 Background of the Researcher …………………………………………………..50 Experience Living Overseas and Using the Internet …………….……...52 Interest in the Topic ……………………………...………………………52 Delimitations and Limitations …………………………………………………...53 Summary ………………………………………………………………………...54 CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS Introduction ……………………………………………………………………...55 Participants ………………………………………………………………………56 Experiences as Korean International Graduate Students in Montreal ……...…...63 Feelings of Isolation, Alienation and Marginalization ………………….63 Re-positionings ………………………………………………………….68 New Experiences Bring New Perspectives and New Identities …….……72 Identity Jumping from Korean to Canadian Contexts ……………...……73 Internet Use in the Context of Being an International Graduate Student in Montreal ………………………………………………………………………....74 South Korean-Based Internet ……………………..…………………...... 76 Korean Language Internet Uses ……………………………………..…..81 English Language Internet Uses ……………………….………………..86 Transitional Trends: Internet use since Becoming International Students……… 89 viii

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Introduction ……………………………………………………………………...92 Summary of Findings ……………………………………………………………92 1st Question: How do South Korean international students experience studying in Canada? ……………………………………………………………………….…93 2nd Question: How do South Korean international students use the internet while studying in Canada? ……………………………………………………….…….98 Reflection of the Research Question …………………………….……... 98 Summary of Internet Use ……..…………………………………….….. 99 Discussion ……………………………………………………………...102 3rd Question: How do these Korean international graduate students‟ internet uses impact their identity construction while studying in Canada? …………….…..103 Korean National and Cultural Identity ……………….…………….….104 Identity Construction in Relation to Familial and Social Networks……106 Memberships and Affiliations …………………………………………..109 Internet Use as a Facilitator for Local Identity Practices ….……...…..111 Choosing Internet Spaces, Choosing Social Spaces ……………….…..112 Conclusion ...…………………………………………………………………...113 Implications …………………………………………………………………….116 Suggestions for Further Research ……………………………………………...117 REFERENCES ………………………………………………………..………118 APPENDICES Appendix A: Research Ethics Certificate of Approval ………………...………127 Appendix B: Call for Participants ………………………………………...……128 Appendix C: Consent Form ……………………………………………………129 Appendix D: Interview Guide …………………………….……………………131

List of Tables and Figures

Table 1. Korean International Graduate Student Participants……………...…….44 Table 2. Korean International Graduate Student Descriptions of Internet Use Patterns and Purposes ...………………………………………….….….62 Figure 1. Screenshot of Naver.com homepage ……………………………...... 77 Figure 2. Screenshot of Daum.net homepage …………………………………...78 Figure 3. Screenshot of Nate.com homepage …………………………………...79 Figure 4. Screenshot of Cyworld homepage ………………………………...... 80

10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Current Trends in International Education and Student Mobility: An Overview There has been a dramatic and unprecedented increase in international student mobility in higher education in recent decades. Statistics Canada (2008) claims that in 2005/2006, a record 80 200 international students were enrolled in Canadian universities and made up 7.7% of total student registration, almost double the proportion recorded a decade earlier. Moreover, according to the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada (2007, p.17), international student enrolment in graduate programs doubled from 11 000 to 22 000 in the same period of time. The Observatory of Borderless Education, which claims that the number of international students in Canadian higher education is much higher at about 130 000 students registered each year, reports that for the past decade, South Korea has been a top sending country of international students to Canada sometimes peaking at 13 000 registered students a year (Vernrik & Lasanowki, 2007)1. This is partly due to students‟ aspirations to gain international experience overseas and the high perceived value of a western, English education (Chen, 2005), compounded by a desire from western academic institutions to attract overseas students in hopes of attaining international talent that might contribute to an international campus environment (Knight, 2004). These are significant numbers, so understanding the experience of international students in Canadian higher educational contexts is imperative. Moving away from everything familiar to face a new environment, an unfamiliar academic culture, and to function in a foreign language, international students undergo complex experiences when living and studying in another country, which in turn affect identity negotiation and construction (Burnett & Gardner, 2006; Hsieh, 2005, 2006; Morita, 2004; Pearson-Evans, 2006; Rhee,

1 The Observatory of Borderless Education claims that Statistics Canada‟s method of calculating international students systematically undercounts the international student population.

11 2006). For example, these students commonly face feelings of marginalization (Schmitt et al., 2003), they often balance transnational existences (Ghosh & Wang; Singh & Doherty, 2008) and from these experiences they possibly take on new identities in the process of becoming global or cosmopolitan citizens (Rizvi, 2005; Singh et al., 2007). That people are going abroad to study is nothing new. Students have been crossing borders in pursuit of education for centuries. What is unique about crossing borders for education in modern times are the technological advancements in communications technology, namely the internet and the significant role it plays in many people's daily lives. Thirty years ago, for example, international students depended on expensive international phone calls or slow postal services in order to keep in touch with loved ones left behind. Moreover, these students had limited means of keeping up with national, cultural and societal developments in their places of origin. Being severed from many of their connections, international students went through their overseas education having little contact with these aspects of their lives. Nowadays, international students have regular access to the internet, which means they can easily contact and keep up with individuals and information from all over the world. As internet technology and content develop and spaces are carved out for various forms of communication, research on online spaces and its connection to real life individual processes is gaining importance. Literature pertaining to identity online suggests that the internet can be used to create online communities for like-minded, marginalized and dispersed individuals to gather and enact identities (McKenna & Bargh, 1998; Mitra, 2004; 2005; Rheingold, 2000; Warschauer, 2000). In addition, internet spaces provide a venue where new identities may be explored and multiple identities can be performed regardless of geographical limitations (Turkle, 1997). On the other hand, identity construction online faces similar constraints present in offline social worlds such as hegemonic forces and other confining social constructions created and maintained by the developers and participants of online environments (Burbules, 2000; Nakamura, 2002). Users are also limited to the structures of online spaces and are confined to

12 engaging with online content and interacting with others within these constraints, which are often in place to serve the interests of the site creators (Luke, 2002).

Statement of Purpose The intent of this research is to explore the ways international graduate students experience their lives during study abroad, how they use the internet during this time and how this internet use affects their identities. In doing so, I hope to discover ways in which internet use enables and constrains identity construction for people in this particular circumstance. Two main outcomes are desired from this research: 1) An increased understanding of international graduate student experiences and identity construction issues with consideration of the current educational and technological climate and 2) An understanding of how the internet is used as a tool in this context and how this use might impact the challenges to identity that many international students face during this time. These findings will enrich the current research on international students and further, it will certainly add to the research area of international students and the internet. In addition, I hope that this research project will lead us to consider the challenges international graduate students face and ask questions about the ways the internet can be used as a tool to facilitate dealing with or overcoming these challenges.

Methodologies In asking questions about the lived experiences of these students, the chosen methodological approach for this study is qualitative in nature and is based on the philosophical principles of existential phenomenology. I used reflective, interpretive inquiry through in-depth interviews and personal narratives to learn about the experiences of seven Korean international graduate students studying overseas, their use of the internet during this time and how this internet experience influences their identity. The data was qualitatively analyzed within the framework of identity theory (Gee, 2001; 2005; Hall, 2003; Holland et. al., 1998; Weeden, 2004; Wenger, 1998 & Sfard & Prusack, 2005).

13 Structure of the thesis This thesis is structured in the following format. Following this chapter, which introduces the topic and the study, Chapter Two reviews the literature that guided this research and led to the development of the main research questions. Chapter Three provides a detailed account of the methods and procedures employed in this study. Chapter Four presents the findings arranged by significant and common themes that emerged from the interviews. Finally, Chapter Five discusses the findings in response to the research questions and the literature presented in Chapter Two and draws conclusions for the ways that internet use acts to both enable and constrain these students‟ identities, which in turn has implications for their participation in the academic milieu. This last section in Chapter 1 introduces some common terms used throughout this thesis.

Key Terms Defined Identity is a sense a self in relation to social worlds which is always undergoing a process of negotiation and construction (Holland et. al., 1998).

Identity negotiation is a positioning, shifting and re-positioning of self within the various social dynamics of local and global contexts (Hall, 2003). Through these negotiation processes, individuals may accept or contest, to varying degrees, different ways of knowing or being (Hand, 2006).

Identity construction is the reification (Sfard & Prusak, 2005) of conceptions of self based on negotiation processes. However, identities are ever-changing, and therefore constantly under negotiation and reconstructed.

Phenomenology is a philosophical tradition that is manifested in qualitative methodologies. In this study, an existential phenomenological approach is used which is oriented toward “describing the experience of everyday life as it is internalized in the subjective consciousness of individuals” (Schwandt, 1997, p. 115).

14 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Introduction This literature review will situate the study in current work examining international (graduate) students, identity theory, identity online and, finally, international students on the internet. To begin, an overview of the literature on international students suggests that in addition to regular challenges of adapting to academia, these students face the particular challenge of positioning themselves within western academic environments and participating within the academic milieu and local community at large as active and equal members (Lew, 2006; Morita, 2004). Although much of the existing research pertaining to international students looks through the lens of adjustment or adaptation theories, few researchers attempt to understand their complex experiences through the lens of identity. Studying overseas is a complicated experience laden with challenges to identity processes. Crossing borders almost certainly entails coming to terms with issues of language, race, culture and nationality, which are compounded by the additional challenges of graduate studies and the potential shifts in identity that result from finding one's place and participating in a new academic and professional community. Therefore, identity theories provide a useful frame in explorations of this experience. In this review, I will present relevant identity theories deemed appropriate for understanding these students' experiences. Moreover, because this study considers the important role technology plays in the daily lives of these students, I will also address how researchers have looked at identity processes in online contexts, how these processes affect individuals in real life and in what ways internet use might enable or constrain identity. This review will illustrate the importance of looking at international student experiences and their internet use in understanding the identity processes of individuals studying abroad and the role the internet plays in enabling and constraining identity construction in this particular situation.

15 Finally, the last section of the review will cover the studies that have addressed international students and their use of the internet while living and studying abroad. Since the few studies that have considered these factors have utilized a limited range of approaches, many questions are left unanswered. Namely, qualitative studies from a user-centered perspective have not yet been considered as a means of examining international students, their internet use and their identities. Moreover, only a select group of international students, mainly students of Chinese origin, have been investigated. Due to this gap in the literature some urgent issues are left under-examined such as how, considering students‟ unique background, the internet is experienced in the daily lives of international students and how this internet use influences identity processes during this critical time. With this approach, this study aims to uncover how South Korean international graduate students' internet uses, in the context of studying abroad in Canada, might influence their identity construction.

International Students- Setting the Context International Students in the Literature Much literature on international students concerns their ability to adjust in the academic environments of the host countries. Numerous studies, usually employing survey methods and a social psychological framework, have indicated that international students face many challenges in their period of study overseas, such as socio-cultural adjustment, language struggles and academic achievement in an unfamiliar academic environment (Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998; Andrade, 2006; Hechanova-Alampay et.al, 2002; Perrucci & Hu, 1995; Popadiuk & Arthur, 2004; Wan, Chapman &Bigg, 1992). Certainly potential hardships are important to address and are of concern to university policy makers, curriculum developers and international educators designing effective programs for international student services. However, these studies, usually influenced or motivated by the need for higher education institutions to recruit and retain international students, do not give much insight into or even consider deeper individual identity processes. Moreover, the political,

16 historical context of international education is largely unaddressed in these studies. In addition, much of this research seems to suggest that international students experience overseas education in a similar manner, denying the largely heterogeneous nature of the international student population, the dynamic political context of international education, and the complex transformations of identity involved in the experience of living and studying in a new cultural and linguistic environment. Therefore, a more holistic qualitative approach using a theoretical lens that considers identity processes is needed to shed more light on the issues that shape this increasingly common experience. Some explorations of international students against the backdrop of adjustment theory employ qualitative interview methods and additional modes of inquiry, such as analysing participant journal writing (Pearson-Evans, 2006) and personal drawings (Burnett & Gardner, 2006). These approaches have uncovered complex processes involved in studying abroad. Pearson-Evans (2006) discovered tensions between home, host and other foreign cultures, which required constant balancing of things familiar and strange. Burnett and Gardner (2006) interviewed Asian students in a western university and noted that acculturation was directly related to identity processes. However, the acculturation theories that were used to frame both of these studies were rejected by the researchers themselves as being oversimplified and incapable of being applied to the individual experiences of the international students in the study. Identity theory is more flexible and would provide a more useful framework for exploring such experiences. Seo & Koro-Ljungberg (2005) did a hermeneutical study of Korean graduate students' experiences in an American university. This study's central theoretical element was the hermeneutic circle, which means that the “interpretation of each part depends on the interpretation of the whole and vice versa” (Schwandt, 1997, p.62). These researchers assert that an understanding of the cultural and national values of Koreans is needed in order to effectively provide a quality educational experience for these students. This qualitative study captures part of the complex nature of the processes international students face, but focuses solely on the Korean cultural background of the students and does not

17 address the social context in which the students are studying, not to mention the complex interplay between these two factors. Theories of identity capture a wider perspective of the student experience by taking into account influential factors both from the backgrounds of the students themselves and from their new environments, which play a role in individual identity construction processes.

International Students, Identity Politics and the Negotiation and Construction of Identity The following studies consider the wider implications of identity politics and international students' negotiation and construction of identities. Most authors of these qualitative explorations were either international students prior to or during their research. The studies are often embedded in sociological theories and cultural studies frameworks such as identity theory, transnationalism, and post- colonialism. They all consider the experience of studying overseas, the backgrounds of the students and the context in which they study. Many of the researchers describe their methodologies as ethnographic in nature; however, it might be important to note here that there are a variety of ethnographic traditions that may or may not be accepted by all who work from an ethnographic perspective. So here, I use ethnography in a very general sense in that it is “grounded in a commitment to the first-hand experience and exploration of a particular social or cultural setting on the basis of (though not exclusively by) participant observation” (Atkinson et. al, 2001, p.4). Some researchers noted the experience of crossing boarders and its implications for identity. Gosh and Wang (2003), two international graduate students, use self-reflective narratives to explore their transnational experiences of studying overseas. These students identified as being transnationals because they "conducted and embodied numerous social and cultural exchanges across borders" (p. 277). An international student herself, Hsieh (2005) completed a narrative enquiry into the identity negotiation of East Asian international graduate students at an American university. Noting the important influence that an overseas educational experience might have on identity negotiation, she asked questions

18 about how international students experience negotiating identity in second language contexts and found that these women are active agents in their identity processes. Similarly, in a qualitative, longitudinal, multiple case study of Japanese female graduate students, Morita (2004) found that these students were also active agents in their identity construction processes. All researchers of these studies acknowledged the context in which these students' educational experience took place along with the students‟ background as significantly involved in processes of identity construction. Considering the experience of studying in a western environment, some researchers take a critical look at the context in which these students enter. Using what she describes as an autoethnographical approach, Rhee (2006) explored her own and two other Korean graduate students' experiences in a western university. She captured the complexity of the multiple historical, political and social factors that perpetuate inequalities in both local and global contexts. Through narratives, she illustrates how students negotiate their various positions in an educational context embedded within the historical forces of power. Similarly, Morita (2004) noted that political and historical factors that influence the make up of pedagogy and curriculum in the western academic context often leave these students having to negotiate and position themselves on the margins, which creates a challenge for these students to see themselves as equally competent and valued members of their graduate community. In addition to this, Hsieh (2005) noted that many of the women in her study felt their identities to be constrained by not only the ideologies of the host American society, but also their own cultural and ethnic backgrounds. Ghosh and Wang (2003) state that although they found similar themes in their international student experiences, because they originate from different countries, their identities in this situation were uniquely affected by factors such as their communities in their home and host cultures, and their unique historical, social and economic realities. Studies on international students coming from and going to various countries highlight the importance of recognizing the potentially different experiences students might have in various host academic contexts. For

19 example, in a study of Norwegian students abroad, Wiers-Jenssen (2003) notes that these students reported higher levels of satisfaction with their study abroad experiences, which was partly attributed to having less of a distance from the social, cultural and linguistic characteristics of the host countries. Moreover, in a study of Arab Muslim graduate students in Canada, unique issues arise with these students‟ experiences such as being Muslim in a post September 11th context (Mostafa, 2006). The situation or backgrounds that these students bring to the situation of studying overseas is a significant factor that will affect their experiences, in addition to the characteristics of the host environment. In this current study, issues of language, social standing, nationality and race are likely at play for the students, since they are all from South Korea where most people speak Korean and where they belong to the dominant majority. This is in contrast to what they experience in Canada. These studies suggest that in order to understand more clearly about the essence of international students' educational experience in a western academic context, qualitative studies such as interviews need to be tailored to take into consideration both the communities and experience these students come from before going abroad to study along with the context and communities of the new academic environment, which both play a key role in the identity processes of these students. Few studies consider the unique situation of South Korean international students in Canada, even though they represent a large percentage of the international student population in the country. A phenomenological study focusing on the lived experiences of these students with consideration of internet use that potentially keeps these students in touch with both their past and present community groups will shed light on the individual processes of modern day international students. Even so, no studies have yet used this approach.

Theoretical Framework: Identity Literature on identity is extensive and can be found in multiple fields such as psychology, sociology, cultural studies, linguistics and education. The way in which researchers in different fields have understood identity has ranged from

20 understanding it as something static and concrete to something fluid and much more complex. For this study, I will review current understandings of identity that are relevant to the experience of international graduate students going overseas to study and offer a framework for analysis for this situation. Pavlenko & Blackledge (2004) have broken down three distinct ways of looking at identity relative to the field of linguistics. According to these authors, socio-psychological understandings of identity see it as something that is relatively stable. In contrast, social constructionists noted that identity is a process taking place through interactions and is constructed by negotiations within discourses. These authors describe that post-structuralists noted that in addition to the identity construction process laid out by social constructionists, it is imperative to consider the socio-political positions and power relations between individuals in the context of identity negotiations. David Buckingham (2008), a professor of education with an interest in media, lays out different ways of viewing identity and discusses some opposing viewpoints for looking at children and digital media. He states that the first of these commonly held ideas is that identity is something that an individual owns. In contrast, however, identity must be defined within social dimensions, in which identification processes lead us to identify to which groups (be they cultural, national, gender-based or otherwise) we belong. Buckingham (2008) also looks at various viewpoints on how youth identity is formed: A psychological stance illustrates what particular issues are at play for these youth, such as transitions experienced during adolescence and other developmental changes. A sociological approach views adolescent identity as related to a socialization into adulthood, and also sees youth identity in its social contexts, where youth culture (and various sub-cultures) is considered. Buckingham (2008) also notes that as we move into new times, viewing the use of technology through the lens of identity is imperative due to its integration in the daily lives of young people. With consideration of the various viewpoints on the meaning of identity, the following insights are particularly useful for framing the phenomenon of Korean graduate international students and their movements across nations,

21 cultures and languages into new academic environments in Canada where they interact with the internet regularly. The presentation of these themes does not imply a logical progression through the stages of identity construction. Moreover, to add to the slipperiness of defining identity, even the definitions of these categorized themes tend to spill into each other making it difficult to provide any one operational definition of identity. This in itself demonstrates the complexity of identity processes. In this study, identity is seen as a dialectical process (Hall, 2003) of negotiations (Sfard & Prusak, 2005). Identity is discursively created within social, historical and political contexts (Gee, 2001; Sfard & Prusack, 2005; Weeden, 2004). Identities are constructed through the performance of social group practices (Holland et. al., 1998; Wenger, 1998) and due to interactions with and within various social groups and contexts, identities are multiple (Giampapa, 2004). Moreover, it is possible to combine multiple identities to form new ones (Bhabha, 1990). This is significant for understanding international student identity processes since they often move from familiar social groups to new ones where they are faced with participating in an unfamiliar academic environment in a foreign language.

Identity Construction is a Process Rather than being a fixed entity, identity is continuously under construction and individuals are constantly in a process of “becoming” rather than of “being” (Hall, 2003). Identity construction is made up of a series of negotiation processes, through which individuals may accept or contest, to varying degrees, different ways of knowing or being. Identity negotiation is a positioning, shifting and re-positioning of self within the various social dynamics of local and global contexts. Through these negotiation processes, identities are reified (Sfard & Prusak, 2005). However, identities are always ever-changing, and when identities are challenged, such as when international students are faced with functioning in a new academic environment, culture and language, existing conceptions of identity come into conflict (Mercer, 1990). For this study, I am interested in understanding

22 these students‟ identity processes in relation to their experience in a Canadian university and use of the internet during this time.

Identity is Discursive Identity is discursively constructed (Gee, 2001; Sfard & Prusack, 2005; Weeden, 2004) and so, at any point, is made up of a combination of how one defines oneself and how he or she is identified by others. Therefore, identity is a collection of descriptive narratives (Sfard & Prusack, 2005). How these descriptions come to emerge depend on the communities in which they are embedded. As Hall (2003) states, “identities are the names we give to the different ways we are positioned by, and position ourselves within, the narratives of the past” (p. 236). Once in Canada, international students maintain, become part of or establish memberships to various communities. They interact within various spaces and therefore encounter and enact multiple discursive constructed identities. By keeping in touch with old community members from previous parts of their lives, by engaging in new communities such as programs of study, student societies, and religious groups, and creating new webs of friends and networks in the new environment, international students influence and are influenced by multiple discursive constructions of themselves. In addition, coming into a new culture, and functioning in a new language may also offer international students new ways of seeing themselves, thus influencing revisions of their own discursively constructed identities. What is more, theories of the politics of recognition may come into play since Korean students are now visible minorities not representative of the dominant majority. Being from a country and culture that may be unfamiliar to many from the dominant host culture, and speaking a language that not many non- Koreans speak, these students may easily be misunderstood. In addition to this, these students may face various socially-constructed stereotypes of Asians, Koreans, and international students in the host environment. As Charles Taylor (1992) states, “our identity is partly shaped by recognition or its absence, often by the misrecognition by others, and so a person or group of people can suffer real

23 damage, real distortion, if the people or society around them mirror back a confining or demeaning or contemptible picture of themselves” (p.98). Relative to this, Rhee and Danowitz Sagaria (2004) critically analyze the discourses of articles in the Chronicle of Higher Education and find imperialist overtones that consequently 'otherize' international students and view them simply as commodities. Additionally, international student populations are blamed for lower standards of academic quality leading to resentment on the part of educators (Devos, 2003). These may be some of the discursive constructions East Asian international students face when negotiating their identities within western higher education institutions (Sign & Doherty, 2008).

Identities are Multiple/Plural At any given time, individuals have multiple identities. Certain identities get drawn upon under appropriate circumstances, or perhaps more than one identity is at play at a given time. Moreover, two or more identities or cultures can come together to form a hybrid one, which Bhabha (1990) describes as the “third space”. The third space is where multiple cultures or discourses are straddled, balanced and negotiated. Giampapa (2004) also addresses the negotiation of various identities in multiple and multilingual contexts and of how this negotiation results from the balancing of various discourses. Finally, Vertovec (2001) calls on the juxtaposition of transnationalism and identity to consider the identities that emerge from the negotiation of identities as a result of crossing borders and spanning nations. In addition to their new environments and communities, international graduate students may use the internet to either find or create multiple venues to enact their various identities.

Identities are Performed and Practiced What we do or participate in helps define our identities (Wenger, 1998). Moreover, Hand (2006) states, “the ways that people participate (or resist participation) across geographically and culturally diverse communities and in doing so develop new ways of being and perceiving themselves in the world is

24 necessarily nuanced and multifaceted” (p. 36). International students are faced with the challenge of being accepted within new communities, namely the host community, the educational community, and other communities that exist within these social settings. The extent to which they become members of these groups depends on feelings of acceptance and the participation in shared practices. A review of international student literature reveals challenges to these kinds of memberships: international students feel as though they are marginalized, alienated, and struggle to gain membership in the academic community (Morita, 2004), and also the host community at large (Lew, 2006). Moreover, Hand (2006) notes that “negotiation also involves issues of power and access, as communities into which individuals attempt to gain entry may de-legitimize certain practices, which may serve to position these individuals on the fringes of this community” (p.37) Moreover, the internet is a predominant technology in today's academic environment, if students face challenges participating in the new community, online spaces may provide additional venues to carry out, perform or practice various aspects of identity (Cerulo, 1997).

Identity Construction is Dependent on Social Spaces The groups or communities individuals spend time with both define and are defined by the identities of the members of these communities. “Building an identity consists of negotiating the meanings of our experience of membership in social communities” (Wenger, 1998, pg. 145). Furthermore, Gee (2005) claims that identity is heavily dependent on the constant interplay between an individual and the social space in which one finds oneself and this idea of a social space can be applied to educational environments. Researchers who have looked at how youth identities are constructed within an educational context have found that identity negotiations take place in socially constructed-environments that act to enable or constrain identity (Ghosh, Mickleson &Anyon, 2007). In the case of international students, identity negotiations take place within the communities and social spaces in which they operate; namely, their new host society and foreign academic environment. But these students are not restricted to their physically-

25 situated selves and by using the internet, they can interact with others of their host community, from their home country, or from anywhere else in the world in virtual spaces.

Identity and the Internet As internet technologies are increasingly embedded in our daily lives, identity in online contexts has become a priority in research agendas across many fields such as sociology, geography, communication studies, cultural and media studies and education. Due to the extensive work that has been done on online identity, I have chosen a few key works to illustrate trends in this area of research as it pertains to this study. First I will provide a brief introduction to theoretical approaches to online identity studies which are characteristic of the move from technological determinism to internet spaces as socially constructed and therefore not separate from the socio-political contexts in which they are developed and used. And finally, findings from the literature show various ways in which identity is practiced, negotiated and constructed online and how individuals' identities are both enabled and constrained in these environments. Research pertaining to identity online began in the 1990s. When researchers began to explore this new 'territory', the possibilities seemed endless. Turkle (1997), a pioneer of identity online, analyzed experiences in virtual spaces such as multi-user domains (MUDs), where users participate in online worlds and are free to discursively create their identity and interact with other players anonymously. In her work, she has highlighted how the features of the internet allow for a fragmentation of identities online. Turkle presents the internet as an open space, where identity play can go on anonymously, enacting multiple identities and exploring new ones thus providing us a new form of identity play, and consequently, new identities. Although Turkle successfully addresses how features of the internet, such as varying levels of anonymity and freedom from time or geographic distance, can facilitate processes of identity, researchers have noted that her theory of virtual identity is nothing new or unique to online spaces, since identity offline is

26 also fragmented, multiple and fluid (Kennedy, 2006). Moreover, her descriptions of the internet lean toward being technologically deterministic in suggesting that it has the ability to change the way we are. The danger in this description denies the agency of individuals in the structure of online environments and its subsequent consequences to internet users (Nakamura, 2002). Turkle (2005) does, however, address the structures of technology in her later work, when she discusses specifically the way technology lacks transparency which can hinder the way users are empowered to use it, moving from active participants and contributors to simply consumers in the case of the internet. Another critique of Turkle's ideas of online identity is an implicit disconnect between the offline and the online world, in which the online world is a separate entity in itself and the real world is a place people leave when they go online. Researchers have noted that there is an undeniable link between identity processes online and identity processes offline, and when looking at online interactions (within which identity processes take place), it is imperative to consider the user's real world environments (Katz & Rice, 2002; Robins, 1995; Slater, 2001). Kuah-Pearce (2008) states that few researchers have addressed the intersection between online and offline selves. Moreover, where we go online is also dependent on the real life communities in which we are members, or in which we participate (Kendall, 1999). This study attempts to work toward filling this gap and is guided by the understanding that web spaces are socially constructed. Therefore web spaces, such as portals, chat rooms, blogs, news sites and gaming venues, are social spaces which promote certain ideologies and conventions which may be contested or negotiated by the users depending on the features of the sites and the culture of the community which participates in it. International students often find themselves in a challenging and foreign academic environment which has a significant effect on identity construction, and therefore it is important to note the ways in which internet use (which is embedded in their daily lives) is implemented in this process. By looking at specific communities of people and specific online spaces, researchers have found that the features of the internet act as a tool that can both enable and constrain

27 identity.

Enabling Aspects of Identity Construction in Online Environments Previous studies have found that there are a number of ways in which using the features of the internet may enable identities, such as expanding our social scope (Merchant, 2006) and bringing people together who share a common interest. Moreover, internet spaces may be more 'safe' than many offline contexts in that users are free to participate anonymously with chosen groups of people. In such an environment, users may not suffer from the same social forces or constraints that they may face in offline contexts. Researchers have commented on the internet as a space of refuge for people to enact identities that may otherwise be marginalized or constrained in offline contexts. Online communities may act as a safe place to perform these aspects of identity. For example, McKenna and Bargh (1998) and Hill (2005) have noted the important role that internet technology can play in the construction of sexual identities, since people stigmatized in their offline environments because of their sexual orientations can find safe havens in online communities where they can interact with others in similar circumstances. These online environments also offered an accepting and safe place for individuals to come to terms with their sexual orientation, some of whom were able to “come out” in online communities before they did in their offline lives (if they ever did so at all). The internet interactions and identity construction of young women has also been explored. Again, some online spaces provided a venue for these young women to explore and negotiate their transitional sexual and social identities in online environments (Guzzetti, 2006; Mazzarella, 2005). Additionally, Mitra (2004; 2001) has identified the potential of using the internet for self expression among marginalized women. Employing the concept of voice, he investigated women of South Asia using community portals on the internet and found that the internet facilitated the use of their voices. And finally, Warschauer (2000) acknowledges the connection between language and identity construction and further ties it to the potentials of internet use. In an ethnographic study, he looked at speakers of

28 an at-risk Hawaiian language and how they used the internet to reassert their language by creating spaces where the language could flourish and spread. What he found was that these participants enacted and therefore developed their Hawaiian identities which are oppressed even in their native land. And finally, through an ethnographic study involving interviews and online content analysis, Spiliotopoulos (2005) found that international students were better able to enact academic writer identities through the practice of completing writing tasks on an electronic class community bulletin board. Other researchers have found the internet has facilitated the creation of new collective identities, or hybrid identities. Through a project which resulted in an online representation of a fictional territory, Clothier (2005) asserts that through the features of the internet people are capable of creating new cultural spaces. This 'new territory' created in the study consisted of selected bits and pieces of different cultures that were reconfigured through negotiation between the members of three different groups, forming a kind of hybrid culture. He ties hybrid internet cultures to Homi K. Bhabha's definition of a hybrid culture as a third space being constantly negotiated by heterogeneous members. Other authors have noted the coming together of different people or groups to form a collective identity online. Del-Castillo, Garcia-Varela & Lacasa (2003) noted the same process in the creation of websites by school children. These children came together to negotiate with their multiple identities to create a web space that represented their collective identity. The features of the internet have allowed people from around the world to link up with each other. The internet has also facilitated the formation and strengthening of “imagined communities” (Anderson, 1983) in virtual space. A large amount of research has been done on diasporic communities online and members' identity construction (Chan, 2005; Kuanh-Pearce, 2008; Mitra, 1997; Mitra, 2005; Shi, 2005; Wenjing, 2004). A common thread in this research is that groups form online through a variety of activities to enact their ethnic, national or regional identities and to contribute to a new collective identity, which may also be described as a hybrid identity. This hybrid identity is woven from the common

29 experiences of members, who, while sharing a common point of origin or reference are living their daily, offline lives in locations around the world. Similarly, Korean international students who usually come from South Korea are dispersed to different locations around the world and so are therefore also members of diasporic communities. These studies suggest that the internet is an important tool for the processes of ethnic, national, or regional identities and also for the construction of diasporic or migrant identities. Many of the studies of identity online reflect an enthusiasm for realizing the potentials that the internet can offer as a tool to facilitate connecting groups of individuals or providing spaces for enacting various identities. Few of these studies consider the structure of internet spaces and pay little attention to the constraints to identity users face online.

Constraining Aspects of Identity Construction in Online Environments It has been noted by some researchers that the environments of internet spaces impose constraints on the identity of participants. Since online environments are social spaces that are created and maintained by individuals, each of whom comes online with his or her own identities, experiences and interests, the constraints existent in the offline world often carry over into cyberspace. Thus virtual interactions often reflect offline identity politics. Nakamura (2000; 2002) opposes ideas of the internet being a utopia where identities are stripped of features such as race, gender, socio-economic status and other attributes which may bring with them marginalization or disadvantages, arguing instead that because the internet is discursively created, cyberspace is a place where social inequalities do exist. Moreover, people, whatever their backgrounds might be, are faced with positioning themselves within or against the hegemonic, dominant cultural forces of internet spaces. In a discourse analysis of non-resident Indians online, Mitra (1997) has found that communities of people online are capable of effectively including or alienating individuals based on their real life identities. Even though people were communicating anonymously online, certain identity signifiers still showed through, and dominant attitudes prevented

30 some from feeling welcome in the online environment. Even when participants are accepted members of established groups, in online environments individuals find themselves in a realm of socially-determined ideologies, which may potentially present challenges to their identity. In a study of an online group for young adolescent females, Grisso & Weiss (2005) found that although the online space was a place where these young women could ask questions about taboo or embarrassing issues such as sex, the responses to these questions might reflect a variety of ideologies. Any query might elicit responses from other young females who may hold a range of attitudes toward sex, varying between, for example, a liberated attitude toward sexual development and potentially constraining attitudes toward sex that are backed by religious beliefs or male domination in sexual relationships. Therefore, this 'safer' online space still holds and practices certain conventions with which users are left to negotiate under potentially constraining conditions. Hill (2005) also found that transgendered individuals may be able to interact within communities made up of members who are also transgendered, but that, even within these communities, the identity labels assigned to transgendered people sometimes reflected dominant stereotypes, leaving them to position themselves within or against these norms. Furthermore, Carvalho (2003) examines popular news portal sites in Brazil and found that the site maintainers select and present the news based on what is thought to be relevant and important, thus reflecting an ideology, which has an influence on the cultural identities of the site‟s visitors. The internet is a social space where individual and collective identities are pursued; therefore, those with higher access and abilities to influence online environments often do so to serve their own interests, which in turn, has consequences on internet users. Yoon (2001) and Luke (2002) both consider how the daily practice of using the internet contributes to one's identity. Both use the theoretical framework of Bourdieu's habitus to analyze how the structure of the internet influences user's usage patterns. Yoon (2001) suggests that not only does the larger online environment reflect dominant Western ideologies, within which many people are marginalized; other dominant corporate forces are working to

31 structure the internet in ways that do not enhance the democratic nature of virtual space, but rather hinder its potential positive uses. Luke (2002) also emphasizes corporate influences on the internet which work to encourage certain internet practices that benefit these corporate interests. If these forces are in competition with other potential internet spaces or purposes, they may hinder any internet user from getting the most out of internet use for his or her personal development, and international students, who may be facing critical identity challenges, are no exception.

International Students and the Internet Only a handful of studies have been conducted on international students and their internet use. It has been suggested through quantitative analysis that certain kinds of internet uses are related to stages of adjustment in new educational environments (Melkote & Lui, 2000; Yang, et.al, 2004; Ye, 2005; 2006a; 2006b; ) Additionally, other researchers took a qualitative approach to investigate specific online communities in which international students participate, and how these online interactions show identity performances and the identity negotiations of the participants (Chan, 2005; Fung, 2002). There is, however, an obvious gap in the literature pertaining to international students' internet use and identity construction. So far, most research has considered students of Chinese ethnicity, leaving out other groups of students who may have dissimilar experiences due to different socio-historical, political and economic backgrounds. Moreover, the online environments where international student identity construction has been explored is often limited to online ethnic groups, or online communities made by and for international students. The predominant method of inquiry used in these studies is online content or discourse analysis of specific groups, which only considers the users or participants who have actually left evidence of their visits to these specific online spaces. This method does not tell us who are visiting what spaces, their purposes for doing so, and the effects this participation has in an offline context, such as on the identity consruction of the users. The phenomenon of internet use in the

32 context of studying overseas has not yet been qualitatively investigated from a user perspective, even though it is fairly evident that the internet is used regularly by international students. The following section will discuss literature in this area and is divided into quantitative and qualitative studies.

Quantitative Studies of International Students Online Some studies specifically explore international students as participants, using quantitative methods to discover the frequency of use and the relationship of certain uses (for example, language-based, or community-based) with acculturation (Melkote & Lui, 2000; Yang, et.al, 2004; Ye, 2005; 2006a; 2006b). These studies suggest that international students habitually use the internet while studying abroad and that these uses play a role in the transition international students face in their educational sojourn overseas. Specifically, Yang et al. (2004) used a survey to find that students used native language internet more than English language US-based internet. They also found that the higher the students' motivations to acculturate, the more likely he or she was to frequent US-based internet. The researchers do not, however, explain what sorts of spaces were visited, other than to categorize them by language: English or Chinese. Ye (2005) looked into a possible relationship between internet uses and acculturative stress, also by employing surveys. Acculturative stress refers to stress caused by the challenges of adapting to another culture, such as language and in the case of international students, educational progress in a new academic culture. In contrast to Yang et al. (2004), she found that students used English language internet more frequently than that of their native language and this use was positively correlated with English proficiency. However, somewhat similarly to Yang et. al (2004), her results indicated that English internet use is related to higher levels of acculturation and that native language internet use is related to lower levels of acculturation and higher instances of culture shock. Ye (2006) also used a survey to investigate perceived assistance from online ethnic social groups (which are groups made by and for ethnic group members living abroad). She had three main findings: newcomers used these websites more frequently, perceived

33 help from these websites had positive effects on users' well-being, and the higher the perceived help received from these websites, the higher the level of user participation in the group's online activities. Finally, Ye (2006) conducted another survey to inquire about the relationship between acculturative stress, interpersonal support in offline life and involvement with online ethnic communities. Here she found another positive relationship between perceived support from online ethnic groups and lower acculturative stress. However, higher rates of satisfaction from interpersonal social networks predicted lower perceived support from online support networks. These findings suggest that international students may utilize online support systems and that they could be useful in transitional adjustments to their new contexts. Because the participants for her study were drawn from students who reported experience using these online support networks, these studies raise questions about the regular internet uses of international students. To what extent international students resort to these sites is still left to be discovered. Even with those who do use these sites, how important are they compared to other regular internet uses? Additionally, besides general well-being, these survey studies do not get into the complexities involved in how and why online ethnic support networks influence identity construction for these students. Another study attempts to dive into the complexities of how participation in online ethnic communities may influence acculturation processes. Melkote & Liu (2000) look at Chinese students and academics who participate in what they describe as the CEI (Chinese Ethnic Internet) and how it possibly helps pluralistic integration in the US as opposed to a 'melting pot' theory of assimilation. The CEI in this study is considered the Chinese ethnic Internet mainly sustained by Chinese student and scholar volunteers in the US, and consists of Chinese language bulletin board systems, news sites, magazines and the world wide web, (a broad description that does not define whether the sites are made in the US for overseas Chinese, or if they include China-based sites). What was found through statistical analysis is that participants in the study were able to “maintain Chinese values and reject American values while acculturating to American everyday behaviors” (p. 502). Although this study realizes the potential of internet use on

34 values or identity construction, it implies that accumulating additional values means rejecting others which suggests an either/or conceptual understanding of 'pluralistic integration'. Additionally, the framework of investigation suggests that maintaining a national framework of values is something to be desired by all. The researchers focus on the hegemonic forces of US society but disregard any such forces from Chinese society or societies. Therefore, although this study intends to touch on complex issues of values orientations and integration with regard to internet use, it actually is limited in its scope and denies the complex experience of identity negotiation, in which multiple attributes of identity interact in a way unique to each individual. As illustrated in this review, the frameworks of these studies are formed within theories of acculturation and/or adjustment and, similar to the studies of international students evaluated earlier in this review, are limited in their ability to explore fully the complex concept of identity construction and internet use in overseas study experiences. Additionally, the quantitative methods of inquiry display a lack of ability in reaching depth or insight into the essence of this complex phenomenon. The qualitative investigations of internet activity involving international students reviewed next touch more closely on these processes of identity influenced by online participation in particular online settings.

Qualitative Studies of International Students Online The qualitative studies deal with the negotiation and construction of cultural, national and marginalized identities. These textual analyses of online communities capture instances of identity negotiations among the international students who participate along with the development and strengthening of group identities. Chinese international students, and other intellectual professionals among the Chinese diaspora frequent these virtual communities, which consist of email lists (Fung, 2002), and discussion boards (Chan, 2005). Fung (2002) was able to gain access to archives of the email list HKnet, which was created in 1989 by and for HK Chinese international students from Hong Kong and was the first internet based community of the Hong Kong

35 Chinese. The group membership, however, grew to include other immigrants of Chinese origin (but still largely from Hong Kong) who were living in the United States. Through the use of a post-structuralist, Foucauldian genealogical inquiry, Fung examined the political situation, the social structures and various power forces influencing this particular group at this particular time. By analysing the discussions on this email list, the researcher was able to review interactions surrounding the political events that were significant to students of Chinese origin (for example, the Tiananmen Square demonstrations of 1989) during a time when the agreement to return Hong Kong to Chinese control in 1997 had recently been reached. At that time, the researcher noted that Hong Kong international students' identities were challenged by dominant discourses from America, mainland China and Hong Kong. Through discourse analysis, it was evident that international students, intellectuals and migrants who were part of the email listserve were able to resist and negotiate subjective identities through participation in online discussions. According to the findings of this study, some features of the Internet provided individuals with the ability to contest their own identity against the externally imposed and essentialist notions of „ethnic‟ identity. Through this type of study, one can see more clearly what forces are at play in the identity construction of international students, particularly for Hong Kong international students at that particular point in time. However, only those who participated in these online communities are considered. What the reader does not learn is how many and what types of people actually participate in these communities and for what reasons. And for those that do participate, what kind of an effect does it have on these students' offline lives or selves? Additionally, and as the authors themselves note, although this study illustrates how the internet may enable subjectivities to be voiced or performed, this particular online community existed at a time when the internet was not as dominated by the commercial interests that it is today (Hinton, 1999), and so it is difficult to say if these interactions would even take place in the current online environment. Another qualitative analysis of Chinese students overseas questions the role of the internet in national identity construction (Chan, 2005). To examine the

36 internet discourse of Mainland Chinese students and other migrants living, working or studying in Singapore, the author conducted a content analysis on two online Chinese BBSs (Bulletin Board System) created by Chinese international students. This data was supplemented with interviews with 14 members of the virtual community, in which the researcher found feelings of being displaced from the homeland and other experiences of adapting to the host country, allowing her to better analyse the contents of the bulletin boards. Only three selected discussion threads were used for this analysis, covering significant current events that concerned Mainland Chinese. During the discussions of these significant events the discourse between the participants showed that “The internet has made possible this site of resistance because it opens up liminal spaces2 from which migrants can resist, challenge, and speak against so-called regimes of truth imposed on them by their homeland and host society” (p.348). The exploration of Chinese students‟ online participation in Singapore shows that these students rejected hegemonic discourse including the propaganda of Chinese nationalism by the government of mainland China, the notion of pan-Chinese identity and the rhetoric of the “Great Chinese Nation”, and dominant Han national identity, while also resisting aspects of American hegemony. In addition, in Fung‟s (2002) study, resistance was performed against the dominant discourse of Chinese identity from the United States, and from mainland China. Resistance to normative constructions of national identity depends closely on the social power relations embedded in both the society from which one originates and in the host society. This kind of study of national identity is particular, however, to the Chinese case and thus can not be generalized to people of other nations, so additional explorations of those from other backgrounds in other host environments must be carried out. This kind of multiplicity comes in stark contrast to an assimilation model or „melting pot‟ ideal. However, identities in these online ethnic groups were reported to have teetered between essentialized identities that matched dominant

2 Turner (as cited in Chan, 2005, p. 359-360) defined liminal entities as “neither here nor there; they are betweixt and between the positions assigned and arrayed by law, custom, convention, and ceremonial”.

37 discourse and more subjective or pluralized identities (Chan, 2005; Fung, 2002). The transitional or liminal process of migrating overseas and experiencing another culture while being away from one‟s own encourages intense shifts in identity, as will any life altering experience. As Chan (2005) describes, the Internet provides a liminal space for international students to negotiate their identity with others who share similar experiences and histories. However, during this process, and with exposure to people of the same background as in the case with Hong Kong students studying in the United States, students continue to be influenced by their own value system, thereby maintaining or “preserving” their identity (Melkote & Liu, 2000). And so, through these studies we can see that certain aspects of the internet enable identity negotiation and construction, but due to the socially- constructed environment of internet space, constraints on identity are also at play. Both survey and content analysis studies have inquired into Internet use among international students. Survey studies show that there is an increase in internet use when students are studying overseas, and that participation in online ethnic groups may be conducive to the identity negotiation and construction processes of international students. On the other hand, content analyses illustrate processes of identity negotiation at play in online spaces, through which participants must balance pressures from both their societies of origin and host environments as they position themselves in a new social environment. Although these qualitative studies inform us on many levels about identity in online environments of some international students, we are still left to examine the internet uses and its impact on identity of individuals who may visit or participate in the kinds of spaces studied but do not leave evidence of their presence. Moreover, there are likely many other international students, who represent different social groups and who use the internet regularly, but do not engage in these types of online activities. Further, none of these studies discuss the structure of the internet spaces and how this might influence the way people interact. Therefore, offline, qualitative, user-centered approaches are needed to fill gaps in literature of international students‟ identity construction on the internet.

38 Summary In order to set the context, I began this literature review by presenting and evaluating the existing literature on international students. I have shown that more studies of a qualitative manner appropriate for addressing the processes involved in studying abroad are needed and that more particular groups, such as South Korean students, need to be considered. I have also presented a rationale for examining this unique situation within the framework of identity theory. I then presented and discussed relevant aspects of identity theory that are useful for analysing the particular situation of South Korean international graduate students in Canada. Following this, I examined literature on online identity and international students and the internet. Even though existing literature suggests that using the internet may both enable and constrain identity, the habitual internet uses of international students and the influence this use may have on their offline selves is left unexamined. Phenomenological methods employing interviews will provide more insights into this unique process. Through students‟ descriptions of lived experiences as international graduate students in Canada with regular use of the internet, I hope to find answers to the following questions: 1) How do South Korean international graduate students experience studying overseas in Canada? 2) How and for what purposes do these students use the internet during educational sojourn? 3) How does this internet use impact their identity processes during this time? Finding answers to these questions will provide insight into the current nature of the transitional and transnational experience of studying overseas. These answers may also begin to inform us about how internet use is significant in identity construction, especially during times when our identities are challenged, such as when undertaking graduate studies overseas.

CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGIES

Introduction In Chapter Two, a review of the literature informs us that international graduate students often face challenges to their identity construction processes during their time studying abroad. These challenges to identity are due to a combination of factors such as entering a new academic community, a new culture and country and functioning in another language as visible minorities (Burnett & Gardner, 2006; Hsieh, 2005, 2006; Morita, 2004; Pearson-Evans, 2006; Rhee, 2006). Embedded in this context is the internet as a regularly used communication technology that allows users to communicate with others and consume information in many languages regardless of geographical and time constraints. The literature also informs us that the internet, with its various features and developed content, hosts spaces where people are able to meet, participate in a variety of activities and communities and in doing so, engage in various acts of identity (McKenna & Bargh, 1998; Mitra, 2004; 2005; Rheingold, 2000; Turkle; 1997; Warschauer, 2000) . Although we know that the internet is significant for many international students who are straddling culture, language and social groups that span borders (Yang, et al., 2004; Ye, 2005; 2006a; 2006b), we are left to discover how international students‟ overseas experience and identity processes during this time are affected by regular use of the internet. Since there are no studies of this nature considering this unique population, this is an exploratory study. Through rich descriptions of lived experiences as Korean international graduate students in Canada who use the internet regularly, it is hoped that light might be shed on these students‟ identity processes during this critical time with special consideration of the current technological environment.

Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study is to find out how a small group of international

40 students experience using the internet while living and studying abroad in Canada and how this internet use influences their identity construction during this time. In order to fulfill this purpose, questions must be asked about how these students experience their studies overseas, how they use the internet in this context, and how this internet use influences their identity. Therefore, the main research questions guiding this study are as follows: 1. How do South Korean international graduate students experience studying in an English-speaking, Canadian university? 2. How and for what purposes do these students use the internet during educational sojourn? 3. How does this internet use impact their identity construction? I hope that answers to these questions might increase our understanding of the processes these students undergo during graduate studies overseas. Moreover, with regard to the internet, findings from this study might guide us toward asking questions about ways in which this tool can be used proactively in these particular types of cross-cultural educational experiences. For those who go through this particular experience and for those who live and work with and amongst these individuals, comprehension of this phenomenon is needed in order for all of us to benefit from equal and active membership and participation of these students in our academic communities.

Methodological Approach Denzin and Lincoln (2005) describe the characteristic of qualitative research as having “an emphasis on the qualities of entities and on the processes and meanings” (p.10). Qualitative research methodology is appropriate for this line of inquiry for a few reasons. Researchers employ a qualitative approach when investigating what kind of variables emerge from a particular context or phenomenon when little research exists on it (Creswell, 2003), and since little is known about international educational experiences in relation to internet use and identity construction, this study is exploratory in nature. Further, participants‟ descriptions of their experiences will be analyzed through the lens of identity

41 theory (Gee, 2001; 2005; Hall, 2003; Holland et. al., 1998; Weeden, 2004; Wenger, 1998 & Sfard & Prusack, 2005). Since qualitative methods allow for an examination and analysis of the complex processes people experience, this approach is appropriate when looking at complicated processes such as identity processes. I employed reflective, interpretive inquiry through interviews and personal narratives to learn about the experiences of seven Korean international graduate students studying in Canada, their use of the internet during this time and how this internet experience influenced their identity. Quantitative methods have been useful for certain inquiries such as the frequency of certain types of internet use for international students and its relationship to acculturation (Yang et. al., 2004; Ye, 2005; 2006a; 2006b). In addition, researchers have approached investigating internet use among migrants and international students qualitatively using methods such as content analysis, which has garnered rich data about the online interactions of individuals in this kind of situation along with how their identities are played out, negotiated and constructed in various online environments (Chan, 2005; Fung, 2002; Hiller & Franz, 2004; Mitra, 2005). From these studies we can see that using a qualitative approach may enable a broader, more holistic view of social processes which sheds light on the identity processes of individuals in these virtual environments. Because these studies only inform us about the individuals who choose to spend time in these places and who have actually left evidence of visiting there through their written interactions, we are left to discover how international students might experience the internet through a user perspective. Through qualitative methods such as interviews, one is able to explore “how social experience is created and given meaning” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p.10) directly through the perspectives of the participants who undergo such social processes. Since a main interest in this inquiry is the phenomenon of international student experience and their internet use in the context of overseas education and its influence on identity construction, this study is phenomenological in nature and employs interviews as a means of data collection.

42 Phenomenology Phenomenological inquiry grew from the limitations of a philosophy of science that harbored a focus on material things and an inability to “take into account the experiencing person and the connections between human consciousness and the objects that exist in the material world” (Moustakas, 1994; p.43). Although there are a variety of ways to approach phenomenological research, the main objective of employing such an approach is to capture the 'essence' or the common experiences of a particular phenomenon shared by individuals or groups of people (Patton, 2002). Further, phenomenology is described as having an interest in “understanding social phenomena from the actor‟s own perspectives and describing the world as experienced by the subjects, with the assumption that the important reality is what people perceive it to be” (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009, p.26). Phenomenological methods allow researchers to investigate how people experience a particular phenomenon from the participants' perspectives. The best way to understand these participants‟ experiences of identity processes in this context is through their own accounts. It was expected that themes would emerge from these participants‟ descriptions of their experiences undertaking their graduate studies in Canada, and of their internet use during this time. These students‟ narratives may reveal how internet use influences identity construction.

The Interview The tool of phenomenological inquiry involves qualitative interviews with a small group of individuals who experience the same phenomenon. The interview guide is directed by main research questions that grow from a review of relevant literature and revolve around the experiences of the particular phenomenon under inquiry (Moustakas, 1994). Qualitative interviews attempt to “understand the world from the subjects‟ point of view, to unfold the meaning of their experiences, to uncover their lived world prior to scientific explanations” (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009 p.1). The benefit of interviews in this study is due to an ability to understand these students‟ personal experiences as Korean

43 international graduate students and further, to see the extent, importance or the relevance of internet use in their lives. Interviews enable gathering in-depth information from a user perspective about the motivations, purposes and experiences of internet use and what it means in this context in relation to identity construction.

Research Participants Participants for the study include Korean international graduate students. Korea is a large sending country of international students to Canada. In fact, South Korean students have been one of the largest groups of international students in Canada for the last decade (Verbik & Lasanowski, 2007) and so understanding their experiences related to international education in Canada is highly relevant. Additionally, since graduate school is where students face new challenges such as expectations to publish, to present research at academic conferences as well as to perform teaching assistance and/or research assistant duties, graduate students in general face unique identity transformations as they negotiate their way within their new academic and professional lives. South Korean international graduate students approach these challenges with another layer of complexity, the need to position themselves and participate within an academic context embedded in a western culture. I interviewed seven participants based on a convenience sample of Korean graduate students in January and February of 2008. The participants were undertaking graduate studies at the Master's or PhD level in a variety of academic disciplines at English-speaking universities in Montreal. The age range of the participants was between the mid 20's and mid 30's. Two males and five females were interviewed. Four participants were PhD students and three were MA students. The participants came from a range of disciplines including education, music technology, applied linguistics, and psychology. The period of time each participant resided in Canada was between 4 months and 5 years. Most were in Canada on an international student visa, but one participant had recently gained Canadian citizenship. All interviewees went online regularly on a daily basis and

44 had been introduced to the internet in South Korea before becoming an international graduate student in Canada. These students usually went online at home, or at their university in libraries, labs or their office work spaces. Table 1 Korean International Graduate Student Participants Name Period of Time in Canada Time spent online daily SoYeon 3 ½ years Uses the internet leisurely for 1-2 hours a day, but when writing a paper, sometimes the whole day

MinGi 2-3 years 6-7 hours a day

JuHee 8 years 30 minutes to 1 hour each (recent immigrant) day

Hannah 6 months Uses internet from an hour to 5-10 hours each day

EunHee 6 months Usually has the internet on all day long

Hyosoon 1-2 years At least 2 hours but usually more than 2 hours a day

HyungKi 3 years About 2 hours a day

Ethical Considerations Involving Research and the Internet Research on and about the internet has developed in recent years due to its novelty, and the important role it plays in the daily lives of many people. The scope of the internet makes way for new research spaces, and at the same time, new ethical considerations are being deliberated to commensurate the new research platform with all its features and functions. MacZweski, Storey & Hoskins (2004) call for an evaluation of the research context when the internet is involved. The multilayered contexts of online and offline interactions and the technical features that enable new and quicker forms of communication that alter

45 the way people are able to interact open up new areas of ethical considerations. For example, it is now possible to conduct interviews online through email, through chat services, and even within a virtual society such as Secondlife3. With these new alternatives for conducting interviews come new ethical considerations such as the comfort level of the use of technology, the steps that need to be taken to maintain confidentiality along with the ability to maintain anonymity on both the part of the researcher and the participant. Although this study is about these participants‟ internet uses, the focus of this study is more on the implementation of the internet in the daily lives of people experiencing studying overseas and its affect on the real life reality of identity construction. Face-to-face interviews were chosen due to this method‟s ability to elicit participants‟ accounts of their lives, their experiences and the way in which internet use fits into these. It was not necessary to involve the internet any more than to simply have access to it during the interview. I provided my own personal computer for internet access and the participants were invited to use their own. During the interview, it was entirely up to the participant to show or talk about any internet spaces they wanted. The participants were asked for permission to acquire screenshots of their websites or online activities. Ethical considerations for screenshots entailed making sure that any other user present in the online environment would not be identifiable. No screenshots were taken of any of these students online interactions since most students used their own computers to display their online activity, which would have entailed having the students take the shot and email the picture file. I took screenshots of the most commonly discussed websites in order to incorporate the images in a situated discussion of each of these popular websites in Chapter Four.

Procedure Upon receiving ethics approval for the study, I recruited participants in two ways. A recruitment letter was posted on an English-speaking university‟s

3 Secondlife is an online virtual society where people can live a parallel life to offline life.

46 Korean International Graduate Student Society website. I also invited acquaintances to participate and asked those acquaintances to pass on the invitation, resulting in a snowball method of recruiting participants. Once a participant agreed to participate in the study, we decided on a time and meeting place for the interview. The interview took place on an English-speaking university campus where students were able to access the internet. This was important since the interview involved questions about internet use and the participants were invited to interact with and display their regular visits to internet spaces on either their own computer or mine. Before the interview took place, I presented a letter of consent for the participant to read and sign. The letter of consent explained the study and gave an assurance that the information provided through the interview would be strictly confidential by removing the names from a report of the findings and replacing them with pseudonyms. Participants were also free to end the interview or ask to have their information pulled from the study at any time. After this was understood, and the consent form was signed, the interview began and lasted from one hour to over two hours. The structure of the interview for this study was divided into two main parts. Upon reflecting on the review of the literature, which detailed various hardships faced by international students, it was important to gather accounts of their experiences undertaking their graduate studies in Canada. This is especially important since it would be difficult to make inferences about their identity in relation to their internet uses, and so in order to develop a deep understanding of participants' experiences as international graduate students in Montreal, the first part of the interview involved questions addressing this particular experience. The second part of the interview pertained to internet use experiences while being international students. For this section of the interview, the participants were invited to bring their own computers or to use the researcher's laptop in order to show relevant sites, or to assist the participant in remembering or even realizing how they use the internet each day. The questions were semi- structured and open-ended, and I encouraged deep descriptions of the participants'

47 explanations by interrupting as little as possible. During the interviews, I covered some main questions regarding their experiences as international graduate students and their experiences using the internet in this context, but depending on the responses, would then veer off into different directions in order to probe further in areas I saw relevant. In this way, the interview was much like a conversation, and as the participants spoke, it gave them an opportunity to increase their understanding of their experiences as international graduate students, their internet use practices, and what this might mean for their identity processes. Overall, I interviewed seven students one time each. Each interview lasted for at least an hour, but some interviews lasted for up to three hours long. The first interview was a pilot interview, but since I did not make significant changes to my questions, I included this interview in my analysis. Originally, I had intended on only interviewing six students, but in one interview, due to technical issues, I only had my notes because I did not obtain a digital recording. In response to this I decided to conduct a seventh interview, but also included the minimal information for analysis from the interview with which I had problems recording. I took notes throughout the interviews based on thoughts or sudden insights. After each interview, I then reflected on the conversation and made additional notes. Each interview was audio-recorded and then transcribed for later analysis. Following the interview, the participants were contacted through email and sent a copy of the transcribed interview. They were asked to review the transcripts and to provide any clarifications that needed to be made. Additionally, the participants were invited to email the researcher with further insights or thoughts that they may have had regarding the topics covered in the interview. No participants contributed further emails after the interview was completed.

Revisiting and Revising the Research Questions Throughout the research process, I found that the original guiding research questions needed to be adapted, which I believe reflects a realization that I needed to focus on some elements of my research project more than others. The following

48 describes the progression of my research questions. Originally, the first main research question I asked was: In the context of being Korean international graduate students in Canada, how do these students use the internet? At the beginning of my research I felt as though aspects of internet use were more important for my findings. I revised this question based on a reflection of the fact that I would have to understand and analyze more clearly the participants‟ identity processes offline, before attempting to answer any questions relating to identity processes in online contexts. The first question is instead: How do Korean international graduate students experience studying overseas in Canada? The second original question was: Why do international students choose to use the internet in specific ways? This question was originally intended to dig deeper into the answers from the first original question about these students‟ internet uses. Instead, a second question can address both how and why the internet is used by these students during this specific time with the question: How and for what purposes do Korean international graduate students use the internet during their time studying overseas in Canada? Finally, I decided to keep the last question as it addresses the impact of these students‟ internet uses on their identity, and so the third question stands at: How do Korean international graduate students‟ internet uses enable or constrain their identity construction?

Data Analysis Phenomenological studies involve a set of steps for the analysis process (Creswell, 1998; Moustakas, 1994). During the explication of data, the researcher turns to the recorded interviews and the memo notes that were taken during and after each interview. Moustakas (1994) notes that the researcher listens to each interview to gain an overall understanding of the description of the experience and then transcribes each interview verbatim. According to Creswell (1998) the researcher follows the following steps in the analysis of a phenomenological study: First, the researcher reads the entire interview in order to get a grasp of the overall description, or the 'essence' of what the participant is saying. A next step is

49 extracting significant statements from each narrative, or locating relevant 'units of meaning' (Moustakas, 1994). Next, the researcher must review the located 'units of meaning' in search for emergent themes. And finally, the researcher writes a narrative to describe these themes. When reviewing and interpreting the data for common and significant experiences, I was guided by the theoretical lens of identity. Considering the theoretical framework laid out in Chapter Two, I looked for ways in which these students‟ experiences were illustrations of identity processes. After rereading the interviews and all the notes I took during each one, I wrote individual memos or narrative descriptions for each interview. Once all the interviews had been reviewed and written about, I wrote an overall memo, or narrative on the significant and dominant themes that emerged based on reflections of all the interviews. As described in the following section, an important note about the process of explicating the data is the role of the researcher and the researcher's need to approach each participant description of their experience with an open mind. While reviewing the data and searching for emergent themes, the researcher of phenomenological studies must always 'bracket' their own experience with and expectations of the phenomenon under investigation (Moustakas, 1994, Creswell, 1998; Groenewald, 2004).

Role of the Researcher In qualitative studies, the researcher plays an integral role in both the acquisition and the interpretation of data (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). Specifically in phenomenological studies, the inquirer is to be acutely aware of his or her role in the process and so must take measures to bracket what she or he has experienced or perceives about the phenomenon under exploration (Moustakas, 1994, Creswell, 1998; Groenewald, 2004). The following section is a background of me, the researcher, and a description of my experience in international education, and with living overseas in environments where the internet was embedded to some degree.

50 Background of the Researcher Working in the field of ESL in a number of countries, it was not hard to notice that many place a high value on western education and English language proficiency due to the efforts, struggles and challenges many go through to attain such education and language skills. As a native-English speaker, due to this socio- political and historical reality, I was provided an opportunity to travel and work overseas as an ESL educator. My first year of working, I spent a year with the JET program, a program initiated by Japan's government with stated efforts and intentions to internationalize their young citizens and to prepare them to interact and participate on a global scale. Upon returning to Canada, I worked in Vancouver where I taught South Korean mothers who place getting their children an English, western education so high that they separated their families in order for the mother and children to live overseas while their husbands and fathers stayed in Korea. I then went to Korea to teach English where I spent three years living and working in Seoul. During my time overseas, I was most affected by my own experiences of living in a foreign country and trying to function in a language I could hardly speak. At one point, I took some time to teach in my home country, Canada, where I taught adult ESL students from various countries, but mostly the students were from East Asian countries such as Korea, Japan, Taiwan and China. During this time, I empathized with my students who were struggling with many issues of trying to function in another culture away from everything familiar. A main similarity between my experience overseas and my students' experiences in Canada was the hardship of trying to become part of the local community instead of always feeling isolated, even when actually participating in community events. At the same time, although there were similarities in our experiences, there were also some major differences. These differences were dependent on our unique position in the socio-political and historical contexts where we found ourselves. I am a white, Canadian, native English speaker and ESL teacher. Automatically, in Asia, I felt my natural position often put me on some sort of pedestal and I felt I was often quickly granted a high level of respect. Moreover, things were easier for

51 me because most places I went, somebody could speak English to some degree. And even if there were not any English speakers, my low linguistic ability to function in Japanese or Korean was often overlooked and I was granted large amounts of patience when dealing with challenging daily interactions. I am not sure this unquestioned level of respect was deserved, but it certainly made life easier. As an ESL teacher, I noticed that my experience came in stark contrast to ESL students' experiences studying in Canada. International students were expected to speak in English and any hardship this created often resulted in impatience and caused conflict. Additionally, being visible minorities, usually for the first time, these students often experienced discrimination. Also, as outsiders, there are many instances of these students falling prey to being taken advantage of by players in the ESL education industry, such as by recruiters through failed promises of quality instruction. When I started my Master's program, I did so with the intentions of focusing my research toward international student experiences explained above. As I entered graduate school, like many other students, surely, I felt it was yet another adjustment. All of a sudden I was a student again, which was both exciting and intimidating at the same time. Becoming part of a new community to me meant trying to find others with whom I could connect and with whom I could figure out the ways of this new world. I was lucky to find a supportive group of friends from my department through my classes. This made my graduate school experience, with its typical frustrations of adjusting oneself to academia, progress with more ease. My second year of grad school, I decided to volunteer to become a 'buddy' for a fellow international graduate student from South Korea, which meant I could assist someone in their adjustment to graduate studies at university and Montreal in general, and through this experience I was fortunate enough to end up with a friendship. Currently I live overseas in Vietnam where I teach academic English to English-as-a-foreign-language college students studying at an international university. I intend to continue my professional career in international education working with international students.

52 Experience Living Overseas and Using the Internet I started living overseas in 1999 and so at that time the internet was not as embedded in my life due to its novelty and my limited experience with it. For example, I would not have thought to buy my own computer to have in my home when I could use the computer at work. However, a few years later when I was in my second year of living in Korea, I got my own laptop and I have to say, my life with internet in my home was significantly different than when I did not have it. I was able to spend more time on leisure activities such as sending e-mails, chatting and reading articles and websites of interest. This was difficult to do when at work, or when paying at an internet cafe. Looking back, I am not sure how I lived without the internet, especially while I was living overseas. As a graduate student, the internet continued to be an important technology in my life. Now I am doing research, keeping up with current events, and keeping in touch with the people I have met in the different places I had lived. I sometimes even use the internet as a technology in my classes, and have facilitated classes that have been almost entirely online. My internet uses, however, are not influenced only by the needs in my real life, but also the trends of internet spaces. For example, in the last few years, I have become a regular visitor to sites such as Google, Wikipedia, Youtube and Facebook and I am a frequent user of Skype, all sites and services that have become popular in recent years. Before planning this study, if you had asked me about my regular uses, I do not think I would have been able to answer clearly, but I would certainly express that the internet was necessary in my life and that I miss it when I am without it.

Interest in the Topic My interest in the specific topic of Korean international graduate students, their internet use and identity processes is directly related to my experiences living overseas, working with English-as-a-foreign-language and international students and a raised awareness of internet as a thoroughly embedded technology in many people's lives. Considering my interest in educational mobility,

53 functioning in a foreign academic and host environment, learning to participate in academia along with the presence of the internet as a daily communication technology, I have come to focus all of these elements in this thesis.

Delimitations and Limitations This study is an illustration of processes that take place in the particular context of specifically Korean international graduate students in Montreal considering only one such technology that is embedded in these students' lives, the internet, although multiple factors and several other technologies affect their lives and identity construction. Additionally, due to the small group of participants and the fact that all participants come from South Korea, the findings to this study may not be generalized to an international graduate student population as a whole. In addition, while the data was collected through interviews, in order to obtain an accurate description of internet uses, the participants needed to have a certain level of awareness of their internet use patterns. Since the internet is embedded in the daily lives of many people, use patterns may have become second nature and therefore, if not conscious of their internet uses, participants may have had a difficult time describing them, thereby making it more difficult to attain accurate descriptions of usage patterns. Moreover, due to the study's qualitative nature, the data may possibly be interpreted in various ways by different investigators. One unfortunate reality for this study is that the interviews took place in English. In the interviews, students often commented on an inability to articulate themselves as effectively in English as they might have in Korean. Moreover, as a white, Canadian native-English speaker, I may be considered a member of the host community. In addition to language barriers, many of these students reported a disconnect between themselves and classmates who represented the dominant majority. I believe I overcame this hurdle by working to establish rapport with the participants. Having a genuine and sensitive demeanour, I believe the participants felt relatively comfortable in opening up to me in our interviews.

54 Summary This chapter describes why qualitative methods were chosen to explore Korean international student experiences, their internet use and how this use influences their identity processes. In order to explore the common or shared experiences of Korean international graduate students' educational sojourn and their internet use in this context, this research project employs a phenomenological approach. Interviews were specifically chosen to gather and explore the accounts of international graduate students from Korea, their experiences in the new academic context and the role of the internet in this complex experience. This chapter reviewed the processes and procedures taken during the course of this study including the methodology, the use of in-depth interviews in the collection of data, ethical considerations involving the internet in research and finally the analysis, or explication of dominant and significant themes. The following chapter outlines the findings of the study.

55 CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS

Introduction The aim of this study is to address the complex identity processes that international graduate students face when they go abroad to complete their studies, and how their internet use contributes to this experience. Considering that the internet is now a widespread technology among university students (McMillan & Morrison, 2006) and with migrants (Hiller & Franz, 2004), this study examines how a select group of Korean international graduate students' identities are influenced by internet use during their educational sojourn. Using phenomenological methods, the findings are based on interviews conducted in February of 2008 with seven South Korean international graduate students who were attending graduate school in Montreal at the time of the interviews and who reported using the internet regularly. This research project is guided by the following questions: 1) How do South Korean international graduate students experience studying overseas in Canada? 2) How and for what purpose do these students use the internet during educational sojourn? 3) How does their internet use impact identity construction during this time? In individual interviews, students described their experiences as international graduate students in Montreal. They also explained their regular uses of the internet during their educational sojourn. Themes emerged from their descriptions of their lived experiences as international graduate students from South Korea in a North American academic context, where the internet is thoroughly embedded. On the whole, many of these students experienced difficulties in seeing themselves as full members of their new academic communities; they found themselves with new roles; their international experiences broadened their perspectives; and they balanced a transnational existence between Korea and Canada. During this time, the internet played a pivotal role in their daily lives, mainly as a tool to do research, to maintain contacts, to socialize and network, to keep up with information and to be

56 entertained. Being bilingual, and having their lives span across cultures and continents, these students spent time in both Korean-language sites and English- language sites and the internet was essential during their transitional experiences. The data is organized under the following main themes, which emerged during the interviews: Experiences as an International Graduate Student in Montreal 1. Feelings of Isolation, Alienation and Marginalization 2. Re-positionings within the New Environment 3. New Experiences Bring about New Perspectives and New Identities 4. Identity Jumping from Korean to Canadian Contexts Internet Use in the Context of Being an International Graduate Student in Montreal 1. Korean Internet Use and Purposes 2. English Internet Use and Purposes 3. Transitional Trends: Internet Use Changes since Becoming International Graduate Students in Canada This chapter is organized in the following manner. First, I provide an overview of the participants by introducing their backgrounds and their general internet uses. The purpose of this overview is to provide a more detailed portrait of each actor and their individual situations, which should aid in understanding the overall findings. In the second section, I present the main themes derived from the experiences of participants as international graduate students in Canada. Finally, a description of what these students do online, where they go, who they interact with and why they participate in these online activities is presented.

Participants Hannah Hannah is a first year PhD student in Education. She came to Montreal by herself six months before the interview date specifically to undertake her studies. Hannah expressed a wish to adapt to her Canadian environment but also faces the challenges of living overseas, such as loneliness and language and cultural

57 barriers. Within the academic community, Hannah feels connected with her first year PhD cohort and also interacts regularly with contacts made through her supervisor. She uses the internet daily, and her average use per day ranges between from an hour to five to ten hours. Hannah reported using the internet for her research, for keeping in touch with friends and family in Korea using chatting services, email and social networking sites, and, occasionally, for socializing with friends in Canada via a social networking site. The internet also provides Hannah spaces where she can fulfill her interests in politics and media production. She also uses some online services for self expression by posting her writing. She also regularly uses to the internet to keep up with the news, to shop (although usually only while in Korea), to watch videos on YouTube and to enjoy other forms of entertainment, and to look up words and cultural references through online dictionaries and search engines. Hannah reported spending 50% of her time online in Korean spaces and 50% in English.

SoYeon SoYeon has been in Canada for three and a half years. Originally, she came to Canada to live in another city with her husband, who is also an international graduate student. She came to Montreal on her own to pursue a Master's in Education. SoYeon expressed feelings of marginalization in both Canada and in the academic community. Although she said that she may not return to Korea after her studies, she does not think she wants to immigrate to Canada. SoYeon reported that her daily internet use ranges from between one to two hours to nearly the whole day, especially when she is writing an academic paper. Her internet use includes reading the news, keeping up on Korean entertainment gossip, keeping in touch with friends and family in both Korea and Canada, and following journal accounts by other Korean nationals studying abroad and doing academic research. SoYeon spends approximately 20-30% of her time on the internet in Korean and the other 70-80% in English including research.

MinGi MinGi is completing his second graduate degree in Montreal. He spent one year in the United States for his Master's and is now in the second year of his PhD in music technology. Before studying abroad, MinGi spent some time in the United States during his mandatory military service4 working with an American company. When he first arrived as an international student in North America, he experienced loneliness and turned to the internet to pass the time and to communicate with people. After spending two to three years in North America as an international student, MinGi feels he moves between Korea to North America freely and can readjust relatively easily to each environment. However, he reported that in his studies in North America, he finds difficulty in interacting with all colleagues; namely, western students are more difficult for him to interact with. He hopes to work in the United States or Canada upon completion of his studies. MinGi uses the internet regularly and reported spending six to seven hours a day online. Excluding academic research, he spends 80-90% of his time on Korean language internet. On the internet, he does research, follows news, socializes and casually “surfs the net.” MinGi finds the internet useful and utilizes it to help keep his knowledge up to date on his fields of interest, as well as for research, career exploration, networking and personal socializing. He described surfing the internet as a hobby. On the internet he has personalized his own portal, which connects him to blogs, community groups, and other websites of interest, such as websites related to his research and career fields. He reported reading Korean news online more often than when he was in Korea. Overall, MinGi feels the internet is a good way to keep up on Korean news and to stay in touch with his Korean identity. He feels as though he would be very isolated without the internet.

JuHee JuHee is completing her Master's in applied linguistics. She has spent

4 Military service is mandatory for most young males in South Korea and has a duration of about two years.

59 eight years living in Canada as an international student. When she first arrived, she studied ESL for a year and then completed an undergraduate diploma in teaching English as a Second Language. She continued on to the graduate program that she is currently undertaking. In Canada, JuHee feels very involved in her academic life and participates in a variety of graduate school activities, such as attending research meetings and working as a research assistant. In her personal social life, she has a Canadian boyfriend and she recently became a Canadian citizen. JuHee reported that her daily internet use averages between 30 minutes and an hour. About 90 to 95% of her time is spent on English language websites. She uses the internet to keep up with friends in Korea, to do research, to shop, and to follow sites of personal and professional interests, such as those on movies and the arts and those with educational employment listings. Other internet uses include checking English language usage by searching terms or words though a search engine and finding them in academic contexts in order to better understand how to use them properly. She also participates in online portions of some of her graduate classes. JuHee first started using the internet in South Korea, but her usage there was limited to basic tasks, such as sending and receiving email. Since she left Korea eight years ago, she feels that her internet use may be different from her friends‟ internet use in South Korea. For example, she does not use a famous Korean social networking site, Cyworld, that all other participants reported using.

EunHee EunHee is a first year PhD student in Psychology. She had spent 6 months in Canada at the point of the interview. She is very active in her department as a teaching assistant and researcher. Although she reported participating in graduate school activities, she described feeling as though she is not a real member of her academic community in Canada. EunHee reported that she uses the internet often throughout the day, usually having it on in the background while she does her work. EunHee's internet use is very organized, as she keeps her regularly visited websites listed on a service that allows one to organize websites of interest. She

60 reported spending about 80% of her time online in Korean and the other 20% in English. She feels she can clearly differentiate her use between Korean and English use. Korean internet use involves socializing with friends in South Korea with voice over internet telephony, chat, social networking sites and a scholarly wiki she keeps with colleagues from her previous university in Seoul. She keeps up with what she describes as 'fun' articles and blogs for entertainment, South Korean news and also follows websites that are sometimes career related. In English, EunHee does research, follows news, events and research updates in her academic field, reads local Montreal news and interacts with students via email and WebCT in a course for which she is the teaching assistant.

HyungKi HyungKi has been in Canada for three years and is completing a PhD in Psychology. He expressed feeling alienated in his academic environment and does not feel as though he is a member of the university community. HyungKi came to Canada by himself, but has established a group of friends who are mostly Korean international students from a variety of programs at the same university. Not including research, he spends about one to two hours a day online. Ten minutes of this is usually spent on English sites. His reported internet use entails spending time researching for his studies mostly on English language websites. He also reported spending more time on Korean sites for the purposes of socializing and entertainment.

Hyosoon Hyosoon has been in Canada for one and a half years. She is a graduate student in education and is completing her Master's. Although Hyosoon has nearly completed her graduate studies, she reported feeling excluded from the academic community and said that she does not participate in graduate student activities. In Montreal, Hyosoon socializes mostly with other international students in her department and also participates in a Korean church. She reported using the internet regularly and does so as soon as she finds spare time, going online to

61 check her emails and to read up on Korean news. About 80% of her time online is spent on Korean language internet and the other 20% is spent interacting with English content. Most online surfing takes place in Korean, and the English sites she visits are for practical purposes only, such as library services, academic searches and other information seeking for her life in Montreal. Korean language internet is used to read news and to gather information on other aspects of Korean society such as popular culture, as well as to socialize with family and friends. In order to provide an overview, the chart on the next page briefly summarizes how each student uses the internet.

Table 2 Korean International Graduate Student Descriptions of Internet Use: Patterns and Purposes Name Time spent in Time spent Percentage of time Purposes of Korean internet use Purposes of English internet use Canada online daily spent in Korean and English spaces So Yeon 3 ½ years leisurely, 1-2 hours a 20-30% Korean news, research, gossip, keeping in touch with people news, global news, research day, but when 70-80% English in Korea Sites mentioned: Google scholar, BBC, University writing a paper, Sites mentioned: Daum , Naver website and online library services sometimes the whole day MinGi 2-3 years 6-7 hours a day Excluding research 80-90% news, community activity, networking, casual web research, career, networking, professional interests Korean internet use surfing Sites mentioned: Google, university website and online Sites mentioned: Yahoo (Korea) iGoogle. K-bench, library services, Facebook Cyworld, Korean graduate student society website JuHee 8 years 30 minutes to 1 hour 90-95% English instant chatting, read news, (used when she started research, internet use for language reference, course surfing the net), activities, information seeking on books and movies, Sites mentioned: Chosun.com, Naver, empas.com, shopping Seoul based arts blog, startup.co.kr, teacher's Sites mentioned: Google, university website, online community-Korea library services, Moodle Hannah 6 months sometimes and hour, 50%/50% English/Korean entertainment, friends and family connection, news, researching, information search for cultural information sometimes 5-10 Sites mentioned: Nate messenger, Nate.com, MSN, Sites mentioned: Google, University website, university hours Naver-dictionary, shopping, Joongan Newspaper, online library services, Youtube, Cyworld, Youtube EunHee 6 months has the internet on 80% Korean communicating with friends, entertainment (follows academic type activities-keeps updated on conferences, all day long 20% English blogs of interest) news, scholar community, journal articles, and researchers in her field. Sites mentioned: Skype, MSN messenger, Naver (for Sites mentioned: Google, University website, WebCT news), Daum (for user-created content), Springnote, (TA-ing a course) RSS feeds from multiple journal sites DC Inside, Cyworld Montreal Gazette Hyosoon 1-2 years At least 2 hours but 80% internet use in Korean news, to connect with friend, entertainment, news, research and practical informational searching usually more than 2 society, watch dramas on Youtube, shopping (but in Sites mentioned: Google, unviersity website and online hours a day Korea), interacts with church members. library services Sites mentioned: Naver and Daum HyungKi 3 years 1-2 hours a day 1-2 hours a day on Korean News, entertainment sometimes to read local news. websites and about 10 minutes Sites mentioned: Daum, Naver-accesses KBS Sites mentioned: Montreal Gazette a day on English sites television through Naver Portal, Korean comedians

Experiences as Korean International Graduate students in Montreal Based on all of the interviews, there are some commonalities across most participants‟ experiences as international graduate students, which are related to adapting to and finding their places within their new environment, participating in a foreign academic setting, and functioning in English throughout their daily lives. The following are the significant and dominant themes that emerged from the interviews.

Feelings of Isolation, Alienation and Marginalization One of the most common experiences among these participants is feelings of isolation. Most of these students reported feeling isolated, alienated and marginalized in various contexts. Alienation within Academic Contexts Many of these students described feeling isolated within their academic communities. This happened in their classes, their departments and with their Canadian English or French speaking classmates (or those who represented the host culture). There was an expressed desire to interact and connect within these situations, but the participants usually felt a kind of disconnect preventing them from becoming, or feeling as though they were full participants within the community. In classes students faced challenges with a new style of learning which encourages interactive discussions among class members and in which the professor acts as a facilitator. In this environment, some students reported discomfort with expectations to participate in this manner. Hyosoon said that in the Canadian graduate school class she felt like a “mute” because she was not participating as much as she felt was expected of her. HyungKi reported feeling like a “fool” when speaking in class. SoYeon also described:

... the hardest thing is that um, is in, um, Canadian academic culture, and you have to involve in a lot of discussions in the classroom, and then just um. I think that the students are not afraid of raising their hands and speaking their ideas. A lot of students just jump in, you know and um, but

64 um, Asian students are not used to that kind of culture.

In addition to the teaching and learning practices, the content of classes left some participants feeling marginalized. Hannah explained how she felt in class.

But in class, I felt like I really lack academic discourses to participate in the class... I felt kind of isolated and marginalized when people are talking about cultural references that I can't understand easily, I felt kind of frustrated.

Moreover, a majority of the participants described an inability to interact with all classmates in their academic communities. When explaining his experience at his department orientation, HyungKi felt disappointed that other members of his department did not approach him to introduce themselves.

I felt very isolated. Nobody asked me, 'What's your name?' Yes, it was a very bad experience. I don't know why. Every person just met each other... it's a bad experience, right?

EunHee explained that although she feels accepted as a member of the academic community some of the time, such as when she receives feedback from classmates after giving a presentation, she does not feel that she is considered a “real member of this department.” When describing her experiences with a regular research series within her department she stated:

I can meet a lot of graduate students there, and yeah, I can say hello to them, but um, actually it's not easy for me to talk with them uh, with interesting issues because um, I don't know well about what's going on in Canada and sometimes I don't understand what they mean due to the English problem.

Language Barrier: Functioning in a Foreign Language Most students reported that language was a major challenge for them. Since all of the students were living in Montreal alone, they faced having to function in an English and sometimes French environment both in their living and educational situations. Hannah explained some difficulties she encountered when she moved to Canada, which were due to or exacerbated by language issues.

Those, you know, those feelings. I mean, having difficulties, even I have to deal with everything like, cell phone, how to make a cell phone, and bank account, and hydro-Quebec. And.. I mean, once they, I mean, I've been, you know, I've, you know, gone through lots of things and sometimes there were some problems, even one day I got a phone call from bank that my, you know, debit card is, you know, copied, so you need to make a new one and my money was robbed and... [Me: Really?] Yeah. I had to deal with those kind of, my money's back anyway, but, anyway, I had to deal all those kind of things by myself and I had to call Hydro-Quebec and they were so unkind, actually... They were unkind, actually, they were unkind, once they, their English, you know, was not actually perfect because I think their mother tongue was kind of French, French to English, so I couldn't understand very well. [Me: Ok. Yeah.] And once they figured out my English is not good and they said, they kind of, not bad but kind of rude, like, 'Madam, you need, you just choose.' They didn't want to explain what is this, what is this, they just wanted to pay something, this, this, this. And I, I was really fine to pay something because I'm using, you know, my electricity. It was ok, but, I wanted some explanations between this money, this money, I mean, because they had some three different kinds of, you know, how do you say... how do you say, package. [Me: Ok. Packages.] Packages. So, I wanted to listen to, I mean, I wanted some explanations between those you know three different, you know, packages for the first time. I mean, it will take only 5 minutes, 3 minutes, and that's their job, right? And they wanted to say, just, you know, pay this one, pay this one, just they didn't want to explain me, so I was just kind of ok, and then my landlord was asking me, ok, which one did you choose? So, I had no option to choose because they just put me one, so, because they talked to me 'Madam, Madam' and just doing, so my landlord was a really nice person so he was angry, so he made a phone call to Hydro-Quebec and then they explained to him, not me, so he explained to me so I had to choose what I want, so... I mean, being an international student, being an international person here is kind of, uh, yeah, language difficulties and lack of cultural capital, and yeah.

MinGi explained how he feels he has limited language ability which can make him feel isolated.

Sometimes I cannot avoid just feeling that my English skill is limited, so, in some cases, there is some chatting around my laboratory but I cannot get the exact mood they are talking about, so in these ways, I felt that I was a little bit isolated from them. And one of the strange experiences was that the city of Montreal is basically a French-based city, so in the laboratory, there are some French guys, and so well, the French-based conversation happened. In that case, I cannot just get into a conversation, so... so... in that case, I

66 mostly just stick on, in front of my laptop and ignore their talk, so in that case, I cannot just avoid feeling not part of the group, so some kind of isolated.

MinGi also described that because he had a Korean friend in his laboratory, this made him much more comfortable.

Yeah... and so he [Korean friend] has almost the similar background with me, so I can talk and make conversation freely about most topics including social things, and theoretical things, so, women sort of stuff... so, it's good chances to get... well, it makes me more comfortable to be in that laboratory area, so yeah.

International Student Connection

When describing their current social groups, all but one participant's social group was heavily dominated by Korean international students and other (predominantly Asian) international students. Even though the mode of communication typically involves speaking English, these participants often felt a kind of connection with other Asian international students. Additionally, there was an obvious disconnect between most of the interviewees and North American (western) classmates. MinGi shared his impressions.

...it's a little easier to uh, have some conversation with some Chinese, or some Asian people, but not that easy to communicate with American people, because it required some basic explanations such as culture, some environmental site, or something like that. So, some Asian friends they already have some overlap of the culture side, so it's more easy to talk about something, some cultural thing, or environmental thing. It was not that easy, but I was able to get some foreign friends, some North Americans, some Indians, but I hope to have more friends and I wasn't able to, and that was one of the limitations to me.

SoYeon also described similar feelings.

Um, you know the students are from other Asian areas like Chinese, China, or Japan, or South Asia... have a common culture like Confucianism, Buddhism, like that, so um, we have um very similar appearances, like um, yellow skin, black hair, and things like that, so um, whenever I meet the Asian students, even I don't know them, but I feel so comfortable with them.

67 Even though I cannot speak English very well, I still feel very comfortable.

Most of the participants described a kind of comfort and ease in interacting with members of their academic community who were of Asian descent. In fact, when HyungKi described a class he is instructing, he comments on how he feels more comfortable because the majority of students in his class are Asian and that “when I am in the class, I can speak English comfortably, and I don't need to worry about grammar.” Many participants were able to overcome language barriers with other students who spoke English as an additional language, while they found it significantly more difficult to interact in English with people whose first language was English.

Up against Western Privilege One participant offered an explanation to why she felt so alienated in her western environment by describing the west‟s privileged position in the world and how that affected her comfort level with interacting with the host student population. Considering historical factors between South Korea and the „west,‟ SoYeon described feelings of a lower position of power in relation to her western counterparts which she explained she learned implicitly from her parents.

You know, um, my parents‟ generation experienced the the Korean war… [Me: Right, ok]. They were very poor. During um…. Just after the Korean war, the UN, especially the States, the white people, anyway, provided some can foods, or, you know, food or clothes, or everything, um, to um Korean people, so… um, my parents‟ generation, anyway, um at that time admired the western culture…. Very rich country, very dominant country. English is the very dominant language in the world, so um, I don‟t know, sometimes, um it‟s why my parents feel so proud of me, because I‟m learning English and I‟m studying here in a dominant country. [Me: Highly valued.] Yes, that‟s right. But um, my parents didn‟t teach me, „oh, US… it‟s a very dominant country‟… anyway, I learned from them.

In addition to the disconnect between these students and the dominant method of instruction at the graduate level in Canada, there was clearly a disconnect between most of these international students and their western counterparts or host students in the academic environment.

Re-positionings One major theme throughout the students‟ narratives was the need for students to position themselves within their new environments. The students described how they positioned themselves in their new academic and social contexts.

New Positions in an Academic Context Since these students had to place themselves in a new academic setting, they reported many issues adapting to their new environment. Many students noted the difference in instruction between Canadian university classes and Korean ones. JuHee described how the Korean education system is exam-oriented rather than process-oriented, as is more characteristic of her experience in western education.

...we [in Korea] are very exam oriented, so we don't do a lot of learning through experience, or self-directed learning. But here in Canada, I have to choose what I am going to investigate and what I am going to study. Of course professors help me to do projects or assignments, but still I have to plan...

She also explained that the new academic context enabled her to feel like a researcher.

...I do some work for professors; I work as a research assistant. I have been involved in many research projects. So, I attended several conferences and also we have a meeting, a research group meeting. And I attend the meeting. And also I am going to present my thesis to the meeting.

For others the change in context was not as enabling in seeing oneself as a competent and valued member of the academic community. Hyosoon compares her academic situation in Canada with her past situation in Korea. As a student, she described, “I was a, one of the top in Korea, but here, I feel, I am one of the last.” She continued to explain:

I don't know why I feel that way. In Korean there are some differences

69 between Korean education methods and Canadian education methods. I don't, I didn't have to talk a lot in Korean classroom, I just read and memorized and write, that's all. But here, I have to think a lot in a critical way, but it's not common in Korea, so, I... many, most teachers told, say, tell to me to speak or discuss, or think in a critical way, because in Korea we have to listen to teachers, we don't, we are not allowed to be against them, to oppose their, what they say, what they tell, so... yeah. So, it's different educational system, or educational theory, uh, I don't know why, but I feel in that way. I, I'm one of the last.

In Korea, I told you, I was the top, one of the top, so I thought I, I'm doing very well, everything. But here, I thought I'm very intelligent. But now here, I see many people who are very intelligent and different from me and when I look at them, I'm nothing.

Interactions with professors are also altered. Although there is still a power differential between professors and students in a Canadian context, some of these students mentioned a new kind of professor/student relationship that was different from what they described as the expected formal interactions typical in a Korean academic context. This sometimes allowed for the student to take on a more casual or friendly role with their supervisors or professors. For MinGi this is alleviating.

When I talk to my professor, my advisor, in Canada I can talk freely without limitations. I can talk to the professor about everyday living, or some event when I was at the vacation or, or something like that, but, in Korea, that doesn't happen in most cases. Well, most of the cultural attitude things ask people to consider professor as a higher level person, so students should strongly respect the professor, so, in most cases it would not be proper to make a casual conversation with the professor.

SoYeon also mentioned this new dimension in her interview. However, she described the confusion she feels when she sees fellow students address a professor by their first name.

That's also a problem, anyway... (laughter) I never call the professor's first name. Yeah, because they are not my friends. Here... sometimes here... anyway, I can't understand them, anyway... the western students are like, 'hi!' 'hello!'

70 She further stated, “I don't call their name, just uh, 'hello, hi, good morning' but I just bow down, it's my habit, anyway.” Classrooms were not the only places where these students had to reposition themselves. Some students reported an overall shift in their positions since moving to Canada to study. When describing how she changed since studying in Canada, Hannah told me:

I guess, because I think I, I, yeah, I had to reposition myself because I, uh, yeah it was totally different, so, I mean, easily, I was a teacher there, but I am a student here. and easily there I used to speak, I was kind of confident in my class, I mean speaking in my language under my control, but here I always have to be struggling with my foreign language. And there, I was with my people, but here I was kind of lonely and there I was a Korean citizen but here I am an international student.

Re-positionings in Social Contexts When these students move from a Korean context to their Canadian one, they are also faced with new ways of socializing and a possible change in their social positions as well. One such difference is a result of moving from a collectivist Korea to a more individualistic Canada. EunHee described how she has changed in order to function socially in her new environment.

I don't know how to express, but um, in Korea I did not have to try to express myself and um, try to um, be myself. But here, I have to try to um, yeah, express myself and make myself seen by others. You know, I don't know how to express, but I have to be more aggressive. I mean, yeah, so if not, I mean, if I do not do anything, then, nobody will talk to me, and nobody will respond to me, so, I have to be more active...

She further stated:

Yeah, and in Korea, yeah I felt that, uh, um, yeah, actually, I felt in Korea I am, I'm a very, very real member of my lab, and uh... I think that here in Canada, people are more individualistic, so people don't care about others, right? But in Korea, we always um, go together, so if we do something, then we have to do it all together, so, I feel that, yeah, I'm a member, so I don't have to express myself, but I just do something that we do together. Yeah, but here it's somewhat different so I have to be more focused on my own research, my own interests, and myself, and I have to talk about myself and

71 express myself more so I think that I a little but changed to be more active here.

They also hold new positions within their social settings, for example, as Hannah points out, they are now 'international students'. Certainly all of the interviewees mentioned language as an issue, so they are now second-language speakers, or ESL students. Additionally, coming from a relatively homogenous country, in South Korea these students are members of the majority group while here in Canada, they experience being visible minorities, most often for the first time. The change in context from Korea to Canada often means moving to a less privileged position. As HyungKi clearly stated during a conversation about the possibility of immigration, moving to Canada permanently was “out of the question.” He further explained that “I can live in Korea better than I live now” due to his higher social position, and the probability of a better quality of life in South Korea. SoYeon also described her privileged position in Korea, as contrasted with her current position as an international student in Canada.

...when I was in Korea, you know, I worked as a high school teacher. In Korea, that job is very popular, very stable job for women. I think that I was in the majority group in Korea. I graduated from a very good college. When I was in middle school or high school, I was the top student in my classroom. After that I went to a very good college, and after that I took some exams for becoming a high school teacher. The exam was very competitive. I passed. Right away I bought a car, you know, I bought whatever I wanted, anyway.... And I had, anyway... I was lucky, I think. I have a good family, good parents, good church members, good co-workers, and in Korean culture, in Korean school culture anyway, Korean students respect teachers, I was always respected by my students. 'Oh SoYeon teacher graduated from a very good college,' and then anyway, I was respected always, so I didn't feel loneliness, actually.

After explaining this situation, SoYeon further described how she began to relate to people who are disadvantaged. She related a story about a Polish man who was killed in an airport in an incident which involved a taser, which was recent news at the time of the interview. She felt that she could empathize with this person and had a related account of her own and one of a friend who also

72 experienced hardship with immigration officers. She explained a feeling of powerlessness when interacting with immigration officials since she thought that they held power to decide whether one could enter Canada or not. She also told of a friend who was held for hours and was accused of lying since a contact phone number she gave did not work. This hardship was attributed to a miscommunication between the officer and her friend, but she also felt that the fact that her friend was a foreigner played an integral role in her mistreatment. This unfortunate narrative provided an example of how experiences and new positionings as international students lead to new ways of being seen by others, an altered sense of self and new perspectives.

New Experiences Bring new Perspectives and New Identities SoYeon stated that people who experienced heartache “are the only ones who can understand others.” She further described:

I think that I became more broad-minded about that. Just um, diverse, diverse people anyway... When I was in Korea, I never thought about, um, minority, like um, migrant workers from South Asia. They got really low pay, and some of them are illegal status. Most of them are refugees, anyway. And um, you know, there are a lot of homeless people downtown. In Korea, I've never thought about that very seriously. If I go back to Korea, I want to do something for them.

Just like SoYeon, others also reported a change in their perceptions and understandings of the world around them since becoming international students. Some reported a heightened international or cosmopolitan point of view. For example, JuHee described how she has changed since being an international student in Canada:

I feel like I became a really world citizen. Because when I was in my country, I didn't know. I had no experience with Muslim culture, and all the um, the names of countries and cities, they were just foreign and they were not related to me but here there are a lot of... I had a friend from a country and... and I think that things became more real and also I feel that I'm related to the, um. So now when I look at what's going on in the world, before it was not, I thought it has nothing to do with me. But now I think,

73 yes, I think I should know, and I think I should understand.

Also, MinGi described a growing acceptance of things that are, for him, different.

I think that the atmosphere in Canada makes myself more liberal than when I was in Korea. I think mostly, you might get a feeling about what I'm saying because, Korea is basically, well, strongly talks about attitude or some, (pauses) what's that, attitude toward other people who are of being uh, How can I explain that? It's a little hard to explain. Something abnormal is treated as not a good thing in Korea, sometimes, but there is no need to think about that kind of thing in Canada. I think I've changed a little bit to be more liberal than I was in Korea.

MinGi continued to describe how he felt upon visiting Korea the past summer. He expressed surprise at the way his identity adjusted to different contexts so readily. He explained:

When I was in Korea I felt that I was adapted to the Korean culture fast, so fast, and well, after moving out again to Canada, I was transformed to the Canada-based culture fully, so it was quite an interesting thing, so, the feeling of what I... let's see, the feeling of who I am was different between when I was in Korea and when I was in Canada these days. Yeah, might be quite strange, but still I can get a reason, I think I can get a reason. The environment, the social environment might make such differences or gap in my identity, I think.

Identity Jumping from Korean to Canadian Contexts A common theme in the interviews was how students see or explain themselves moving between Canadian or Korean contexts. Clearly their identities were affected by these transitions back and forth. As EunHee stated, “...if I am in the Korean community, or if I'm in the Canadian or [university name] community, I think that I am very different. I act very differently.” Hyosoon described how there are many expectations placed on her in her Korean context, but in a Canadian context, she feels significantly less pressure. The difference in pressure is related to how others see her in Canada and Korea.

In Korea, how can I explain… Here I feel, I like living here, staying here because in Korea I can't enjoy my life, I have to work hard, I have to do

74 something for my parents for my family like the, in financial way or some, I just, I don't know. And there are many rules I have to keep. I, but here, I see many people, Canadian people especially, they look like enjoying their life, and they look relaxed, where Korean people... when I was in Korea, my goal was to make a lot of money, and then enjoy my life, but here I can enjoy my life even though I have no money. Yeah. [Me: Are there less rules here, (in Canada) do you think?] I feel more free from rules, I don't know why... I for, my personality? No, I don't know. I very... I'm very sensitive to how other people see me.

Another theme is the regular patterns, or accepted norms of discourse within the Korean and Canadian contexts. Here Hannah described how different subjects are discussed in Canadian or Korean contexts. These discourses affect how she interacts within the different contexts. She also exhibits an ease switching from context to context.

How can I describe? (thinking) When I speak in Korean, I'm Korean. When I'm speaking English, my personality, my characteristic is becoming kind of Canadian or American, I guess, it's kind of different. Thing is, we have certain topics that we don't, we don't deal with in Korean, I say Korea. Like certain topics about... what else? Gay topics, and what else, those, you know, topics. It's not a taboo thing but anyway, it's not an interest, it's not a common thing to talk about within Korean people among Korean people, but, uh, but, uh, when I speak English I feel totally ok when dealing with those topics.

The ways some of these students saw themselves and interacted with others depended on the contexts. Through these descriptions it was evident that these students were affected by the Korean and Canadian contexts they found themselves in, and they also felt a difference when speaking Korean or English. In the next section, which describes findings regarding these students‟ internet uses, the data illustrates how these students divided their online time in both Korean and English websites.

Internet Use in the Context of Being an International Graduate Student in Montreal When these students described their internet use, it was clear the internet

75 played an integral role in their day-to-day lives. Most of the participants reported that their daily internet use began by turning the computer on when they got up in the morning. Through their descriptions of their experiences online, it was also evident that most students had established routines on how they would use the internet. As Hyosoon explained, “Check my email from [university], Hotmail, Daum, and Cyworld and then check some newspaper news. What happened to Korea, like this. The same thing everyday, every night.” Some students, such as EunHee and MinGi, actively organized their internet surfing patterns. EunHee set up a web aggregator5 to organize RSS feeds6 and view specific web content easily, and MinGi set up a personalized portal in which sites and content of interest, such as email inboxes, online communities, world clocks and selected websites are easily displayed and accessible. These behaviors made clear how habitualized online activity can be for many of these students. To provide a better understanding of internet use practices, the following summarizes how the students experience the internet regularly in the context of being international graduate students in Montreal. Research is a main activity in the academic life of graduate students, and all participants used the internet for their research activities. Some students even reported using the internet for the entire day when working on research papers. However, while students are working on their research papers, they often have the internet on in the background, or since they are on their computer already, the internet is easily accessible. Hyosoon described, “Even through I am writing something, the laptop [meaning the internet] is still on.” MinGi summarized his use:

I used to spend most of my time in front on my laptop, and my research is mostly made by the computer. I'm doing most of the work with computer and then look for most of papers with my laptop and then also doing lots of web surfing. Not only just looking for research information, but also getting some casual news stuff or some community information or something to

5 A web aggregator is a service that allows one to organize internet content in the form of a personal portal 6 An RSS feed is an internet function that allows users to direct and organize internet content in order to receive website updates.

76 find.

All students used the internet predominantly for researching and socializing. These seemed to be the most important purposes for using the internet. Other uses are for entertainment, and for seeking news and other information of interest. Moreover, since all participants were fluent speakers of both Korean and English, they all spent time in Korean-language and English-language based spaces. For many, there seemed to be a clear distinction between their English-language internet use and their Korean-language internet use. As EunHee stated:

It's very clear. I use English pages to get information about my academic field. Yeah, so to find some journal articles or to find some, yeah, some um, other researchers' information or some conference information and so on. But Korean home pages, I use Korean pages only for enjoying, so to communicate with the friends, yeah, to read some um, fun, fun articles or other interesting news.

In both languages, certain sites were mentioned by most of the students. In Korean, Naver, Daum and Cyworld (Nate) were regularly mentioned. In English, the participants' university website and library services and various Google services were mostly mentioned. On the other hand, each individual also displayed personal habits on the internet that were distinct from other participants. I will divide my findings of these students' reported internet use between Korean language and English language use and present the explained purposes for choosing to spend time in certain spaces. However, before going into these findings, it is important to address some of the common websites that came up in many of the interviews and to provide a situated discussion of them.

South Korean-Based Internet Of interest is the fact that Korean-language web portals were heavily frequented by some of the participants and at least occasionally visited by others. Naver and Daum were mentioned most often, along with Nate.com and the social networking site Cyworld. All these sites are made up of Korean-language content and their parent companies are based in South Korea. A brief description of these

77 dominant web services follows below.

Naver.com Naver is the most popular and most widely used search engine portal in South Korea (Sang-Hun, 2007). Founded in 1999 by NHN, a Korean public corporation, the Naver.com portal offers multiple services, such as a search engine, which includes an academic thesis search engine, news from a large variety of sources, an email service, Knowledge In (a service where users can pose questions, to which answers are then submitted by other users and stored in a database), online games and shopping. A number of interviewees commented on the conservative nature of the Naver site, and on its association with the Korean government and other large Korean corporations such as Samsung. A multi- million dollar company, Naver has been criticized for serving government interests as well as other highly influential Korean corporations.

Figure 1. Screenshot of Naver.com homepage

78 Daum.net Second to Naver in popularity (Sang-Hun, 2007), Daum is another Korean portal that also offers a search engine, web-based email service, news, online forums called 'cafes', games, shopping services and a space for UCC or user- created content such as personal videos and blogs. Founded in 1995, Daum, a public company, was South Korea's first large portal site. Some participants in this study noted a more democratic nature in Daum as compared to Naver since user postings would remain on the site, unlike Naver, on which comments or content that went against its affiliations would be removed.

Figure 2. Screenshot of Daum.net homepage

Nate.com Another popular web portal is Nate.com, which was developed by SK Telecom, South Korea's largest telecommunications company (JoongAng Daily,

79 2005). Nate is mostly popular with these participants for its instant messenger service called Nate-On, but also has services such as a web mail service, news, shopping, entertainment, games and other web content.

Figure 3. Screenshot of Nate.com homepage

Cyworld.com Cyworld is the most popular social networking site in South Korea. It was first created in 1999 and has since merged with Nate.com, and so is now operated by SK Communications hosting over twelve million registered users (Kirk, 2008). Users flock to this site in order to maintain their personal homepage, or “mini home pi” where they can decorate their virtual rooms, and develop their virtual bodies (called avatars). On Cyworld, members use a virtual currency in the form of “acorns,” which must actually be purchased with real money, to buy updates and decorations for their homepages. Within the homepages, users are able to post photos, keep a diary, and create online groups. Due to user's ability to interact

80 with and seek out information from the large number of subscribers, this site is notorious for its “sticky-ness,” or its ability to draw and keep users participating on the site (Park, 2004).

Figure 4. Screenshot of Cyworld.com homepage

It might be important to note that the internet industry in South Korea has a connection to Chaebol, which is a term to describe family-controlled government-assisted corporate groups. In South Korea, SK group is one of Korea‟s largest chaebol and they own Nate and Cyworld. Naver is owned by the internet company NHN which also owns South Korea‟s largest gaming portal and finally Daum owns Hanmail, the largest web mail provider. There are connecting linkages between internet services and chaebol in the South Korean internet field. The following section will provide an overview of these participants' internet uses in Korean online spaces.

Korean-Language Internet Uses A day in the life of these Korean international graduate students most definitely entails visiting Korean language, Korean national internet sites. Frequently reported purposes for spending time in Korean-based internet spaces are listed below. One thing that was apparent in the interviews is that many of the mentioned Korean internet sites are structured as portals and these portals provided access to many of the services that these participants spent time using. Overall, among these participants, Korean language internet is used for socializing and keeping up with friends and family, keeping in touch with the news and Korean events, entertainment activities, online activity related to individual interests and for research or professional field activities.

Communication with Friends and Family A major purpose for frequenting Korean internet spaces is to keep in touch with family and friends who reside in Korea or other areas of the world. As Hyosoon expressed:

To me, the most important, what is the most important is relationships with people with my friends or my family. [Me: Uh hm.] So, internet can be the connector between them and I.

Popular forms of socializing online are instant messenger services such as MSN, or Nate-On, and internet telephony providers such as Skype. A well established social networking site, Cyworld, is used to varying degrees by most participants, although students who do have Cyworld accounts reported using the service less frequently or less actively upon moving to Canada to study. Additionally, many of the social groups to which participants had belonged in Korea are represented online in some fashion. For example, MinGi casually keeps in touch with various alumni groups through Cyworld group services and Google groups services. Other participants have church groups with an online presence through various portals, through which they can keep updated on any news or life changes among group members. Some of these portals include Daum and

82 Freechal, another South Korean portal site. In fact, during one interview as SoYeon was displaying her online groups, she was ecstatic to come upon the news that her friend had just had a baby boy. From her reaction, it was evident that she was very affected by the news and eager to communicate with the friend. And finally, EunHee is an active member of her former lab group from her Korean university though a kind of online wiki, through which the members of this community participate and communicate online. Hyosoon also reported visiting online groups that are virtual spaces for the groups she was a member of back in South Korea. One such group is her old church, and she stated that through the online group, “they let me know how, what they are doing, what kind of events they are starting, what kind of activities they are doing.” And when describing how she reacts to group activity, she explained, “when you see pictures, or they are doing something in the summer, like camp, I post something like, 'good luck!' or 'I want to be with you!' like this.” Hannah also described how she communicates with her friends and family on Cyworld through self-expression.

This is my style. People like to post their pictures, like the food they ate, and the fancy places they want to show and whatever, I mean, kind of... partly it shows, uh, how do you say that, social class, you know that, if they don't have pictures to post. [Me: Ok, yeah.] But sometimes I do that because I am enjoying. But rather than that, I like, I really like to, you know, post my writing actually. It's kind of boring writing, but I like it and I feel that people liked it because I can see people read this page, you know, this page... 162. (points to number that represents how many visitors came to this page).

She also takes opportunities to express her opinions and perspectives:

They [readers of her Cyworld profile] just, you know, say, 'you look happy,' whatever.... 'you look happy in Montreal,' 'how is Montreal?' They are just wondering. Because here I just write down, you know, my idea. This is about being a PhD student. And I think PhD work should be a commitment to change society, change the social world. If I study just to uh, deserve my, you know, intellectual inquiry, maybe I'm going to be a really impatient teacher because I am smart and I mean, 'why are you guys, my students, stupid?' or whatever.

83 Overall, a large importance of internet use for these participants is the ability to maintain connections with friends and family from their lives in Korea. As SoYeon stated:

Just imagine if there is no, um, like if there is no Korean websites, Korean community, and then, how can I know other people's lives? And then, you know... I cannot call all of them.

Keeping up with News Often participants described reading about news via Naver, Daum, Yahoo Korea and other news portals. Additionally, some students read online versions of Korean newspapers, such as the Chosun Daily (one of South Korea‟s largest newspapers). Some students reported accessing Korean news online more often since moving to Canada due to a lack of easily accessible Korean print media and the difficulties of living outside a Korean atmosphere, in which one could easily hear of current events through the television and through causal conversations. As MinGi described:

When I was in Korea, I hadn't, I did not check Yahoo's talk page that much because I can read newspapers at home and I can hear everybody's talking environmentally, so there's no need to actively click on news portal page. But here, there's no Korean newspaper, limited amount of Korean people around here... so, I should actively collect all the news for my knowledge, so that's why, uh, I habitually check the website of Yahoo's talk (Korea) page. It's made when I moved out from Korea. That didn't happen when I was in Korea.

JuHee also described her desire for a connection to Korea and how the internet works to fulfill this desire: “I guess I want to feel connected to Korea even though I'm here, so it's important to have that kind of easy access to Korean, I mean information about Korea through various websites.” Hyosoon explained the importance for keeping up with Korean information because she was returning to Korea in the future: “I have to go back to Korea. I have to know what's happening now and what will happen when I go back to Korea.” EunHee explained her experience on Korean websites: “Yeah, I miss Korea so much, so, um, ok, so when I visit the Korean website, and if I read some

84 Korean events and Korean stuff, than I feel like, that I'm in Korea.” Obviously being on Korean websites gives EunHee a very positive and nostalgic feeling, and when probed further about why it was important to keep up with Korean news and events she said:

Oh, because now I'm still contacting with my Korean friends and uh, uh, yeah, but I don't know, but I feel like I have to know about Korea, I don't know why, I feel like I have to. And sometimes, Korean news is very interesting.

Entertainment Many participants described using the internet for entertainment purposes. These entertainment uses ranged from consuming information about celebrity gossip, accessing Korean television episodes, Korean comedians, and music videos, and reading comics and other entertaining blogs. Participants also reported downloading movies and music. Most of the Korean internet portals which these students visit have sections or links to this kind of information. For example, SoYeon keeps up with entertainment news through Daum, whereas EunHee uses Daum for accessing UCC (user created content in the form of videos or blogs). HyungKi uses Naver services to access video clips of Korean comedians and KBS (Korean Broadcasting System) television programs. Other forms of entertainment are accessed through sites other than the main internet portals as well. Hannah goes to Youtube to watch videos of Korean television programs. EunHee described spending time on the internet for entertainment by visiting DC Inside, an online community in which members post photos on bulletin boards as a form of play. EunHee had this to say about her use of the internet for entertainment: “Actually sometimes I feel like it's time wasting, but to refresh myself, I enjoy reading these sites.” It was clear that these participants spend a lot of time and enjoy using the internet for entertainment purposes in Korean spaces.

Individual Interests Participants often described internet use that reflected their personal

85 interests. For example, HyungKi uses the internet to access information about cooking, one of his hobbies, through a community on Daum. EunHee gets information online about knitting, one of her hobbies. MinGi described his enjoyment from frequenting K-Bench, a Korean technology portal site:

Well, I also frequently use this web page [referring to K-Bench, a Korean information technology portal]. This is basically an IT page, but I haven't worked at an IT company but I still have a strong interest in the IT field. So, I used to visit this web page for gathering some information about the IT field.

JuHee also described visiting a Seoul-based arts blog where she gets information about the arts scene in Seoul. Participants are able to use the internet in ways to facilitate their personal interests or hobbies, enabling them to learn more about areas of interest and perhaps to meet or interact with others who share similar interests.

Professional and Research Interests Most students also utilize Korean internet sites to access material or communities related to their professional or research interests. All students check Korean search engines for relevant research material and some are active members of professional or research groups. JuHee regularly checks a teaching professional‟s page in order to be updated on employment patterns in her field in Seoul and is also part of a listserve for this group. As mentioned earlier, EunHee very actively keeps in touch with and collaborates on research with past lab colleagues from her previous university in Seoul using Springnote, a free wiki service. She also has RSS feeds organized on her personal computer so she can check up on incoming feeds from journals or blogs in her field easily. Hannah uses free online software for media production. MinGi is an active member of a Korean-Canadian organization for Korean scientists dwelling in Canada, which has its own website that hosts an online community. This community also arranges chapter meetings annually in different regions in Canada. Although all students use Korean websites for research and professional purposes, research and

86 career type internet activity is often carried out in English.

English-Language Internet Uses Like Korean internet spaces, there are also some common English language internet uses across most students‟ online experiences. All students reported using their university websites, especially to access online library resources for research. Another site all students mentioned was Google, which is mostly reportedly used for searching scholarly related materials and practical information. However, some participants use various Google services, such as Google notes (a service that allows one to organize notes and copy and paste internet content easily), Google reader (a service that enables the organizing of web feeds), and iGoogle (a service that allows users to personalize their own portals by organizing links and RSS feeds of various web content). In English, the internet is used predominantly for research and academic type activities. Students sometimes use English sites for career interests, for accessing news in English, and participating in some forms of socializing.

Research and other Academic-Related Internet Use The most commonly stated reason for using English internet content was for research purposes and other academic related activity. Students described using internet applications for course work and teaching assistantship responsibilities. All students reported using their university's online library services and expressed a great dependence on the internet for completing academic tasks. In fact, Hyosoon reported that she lived in an apartment where it was not possible to get a connection to the internet and expressed her anxiety with this situation:

Yes, like assignments, I need... I need to read articles or I need some information about anything I doing, I'm doing. First time I came here, I lived with my friend and we have no, we had no internet access. That's why I came to school in the morning and stayed here 8:30 until I finished my class. [Me: Oh, ok.] From the morning to the, to eight, to the night. Ah! It was so stress! And after I left school I can't, I couldn't access to the internet,

87 it means I couldn't do assignments, I couldn't find any article or any information what I need, so I moved out.

Also, some participants spend time in educational online spaces. EunHee reported using WebCT educational online software as a teaching assistant and a part of her duties were to respond to her students' emails about the course content. She described this use as being time consuming, and she did not enjoy it. Also, JuHee explained that she has used Moodle educational software (the open source version of WebCT) in some of her course work and expressed comfort with using the technology. In these spaces the participants interact with course colleagues, professors or undergraduate students taking courses.

News The participants also use English internet spaces in order to follow the news. No particular English news website stood out as the most popular or frequented, but BBC, the Montreal Gazette and CBC news online were all mentioned. Even though these participants read news in English, it is apparent that the majority of online news consumption comes from Korean national news online sources. Some students reported little need to read English or Canadian news online since they can access offline news media such as newspapers, radio and television news programs easily.

Career and Professional Interests Some students explained how they visit websites for career or professional purposes. EunHee searches online for potential conferences to attend and keeps up with any movements within her field of research. MinGi reported professional networking by keeping in contact with his American graduate program alumni, and he readily uses the internet to seek employment opportunities in his field in North America. A specific site he mentioned was Monster.com, a common North American employment website. Hyosoon reported keeping up with issues in her field of English as a second language. Since only a few of the participants expressed a desire to work in North America, not all participants use English

88 content websites for career exploration.

Socializing Finally, students participate in English language internet spaces for the purpose of socializing. They sometimes use the social networking site Facebook, but it was not reported as a very important venue for keeping in touch with friends. Hannah explained that even though she uses Facebook, it is not her primary social networking site: “It's not, yeah. I still think, like, my community is in Korea, so I use, you know, my website or, you know, my Korean version of website... [referring to a Korean social networking site, Cyworld].” MinGi also explained that he does not check Facebook everyday, but uses the service “to make a connection with the [American graduate school] alumni, I still have a relationship with some of them.” His connections from his previous graduate school are made up of people from various countries. Some students also use chat services in order to communicate in English with friends who live locally, often times to other international students. Hyosoon described using internet chat services with friends who do not speak Korean and stated a clear preference for being able to use chat services in Korean. Using Korean, “it's easier to express myself, how I feel... yeah, it's easier. If I chat in English, I have to think... oh, the grammar. (chuckles) Is it right? Or the spelling...” Although students socialize online in English, it is evident that most socializing takes place in Korean, and some participants stated a clear preference for socializing in Korean.

Cultural and Language Reference and Information Some participants reported using the internet as a tool to seek specific information for their new lives in Canada, and as a tool to strengthen their English abilities. Hannah explained that in class, or in conversations in English she encounters situations where she can not understand cultural references that are made. She then later uses the internet in order to search the information using Google's search engine so she can find information to help her to understand. Also, JuHee readily uses the internet in order to seek out specific usage of certain

89 words within the context of particular genres, such as academic texts. She explained this:

And also, you know, when I write, when I write academic papers and I have to, I want to know, let's say uh, 'range'... range, how can I use range... and then I Google range and I Google scholar and some scholarly articles or, and then that shows how the word was used in scholarly articles, so it's just... Ah, ok, I can use 'ranged from' whatever... so it's really useful when you write. It's a really good language learning or teaching tool, but you really need to know how to use it.

The Google search engine is the main internet service mentioned for searching for content in English. In fact, MinGi registered for the iGoogle service, which allows one to set up his or her own personal portal page. He explained the organization of his page, which includes news sites, information from his field, connections to online groups and other information he finds useful or interesting. He also described how he strategically divided up his personal page into English and Korean content. When asked about this, he explained:

Most of the reason I put the English pages around here is... well, my English skill is still limited, so I hope to increase my English skill in my everyday life, so, that's why I put two thirds of the pages with English news pages.

Transitional Trends- Internet Use since Becoming International Students All students reported changing their internet use patterns to some extent since they had become international students in Canada. A most significant change was using their Canadian universities‟ website and library services regularly and an overall increase in interacting with English internet content. Also, these participants found themselves spending more time socializing with friends and family in Korea with chat services in order to keep in touch. Interestingly, a number of participants explained that their online community activity of communities that were left behind slowed down since coming to Canada. For example, some participants reported using Cyworld less often. Some participants reported that their internet use changed in order to deal with their transition. For example, some described using the internet to facilitate

90 their moves to Canada. EunHee reported using the internet to find cooking recipes when, living on her own for the first time, she realized she could not cook. She also uses the internet to study and practice English by visiting ESLPod.com, a website where users can complete English speaking exercises. SoYeon reported using internet spaces for Koreans living in Canada by visiting online communities of Koreans in Canada, or of Korean students studying in Canada, but after some time, she felt less dependent on these spaces. Participants also described using the internet to collect Korean media content that they felt deprived of in their new environment. MinGi stated that since moving to North America, he actively goes to Korean internet spaces for a general update of Korean news and society. He clearly articulated the importance of having access to Korean information. Here he explained the value of spending time online to be in touch with his Korean identity:

Because I think, I think I'm still Korean and I don't want to be totally isolated from the... all the news that is public in Korea. Well... mmm... to talk to my friends in Korea, I need to gather some information, some recent news, or some recent trends in Korea. That might be one of the reasons.” [Me: So in order to talk to other people, just to have something to have a conversation about.] “Yeah, uh, not just limited to make a conversation, at least that's one of the reasons. Another reason might be strong identity, I think, as a Korean person. So I'm still... I hate the politics of Korea, but I still want it to be a good country, so I cannot be far from the politics of Korea, so I'm checking every day's news, including some politics or economies or social events or something. In fact when I was in Korea, I did not that much read some politics page on the newspaper, because I had them. I was able to get some part of the information of what was happening on the politics side. But here I cannot get any of any piece of information about the Korean politics or that kind of things. I should actively collect the political news or economic news.

MinGi continued further:

If I don't have internet access at this point, I might feel a strong isolation to be here and to be a Korean person. In some cases I might lose a part of identities of being a Korean or living as a Korean or something like that.

Other participants explained that they use the internet to access television shows

91 or dramas that they would normally be watching on television if they were still living in Korea. Certainly, as the findings indicate, the internet acts as an important communication technology that is thoroughly embedded in the lives of these Korean international graduate students. Implications can be drawn about their identity construction through the descriptions of the participants‟ experiences as Korean international graduate students and their internet uses in this context. The findings suggest that some of these students' internet uses enable aspects of their identity while other internet practices or features of internet spaces where they spend time may work to place constraints on their identity construction in the context of being international graduate students. The next chapter will discuss the experiences of these students, their internet uses, and how these internet uses act to enable or constrain their identity construction.

92 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Introduction This chapter begins with a summary of the significant themes that emerged from interviews with seven Korean international graduate students about their experiences studying and living in Montreal and their internet use during this time. Next, I respond to the research questions and discuss the findings from Chapter Four in relation to the literature presented in Chapter Two. To conclude, I discuss the implications of this study and make some suggestions for future directions.

Summary of the Findings The aim of this research was to explore the experiences Korean international graduate students face when studying in a Canadian, English- speaking academic environment. In addition, internet use during this time and its impact on the identity construction of these students was examined. It was evident that these international graduate students face great challenges to their identity while studying abroad. These students often find it difficult to imagine that they are members of their academic communities and face feelings of isolation, alienation and marginalization. Since moving overseas to study, these students were also faced with repositioning themselves in their new environment. With these new positionings came new ways of seeing themselves, which were often negative, such as feeling less competent and capable than their host student counterparts. However, these students also often took on broader perspectives than they had before leaving South Korea, and many reported feeling more global-minded or cosmopolitan. Moreover, these students find themselves moving back and forth between Korean and English ways of being, depending on the contexts in which they find themselves, thereby displaying a heightened intercultural personhood. The internet plays an important role as a technology in the lives of these students. All students use the internet regularly and the daily usage time is

93 between 30 minutes and all day long. It is clear that the internet is used predominantly for socialization and research purposes. Other important uses are for keeping up with the news, entertainment and personal uses that reflect individual interests or hobbies. These students engage in both English and Korean-language internet content, but often the purposes for using English or Korean content is distinguishable. Korean spaces are frequented for socializing, news gathering and entertainment along with research and professional interests, however English sites are predominantly used for research and professional reasons and less so for socializing and entertainment. Overall, these students‟ internet uses changed to some degree since they had become international students in Canada. This change reflected new or different tasks in their daily lives such as researching, and the use of English- language university websites and library services. In addition, another change in internet use was a response to a need to fulfill themselves with the ambiance of the South Korea they left behind, by keeping up with family and friends, recent events, and other developments in South Korean culture and society. The following section deals with the research questions that guided this study in relation to the literature discussed in Chapter Two.

1st Question: How do Korean international students experience studying in Canada? From the findings, it is clear that these Korean international graduate students face substantial challenges during their overseas education in Canada. Firstly it is evident that these students struggle with language, socializing, and academic pressures, which is consistent with the claims of Andrade (2006), Al- Sharideh & Goe (1998), Hechanova-Alampay (2002) and Perrucci & Hu (1995), Popadiuk & Arthur (2004), Wang et.al (1992). However, these issues may be the results of much deeper processes of identity construction that are influenced by their specific situations as international graduate students from South Korea in a North American, English-medium educational institution. As Ghosh & Wang (2003) claim, common themes may emerge among international student

94 experiences, but the way in which these experiences are interpreted and how they affect the identity construction process is uniquely influenced by multiple factors such as the host environment along with the culture, language and nationality of origin of the students. This, of course, is in combination with individual interpersonal factors that influence identity construction (Kim, 2001). As this study‟s theoretical framework of identity outlines, identity is a process (Hall, 2003; Sfard & Prusak, 2005) that may come into conflict when normal aspects of identity are challenged (Mercer, 1990). Moreover, identity is discursively constructed (Gee, 2001; Sfard & Prusack, 2005; Weedon, 2004) and these discursive constructions of identity are affected by and largely dependent on the social groups and social realities at a given time (Gee, 2005; Holland et. al., 1998; Weeden, 2004; Wenger, 1998). Moreover, identities are negotiated and constructed through the participation and performance of activities and practices within social groups (Gee, 2001; Holland et. al., 1998; Wenger, 1998). Most of the students in this study hold conflicting discursive constructions of identity due to participating in at least the two distinct cultures of their host environments and their places of origin. Hannah clearly articulated this. I was a teacher there, but I am a student here. And easily there I used to speak, I was kind of confident in my class, I mean speaking in my language under my control, but here I always have to be struggling with my foreign language. And there, I was with my people, but here I was kind of lonely and there I was a Korean citizen, but here I am an international student.

Many of these students described enjoying academic success and a position of privilege in South Korea, which comes in stark contrast with their new positions as visible minorities, and speakers of English as a foreign language in the host community and the academic milieu. SoYeon explained “I think that I was in the majority group in Korea” when she described her social position and she continued. “I was respected always, so I didn‟t feel loneliness actually.” Most participants reported feeling marginalized in their classes, their daily lives, and as non- Canadian citizens. Similar to what Rhee (2006) asserts, findings in this study suggest that the challenges to their identity were partly due to the new academic context which is

95 laden with socio-historical factors that often result in these students holding a disadvantaged or marginalized position. SoYeon discussed the Korean War and America‟s influential role in the outcome of that situation and how it played a role in her positioning of herself against white, native-English-speaking North American host students. She described being brought up with an implicit understanding that America was a globally dominant culture and that white, native-English speakers represented this dominant group. From her point of view, she felt uncomfortable when interacting with white, native-English-speaking North Americans. Positioning herself against this group also brought to the forefront her awareness of her Asian physical characteristics, her language difficulties and a sense of being different from the dominant group. Many students specifically pointed out language difficulties and cultural differences that often resulted in a lack of confidence when trying to engage in local identity practices. Although capable of performing in advanced levels of English (such as in graduate studies), most of these students felt significantly disadvantaged in their language abilities in comparison with native-English speakers. The language issue is especially challenging since many of these students encountered discussion based graduate classes and seminars for the first time, an environment where students are seen as active and engaged when they voice their experiences and opinions in front of their colleagues in a semi- structured manner. This comes in contrast with the educational methods and academic practices some of these students pointed out in their interviews, such as when Hyosoon described that it is not acceptable to speak out in class in classrooms in Korea. EunHee also described a change from securely feeling a part of an academic group in Korea to having a less secure academic membership. She explained. In Korea I did not have to try to express myself and um, try to um, be myself. But here, I have to try to um, yeah, express myself and make myself seen by others.

In the Canadian academic context, she now had to aggressively assert herself by promoting her own research, and by searching for opportunities to publish and to

96 present at conferences. This perceived lack of language ability and difference in academic practices is discouraging. Hyosoon expressed this strongly. I thought I‟m very intelligent. But now here, I see many people who are very intelligent and different from me and when I look at them, I‟m nothing.

This discouragement is not met only when evaluating themselves on their level of academic success, but also when approaching native-English-speaking colleagues and when trying to participate within their academic and social environments, which is consistent to what Morita (2004) claims. Interestingly, however, these students often described participating comfortably in English with social groups and friends who were typically other international students, usually from Asia. HyungKi noted that he was a teaching assistant for a class in which most students were international students from Asia, and this made him more comfortable because he felt less pressure to perform perfectly in English. This is similar to what Schmitt et al. (2003) suggest about international students forming a minority identity out of similar experiences of rejection from the host community. However, MinGi described this connection as being due to less of a distance in culture between himself and other Asian friends and colleagues. He stated that “some Asian friends, they already have some overlap of the culture side, so it‟s more easy to talk about something.” These students certainly face a lot of challenges to their identity which cause some to take a more negative view of themselves as being less competent and marginalized within their academic communities. However, with new experiences, many of these students expressed some positive changes in themselves. Rizvi (2000; 2005) suggests that studying abroad results in a cosmopolitan or global imagination. SoYeon expressed a new awareness of and concern for the issues of illegal migrants and other disadvantaged people in South Korea. MinGi described an opening up to new things due to his experience in North America. JuHee noted a heightened global awareness when she explained, “So now when I look at what‟s going on in the world, before it was not, I thought it has nothing to do with me. But now I think yes, I think I should know, and I think I should understand.” Because of the people she has met during her studies,

97 she feels a new connection to global issues and with it a responsibility to be globally aware. JuHee also appreciates the independent style of learning that enables her to identify herself as an independent researcher. Moreover, some of these students expressed an ease when traveling back and forth between Korea and Canada or Korean speaking and English speaking situations, in which they often expressed seeing themselves differently in these different contexts. Morita (2004) notes an importance of analyzing international students‟ identities in more contexts than simply the English classroom, where these students are foreign-speakers of English. Findings from this study suggests that with access to the internet, international students enact their identities daily in multiple contexts and these activities may play a significant role in the overall construction of their identity and their ability to engage themselves in the local academic contexts. Moreover, Hsieh (2005; 2006) discussed international graduate students‟ active agency in negotiating identities in second-language environments and the use of more subtle techniques in their identity negotiation processes. Similarly, the participants in this current study were active agents in the negotiations of their identity and one such technique was to turn to the internet as a tool to address issues in their identity negotiation processes. The findings of this study suggest that access to and use of the internet enables these students to make choices about where to go and with whom to interact, allowing them to control to some degree external factors that affect identity construction, namely the social dimension which, as Gee (2001; 2005), Hall (2003), Holland et. al. (1998); Sfard & Prusack (2005), Weeden (2004), and Wenger (1998) all claim, plays a significant role in the construction of our identities. In addition, with the internet, these students are able to continue to develop existing identities that were constrained in their offline reality, thereby instilling a stronger sense of self, while at the same time, exploring or supporting new identities. However, internet use may also be acting to place constraints on these students‟ identities.

98 2nd Question: How and for What Purposes do Korean international students use the internet while studying in Canada?

Reflection of the research question Since there have been no studies that have asked about the internet uses of Korean international graduate students, it was difficult to predict what kind of answers I might get in asking this question. After reviewing the literature, it seemed likely that international students would spend time in spaces online where they would meet with other members of the migrant or international student community from their country. These spaces are referred to as diasporic online communities or online ethnic communities. Many existing studies concerning international students in online environments involve measuring the use of such community websites in relation to adaptation or acculturation (Melkote & Liu, 2000; Ye, 2006a; 2006b). Other researchers have explored member interactions of these particular types of online communities and analyzed the identity processes through members‟ discourse (Chan, 2005; Fung, 2002). In asking questions about what the affects of participating in these types of groups might have on international students, there is an assumption that international students would likely depend on or spend a significant amount of time in these kinds of spaces during their educational sojourns. After reviewing the literature, I had to bracket an expectation that I would find this kind of internet use regularly among my participants. Because this study‟s approach focused on the user‟s perspective, it was possible to discover that regular uses of the internet for these international students does not necessarily entail that they go to these kinds of spaces regularly. In fact, some students would visit Korean diasporic groups for assistance, but usually this only took place at the beginning of the sojourn, and few students would merely visit these types of online communities sporadically throughout their period abroad, while other participants completely deemed these types of sites as useless during their cultural sojourn.

99 It is clear that although these international students participated to some degree in diasporic online communities, other internet uses took precedence. Many researchers who have investigated international students online looked only at international students of Chinese origin (Chan, 2005; Fung, 2002; Melkote & Liu, 2000; Ye, 2005; 2006a; 2006b). The assumption that these students visit these spaces regularly held by the researchers of these studies might have stemmed from typical uses of Chinese international students, who might very well use these types of online communities more commonly. This highlights the importance of looking at the internet uses of different groups of people by considering their nationality, ethnicity, age, situation and other life realities. This study adds to the existing literature considering international students and the internet by uncovering specifically how these South Korean international graduate students use the internet in the particular context of studying abroad in Canada and what effects this use might have in regard to their identity construction and efforts to engage in local identity practices.

Summary of Use There are many common uses in these students‟ descriptions of their internet uses. As graduate students, research is often conducted online and through the library‟s online services. Socializing is also an important use of the internet and these students often maintain connections with contacts in Korea and contacts made during their studies or time in Canada or other countries. As mentioned earlier, these students‟ internet uses can be divided by Korean and English language uses. Korean spaces and uses usually entail socializing and community activity, research, career development, keeping up with the news, practical information seeking and other individual interests that often reflect hobbies. English internet spaces and uses are predominantly for research, career development, keeping up with the news and practical information seeking and some socializing. Although the uses overlap, for many of these students, it is clear that Korean uses are more for entertainment and socializing purposes and English spaces are predominantly used for academic purposes. EunHee clearly articulated

100 this. It‟s very clear. I use English pages to get information about my academic field. Yeah, so to find some journal articles or to find some, yeah, some um, other researchers‟ information or some conference information and so on. But Korean home pates, I use Korean pages only for enjoying, so to communicate with the friends, yeah, to read some um, fun, fun articles or other interesting news.

Overall I found three internet use tendencies that stood out. As previously mentioned, a number of these students revealed feelings of alienation and isolation in their new academic contexts and a disconnect between themselves and host students. HyungKi, Hyosoon, EunHee MinGi, SoYeon and Hannah all described this to some degree. Of these six students, four of them described significantly higher uses of Korean language internet for the purpose of socializing and entertainment. Perhaps being deprived of a sense of belonging is somehow related to this specific type of internet use. Many of these students may be fulfilling a missing element by socializing and entertaining themselves on the internet in Korean spaces. SoYeon and Hannah did not report having higher levels of Korean internet use. SoYeon described using English internet 80% of the time and Korean 20%, but that included research (which most students noted was an important reason for using the internet), and so it is not known how much time she spends socializing and for entertainment and in what spaces. Hannah described spending an equal amount of time in English and Korean sites. However, both described socializing predominantly in Korean spaces, such as through online group formations that represented past groups such as religious communities, or alumni groups for SoYeon and Cyworld, a Korean social networking site for Hannah. Both did not report high amounts of socializing in English spaces, such as in online groups or social networking sites in English. For example, although Hannah has a profile on her English social networking site, Facebook, she reported that she does not consider it to be representative of her community, in contrast to Cyworld, a Korean social networking site where she is more active. High levels of socializing, which takes place mostly in Korean environments is characteristic of the students who reported not feeling as though they are fully accepted members

101 of their Canadian academic community. MinGi and EunHee stood out in their internet use patterns in a similar way in that they were both more able to clearly describe their internet usages. They clearly organize their internet activity by using internet services that allow them to do so, and they have a keen awareness of the purposes of using the internet services they do. They also tend to show more evidence of being active agents in their selection of internet activity and described proactively taking steps to build and maintain community connections and activity, and to further their academic or professional careers by searching for opportunities and networking online. Moreover, they actively expose themselves to English content, or English language practice sites for the purpose of practicing their English. Although all participants displayed agency to a degree in their internet uses, these two students stood out in this realm, and I believe it illustrates active agency in the negotiation of their identities that is productive toward engaging themselves in the new environment. And finally, the last unique description of internet use was by JuHee, a student who has spent the longest amount of time in Canada as an international student. JuHee‟s internet use is similar to the others in some ways, such as doing research and keeping in touch with family and friends in Korea, but what is unique is that it is difficult to differentiate why she might specifically use English or Korean spaces. She also seems to depend on Korean content significantly less. She reported knowing about Korean internet, such as Cyworld or Naver.com, but reported that she does not use Cyworld at all and she does not use Naver.com or any other of the popular Korean portals very often. It is also important to note that she did not display a disconnect with Korea, in fact, during the interview she talked about a very recent happening in Korean news at the time. However, the biggest difference I found with JuHee‟s internet use descriptions is that the purposes of English and Korean internet uses seem to blend together. The following section will discuss what these findings might mean in light of the research of international students online.

102 Discussion An interesting connection to the literature of international students online is Yang et.al‟s (2004) assertion that the higher the motivation to acculturate, the less native language internet the students use. MinGi reported actively trying to expose himself to English internet content. By building his own internet portal site, he intentionally added links that connected him to his fields of interest in both English and Korean, but mostly in English. He described this intention as being for the purpose of improving his English skill. He holds ambitions to work in North America upon completing his PhD and desires to make more contacts with many colleagues. MinGi, however, reported using the internet 80-90% of the time in Korean, when not doing research. Although all students spend some time in English internet spaces, most did so predominantly for the purpose of research and participants who expressed feeling marginalized within their communities, such as EunHee, Hyosoon and HyungKi, reported spending more time in Korean spaces, especially for entertainment, socializing or news gathering purposes and less time in English spaces overall. However, unlike Yang et.al’s (2004) claims about lower motivations to acculturate in relation to high levels of native language uses, all students in this study expressed a desire to interact with host students and to participate more fully in their academic environments. The students in this study who feel more uncomfortable within their academic community use the internet more often in Korean spaces or with Korean social groups for the purpose of socializing, or entertainment. These findings might support Ye‟s (2005) study where she found a relationship between higher levels of acculturative stress and higher levels of native language internet use. Ye (2005) also found that lower levels of acculturative stress were related to higher levels of English language internet. Although most participants expressed feeling isolated and alienated within the academic community, one of the participants did not express having a problem identifying as a graduate student, and sees herself as an active member of her academic community. JuHee has been here for eight years (notably longer than all other participants), had recently gained citizenship status and had also completed an

103 academic bridge program when she first arrived before enrolling in a regular university program. Her internet use patterns were significantly different from the other participants in that she does not feel as dependent on Korean national information consumption, she does not participate in Cyworld, a Korean social networking site, and she primarily uses the internet for research, practical purposes and keeping in touch with close friends and family members. Overall, she reported spending more time in English language internet spaces. Her significant difference in internet use patterns could be attributed to a longer length of time as an international student in Canada, a high level of feeling adapted to the environment, or a higher level of English language proficiency, which agrees with the findings of Ye (2005). Moreover, it could also be partly attributed to the fact that she left South Korea just under a decade ago when the internet industry in South Korea was young and therefore less developed. When she left South Korea to come to Canada to study, she explained that her internet experience included simply having a Hotmail address. She had not yet developed regular habits of checking in on any of the internet portal services, perhaps because they were not yet developed or as popular as they are now. Even still, she did report knowing about and using Naver.com along with some other portals, but she did not report using them as much as the other participants in this study and stated that she feels that her internet use patterns differ from her South Korean social groups. Through her descriptions of internet use, it seems she developed her internet use patterns while studying abroad in Canada, which could explain the difference she displayed in her uses compared with the other participants. The following section details common themes found among these students‟ internet uses with suggestions for what this might imply about the various ways internet use enables and constrains aspects of their identity construction.

3rd Question: How do these Korean international graduate students’ internet uses impact their identity construction while studying in Canada? Through the participants' descriptions of their experiences on the internet,

104 it is evident that internet use provides ways in which these students are able to enact various aspects of their identity. However, at the same time, there are features of internet use that act to place constraints or limits on identity construction. The following section describes the ways in which internet use has influenced identity construction of these participants as presented in the following themes that emerged through the interviews: 1. Korean National and Cultural Identity 2. Identity Construction in Relation to Familial and Social Networks 3. Memberships and Affiliations 4. Internet as a Facilitator of Local Identity Practices 5. Choosing Internet Spaces, Choosing Social Spaces

Korean National and Cultural Identity Many students reported the importance of using the internet to be able to maintain a connection with Korea while living and studying in Canada. MinGi explained the importance of spending time online to be in touch with his Korean identity. This is what he said about spending time online in Korean spaces. Another reason might be strong identity, I think, as a Korean person. So I'm still... I hate the politics of Korea, but I still want it to be a good country, so I cannot be far from the politics of Korea, so I'm checking every day's news, including some politics or economies or social events or something. In fact when I was in Korea, I did not that much read some politics page on the newspaper, because I had them. I was able to get some part of the information of what was happening on the politics side. But here I cannot get any of any piece of information about the Korean politics or that kind f things. I should actively collect the political news or economic news.

When participants described keeping up with current events in Korea, they sometimes also discussed their position on such matters. For example, at the time of the interview, a new Korean president was coming into office. Both HyungKi and Hyosoon expressed political opinions about this transition. For example, Hyosoon explained her skeptical position on new English education policies that the new government planned on implementing, which would allow any English, foreign-educated citizen to be qualified as teachers in the public school system. It is clear that by spending time on Korean websites and keeping up with current

105 events, these students are enacting and therefore negotiating their Korean national, cultural and political identities in the context of being international graduate students in Canada. Negotiating Korean aspects of their identities was repeatedly described as important and students felt that the internet facilitated this. However, most of these participants did not mention acting on these national, cultural or political positions within forums for overseas Koreans or using the internet as a 'liminal space' in which to negotiate their national identities by way of actively participating in online environments like Chan (2005) has reported. Instead, with regard to the internet, simply positioning themselves within the information they received online was how these students negotiated the Korean national, cultural and political aspects of their identities.7 As MinGi stated about his reality as a Korean person in North America there are few opportunities to gain access to what is going on in Korea, or to be informed on how Korea is developing and changing. As opposed to being in a Korean atmosphere where he is surrounded by television, newspapers, and other media, not to mention the conversations one would have with people around, he is dependant on the internet for the majority of information he receives about Korea. He claimed that this is very important. I'm still Korean and I don't want to be totally isolated from the... all the news that is public in Korea.

Korean international graduate students have the internet to access some of this knowledge, but users are limited to the ways this information is presented in the online formats where they retrieve such information. They are dependent on the creators of the internet portals and newspapers for informing them about what is going on in their home country. Sometimes these students are aware of these constraints, for example, HyungKi described how Naver did not report on the newly elected president's involvement in illegally moving funds, and attributed it to Naver's interest in presenting the new prime minister favorably due to its

7 Kevin Robins (2003) has a similar discussion about the renegotiation of relations to identity for migrants who, in modern times, have regular access to satellite television, which allows them to access media from their home lands.

106 political affiliations. However, most students did not make notes of this nature in describing their online experiences. In regard to what this enactment of Korean national and cultural identity that the internet tends to enable for these students might mean for participation in local academic contexts, having access to Korean internet spaces and recent updates of current events might lower feelings of isolation that these students report in their experiences. MinGi described that if he did not have access to the internet, he would certainly experience isolation as a Korean person. Having opportunities to actively negotiate Korean national and cultural identities may encourage a stronger sense of self, and therefore increase confidence levels. Issues of isolation and lowered confidence are common themes in the lived experiences of many of these students that seem to be related to lower levels of participation in the local academic context and so continued opportunities to negotiate Korean cultural identities is crucial.

Identity Construction in Relation to Familial and Social Networks One of the major purposes for using internet services for these students is for socializing. Merchant (2006) asserts that due to the internet, social identities reach a greater span. These students‟ identities are affected by the fact that they are capable of extending their networks and daily interactions beyond geographical proximity. As mentioned in the previous section, socializing activities on the internet often involve using services such as instant chat or messenger services, and social networking sites. By using these services, participants are able to maintain close connections with friends and family near and far in both English and Korean. JuHee explained how she checks her MSN messenger account each day and looks at the friends on her contact list and specifically how her friends may have changed their status. By doing this, she is able to be in touch with people's moods and daily events if they decide to express them. For example, she explained how she always checked to see if her brother, who is in Korea, was online and what his status was. She is also able to change her status to

107 communicate to others how she is doing. Through contact with various individuals, these participants are able to participate more fully in their family and friend relationships on the internet. Chatting is not limited to interacting with people who were away, but also these participants chat online with friends in their environment in Canada, such as with their social groups in Montreal who are usually, but not always, Koreans or other international students. Similar to the enactment of Korean identities, the development and maintenance of social networks and the roles people play in these relationships is important for identity construction of these students. If the real life realities of these students present issues of isolation and a sense of not belonging, these students are able to go online and participate in groups and relationships where they are valued, thus having implications on their sense of self. This has great implications for these students since many express feelings of marginalization. Many participants also socialize online via social networking sites that act as a venue for self expression and socializing. Gee (2005) claims that our identities take shape within the social spaces in which we participate while Merchant (2006) suggests that the internet broadens the scope of our socializing. By participating in Korean and English-speaking social networking sites, these students have different social spaces in which to participate. The main ones mentioned are Cyworld, the South Korean social networking site, and Facebook, an American social networking site. A few students reported using Facebook, but did not feel as though they were very active on the site. MinGi explained that he uses Facebook to keep in touch with alumni from his previous graduate school. When he displayed his Facebook profile, it was evident that he connected in this forum with other international students, or people with an Asian background, through casual memberships of groups named “Koreans at [university name]” or “The Asian Connect”. Students reported using Cyworld to keep up to date with their contacts in Korea. As EunHee explained, “Everyday, I write in my diary yeah, and I upload my pictures and somewhat to communicate with my Korean friends.” Hannah described how she uses Cyworld to both keep up with her friends and connections in Korea and also as a venue for self expression. She

108 explained how she uses the site for writing about things such as her political opinions, thoughts on social issues, and personal issues such as being alone, and her relationship with her mother, but only with South Korean social groups. Hannah has an English social networking account with Facebook, but does not use the English social networking site for the same purposes as the South Korean one. In fact, when asked about the frequency of her use in social networking services, she claimed that she still considers her community to be in South Korea and therefore participates in her Korean social networking site more actively. This response implies that she does not feel as though she is as much of a member of a social community in Canada as she is in South Korea. By being free from geographical constraints, these participants balance and negotiate their sense of self through interactions with social contacts both near and far. However, the way in which internet users interact online is dependent on the spaces and the features created by the internet service creators. In the case of Cyworld, social interactions have been intertwined with pressure to pay money to make your homepage look nice and also obligations are somehow created where in Cyworld there is pressure to visit your friend's homepage and to attract people to visit yours. In order to attract visitors, the space encourages users to appear desirable, friendly and popular. Hannah described how some users post pictures in order to show places they have been or things they have done, inadvertently signifying social class. All users are probably not equally affected by these pressures, but the features do encourage such interactions such as the inclusion of a function that shows the number of visitors to a page. Therefore, users in social networking sites face constraints in their online interactions such as the need to negotiate their identities in a forum that holds alternative interests, such as financial gain made by the developers of Cyworld. Facebook is also a constraining environment for its users, where a forum for identity presentation is offered, but users are forced to negotiate within the confines of the site structure. In addition to these constraints, a similarity between Cyworld and Facebook networking sites is that both seem to be places where people tend to spend a lot of their time, which was the intention of the site creators, thereby using time that

109 could possibly be used for other activities online. Another way students maintain connections with past or present group members is through online group activities. Through the various portals that were mentioned such as Naver and Daum, through Cyworld, and in some cases, though other services such as Google group service (a service which allows participants to have discussions about their common interests) and Springnote (a wiki service that allows users to create spaces by providing content, links and creating discussion), most of these students are members of some sort of online community. These communities of common background or common interest most often represented some form of social group that was already present in the offline world before it became an online group. However, in some cases, new communities were formed online and offline concurrently. The kinds of online group activities and their implications for identity construction are discussed in the next section.

Memberships and Affiliations Each student interacts with online communities and online content in their own personal way which both reflects and affects their identity processes. Some particular internet uses of each participant illustrates how memberships in communities are reflections of themselves. EunHee is very active with an online community which consists of her lab colleagues from her previous South Korean graduate school. Through collaborative efforts, this community works together and shares their research. When she displayed her activities on this site, it was very apparent that she is heavily active. Activities in which she participates in this online community are summarizing articles in English and discussing and sharing opinions on topics related to the group's various research interests. She also plays an important role in this research community because through her current university, she has access to more resources and shares them with other members. When EunHee described her situation as a graduate student in Canada, she did not feel a part of her academic community. Much like Wenger‟s concept of communities of practice (1998), through this online group membership and

110 participation, she is able to enact her identity as a graduate student and an academic in a community in which she feels very much a member and where her membership is valued by the group. This is similar to findings where people whose identities may be marginalized in offline contexts may find venues to enact their identities online (McKenna and Bargh, 1998; Hill, 2005; Mazzarella, 2005; Guzzetti, 2006; Mitra, 2001; 2004; Warschauer, 2000; Spiliotopoulos, 2005). This finding highlights the potential for how internet use can enable identity. MinGi also described being part of an online community of Korean Canadian scientists dwelling in Canada. This organization was for professional networking and members meet offline annually in various regions of Canada. Moreover, MinGi expressed going to the Korean Graduate Students' Society of [university] whose members would also meet offline periodically. In fact, most participants in this study said that they participated in some of this organization's activities offline, and sometimes would visit its web page. On this website, he described responding to incoming South Korean graduate students' questions coming to Montreal. SoYeon also expressed participating in online environments where South Korean international students who were studying in Canada write about their experiences in their journal within the structure of a Daum cafe. Seeing herself as having something to offer these students because she is older and also has experienced being an international student, SoYeon has taken opportunities to respond to some journal entries in order to give advice, and in doing so, enacts an identity as a caring and empathetic person and an experienced South Korean international student in Canada. Finally, some participants described participating in religious groups, namely their church groups or Christian groups back in South Korea. Activity in these groups is minimal for some, but usually entails checking in on the group to see if there are any updates with any members such as marriage, children or any other kind of important life event. A similar thing takes place with alumni groups for some of the participants such as using Daum café service for maintaining groups for high school or university alumni. MinGi also reported keeping up with social groups using Google group service or Cyworld. All online group activities

111 tend to take place in Korean spaces with either South Korean social groups that were left behind before coming to Canada as international students, or with new social groups formed in Canada. Through these group memberships and interactions within them, these participants are able to enact various identities such as academic, professional, religious and social identities, thereby showing that some internet uses enable the performance of multiple identities which is similar to what Turkle (1997) highlights about the features of the internet. Often these identities are constrained in the offline world due to not being comfortable with the recognized local identity practices or not feeling as though they are true members of the academic community. But again, these groups‟ activities are usually confined to the venues in which they would take place. It is apparent from the findings that many of these groups are formed and maintained within the main South Korean internet portals.

Internet Use as a Facilitator for Local Identity Practices A common use of the internet among these participants is for using it as a tool to gather useful information that aids in participation in local communities. As mentioned earlier, Hannah uses the internet in order to search for and fill missing gaps of knowledge about cultural information or references she picked up in class or social situations. Hyosoon described using the internet to search for practical information about the city. Moreover, EunHee uses an English language site for language practice, and JuHee explained how she uses the internet as a concordance in order to better understand how to use English words in certain contexts, especially in academic texts. MinGi also uses the internet to intentionally expose himself to English content. Most of the reason I put the English pages around here is... well, my English skill is still limited, so I hope to increase my English skill in my everyday life, so, that's why I put two thirds of the pages with English news pages.

All of these internet uses act to facilitate being able to function more independently and confidently in their new academic and social environments. Interestingly, all participants reported using Google as the main search engine in English. Although Google may prove an efficient way to retrieve information,

112 again users are confined to receiving the information that Google provides, in the way Google developers filter this information.

Choosing Internet Spaces, Choosing Social Spaces A significant factor in how these students' identities are influenced by their internet use is their ability to choose the spaces where they spend time. Each space or service entails interacting within a certain culture, and even within certain language groups, which all hold their own conventions and practices created and negotiated by the group members. Participants for this study display agency in their online activities by going to the online spaces that serve personal needs or interests. Some students are very active in structuring a portion of their online activity. For example, MinGi described how he uses iGoogle, a service that allows you to organize your own portal, setting up links to your choice of internet content. As explained earlier, his portal displays RSS feeds to websites of interest such as technology content, and scientific content related to his field, and various online communities to which he was a member. His portal displays both Korean and English content, but more than half of the content is in English in order for him to better his English abilities. EunHee also actively selects and arranges for internet spaces and content to be made available to her in an easily accessible format thereby manipulating her use to entail visiting these selected spaces. Language and culture are factors that seem to affect users when choosing which places to be online. When Hannah explained how she keeps up with news online, she described: For Korean news just, you know, just log in Nate.com and Naver.com and just different page show up... shows, different pages show the main news. [Me:Ok] So it's really easy to get the idea just by reading the topics, you know, that's my culture, my language, so it's, just by reading the titles, I get the idea what's going on. And sometimes if I'm interested, I just click [on a topic link]. But on CBC [Canadian Broadcasting Corporation website], like, I have to take longer, it takes longer to get the idea.

Through interactions with others and consuming information within these spaces, users are exposed to the ideologies expressed through the selection and presentation of information of the site developers. Carvalho (2003) states that

113 when reading news in online spaces, readers receive this news in a manner that reflects what the site maintainers believe to be important. Therefore, when reading the world news, for example, one is receiving it through an ideological lens. If students are predominantly reading news from South Korean news portals, unless they are aware of how the ideological filter influences the presentation of information, their potential for a wider worldview may face constraints. In summary, the ways in which the internet is used by these students has implications for their identity construction. Although the internet can be used as a tool to facilitate dealing with identity challenges faced in the real world, what is evident from the data collected from these interviews and descriptions of experiences online is that although people are free to go to millions of spaces online, for many, there are obvious select patterns of frequented online spaces. As this is the case across most participants, I had to wonder what forces were at play that encourage people to go online and only engage with a select and limited portion of online content. Furthermore, why were some of these students using the internet to varying degrees in ways that might further facilitate their efforts to deal with the obvious challenges most of them reported facing?

Conclusion Overall, it is evident that the internet is an important technology in each student‟s daily lives. Some participants are very enthusiastic users of the internet and display great agency in their use and are very easily able to describe their uses. It is clear that the internet was a tool they use to extend their offline lives. All students use the internet predominantly for the purposes of socializing and consuming information, but through their online interactions and even their choice of internet spaces, assorted aspects of their identities are enacted and negotiated. However, these students‟ internet uses, which affected their identity construction, varies in how much it may facilitate their efforts to engage themselves in their new academic and social environments. In conclusion, the internet offers opportunities for these students to maintain and develop existing identities such as their South Korean cultural,

114 national and political identities and the identities they would have cultivated through their relationships with people and groups not necessarily in their new environments. Moreover, the internet also offers opportunities for these students to explore or support new identities that are developing in their situation as international graduate students in Canada. This is evident in the use of the internet to search for cultural and other practical information that would aid them in their new environment. In addition, some students use the internet to keep up with activity in their fields such as new research, or conferences. The internet used as a language tool, or as a concordance are also uses that may have positive effects in the students‟ attempts to engage themselves in local community practices. However, the extent of how much these students could do this is dependent on their „internet literacy‟. Here I use the term „internet literacy‟ to describe the ability to manipulate internet spaces and content to serve their own interests. Internet literacy also describes the ability to effectively evaluate website services and information. Identity construction may be constrained by the internet use of these students. Depending on the students‟ online purposes along with their level of critical awareness of the structure and purpose of these sites, interacting in online environments can be constraining to identity construction. The pattern of frequented spaces, such as the commonly mentioned sites visited by these students are all created and maintained by commercial developers. Moreover, interacting within, or consuming information from these sites entails doing so within the confines that are set up and maintained by the developers who structure the sites in order to serve certain interests. The news and information that is selected and presented are filtered and therefore may encourage certain ideologies. For these students who are experiencing an international education, which, as some students reported, has the potential to broaden horizons and perspectives, consuming information uncritically from the websites habitually used might be constraining on the construction of identities. It is my understanding that both explicit and not so explicit forces influence where these students go online. One obvious instance is when students

115 are required to participate online with online educational software, such as what JuHee and EunHee experienced with Moodle and WebCT, respectively. This is also the case when students attend a university. All students are required to check their university emails and to keep up with other online accounts, and also their lives may be easier if they are adept at effectively researching academic online databases such as Google Scholar, and accessing library services online which enable them to access these materials from their home or office. Other more non-explicit forces are evident in the data from these interviews because it is obvious that most of these students visit some similar sites, such as the popular and often frequented portals of the South Korean internet industry. Yoon (2001) and Luke (2002) argue that spaces on the internet are being developed to serve the purposes of corporate interests which might discourage more democratic uses of the internet. It is evident in the descriptions of these students‟ experiences online, that visits to portals are a prominent theme in their internet use patterns. Such popular usage of these portal sites surely satisfies the interests of the developers while also taking up a portion of the time people set aside for spending time on the internet. Unlike offline environments where people are forced to engage in real life activities regardless of how nurturing the environment is on their individual identities, people are free to choose from many spaces where they can participate within chosen environments interacting with specifically chosen groups of people or individuals. In the case of international graduate students, where they often feel like it is difficult to socialize and therefore enact various aspects of their identity in their new environments, the internet is a tool they can use to fulfill needs that are unfulfilled offline, or for being active agents in dealing with challenges they lack support for in their offline lives. This choice of where to go with which we are now presented in the internet age, brings forth issues of the way people choose internet spaces, and the effects of these choices on their identity construction. With the ability to increase the social interactions that are desirable along with being able to lessen those which are not, is it possible for these students‟ internet choices to impede their efforts to engage themselves in the local academic and

116 social environment? In the face of identity challenges, certain internet uses may work to develop existing identities, but challenge new ones. What this study suggests is that the internet is a tool that international students use to deal with the isolation and challenges that they tend to experience, but the ways in which they use this tool differs in ways that have varied impacts on their efforts to engage in local identity practices. In the case of these students, internet use and purposes for this internet use reflects the challenges and issues they face being international graduate students. These students‟ usages were at times constructive to facilitating their identity, but at the same time, other uses may well work to be constraining.

Implications The findings of this study may be useful to researchers and practitioners in the field of international education and to international graduate students themselves. As noted in the literature review, there had not yet been any studies considering internet use of international graduate students from a user perspective. Considering that the internet is a technology that most, if not all, international graduate students use regularly, it is imperative for all those involved in international education to understand the implications of such use. For international graduate students, having more of an awareness of the possibilities of the internet may provide these students with a venue to actively deal with the challenges they may be facing. For international educators, understanding the issues of these students and the reality of their interactions with communication technologies will help them in aiding these students work toward being full participants in the new academic and local communities. What we can imply from this study is that the internet is certainly an important tool for these students, that they depend on being connected during their overseas sojourn and that there are ways in which certain uses enable or constrain their identity. Understanding these internet uses is the first step in lowering the uses that may impede identity construction such as having a low awareness of internet use purposes and of the spaces in which students spend time

117 online and consuming information passively. Uses that facilitate engagement in their new academic environments such as knowing how to manipulate internet content to serve personal interests, and having a keen critical awareness of the information that is consumed online is also useful. Considering that most of the international graduate students in this study feel as though they are not truly members of their new academic community, university international student service centers should consider ways in which internet spaces may be used or created to aid in helping international students who may be facing feelings of isolation, or who are having a difficult time finding their place in their environment, to become more involved in their new community.

Suggestions for future research Since this study only considered a specific group of international graduate students from South Korea, it may be useful if studies looked at students from a variety of other countries and backgrounds. It is evident that these students‟ internet uses are influenced by their language, culture and nationality, and so students from other countries may have different uses based on their unique backgrounds. Findings from different national and cultural groups might prove enlightening to understand and compare.

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127 Appendix A Ethics Approval Certificate

128 Appendix B Letter of Recruitment

Department of Integrated Studies in Education 3700 McTavish Street, Montreal, QC, H3A 1Y2

Researcher: Pauline Carpenter: [email protected] Supervisors: Doreen Starke-Meyerring: [email protected] Ratna Ghosh: [email protected]

Letter of Recruitment

Are you an international graduate student from Korea studying in Montreal? Do you use the internet regularly in your daily life?

If so, I would like to invite you to participate in my research. I am doing my MA thesis on internet use experiences of international graduate students from Korea. I am interested in how the internet is used while studying overseas and how this may influence identity construction. The results of this study are intended to shed light on the complex experiences of being an international graduate student in Canada.

If you are interested in participating, an interview can be scheduled at your convenience. The interviews will address questions about life as an international student in Canada and also about participation in online spaces such as listservs, blogs, web portals, bulletin and discussion boards, and news websites.

Please contact me by email at [email protected] or by phone at 514-844-3349.

Thank you very much and I look forward to hearing from you!

Pauline Carpenter

129 Appendix C Letter of Consent

Consent Form

Department of Integrated Studies in Education 3700 McTavish Street, Montreal, QC, H3A 1Y2

Korean International Students' Internet Use and its Role in Identity Development

You are invited to participate in a study that will explore internet use experiences of Korean international graduate students during an educational sojourn in Canada. The purpose of this research is to understand how participation in online environments influences identity development while studying overseas. The goal of this study is to shed light on the complex social and individual experiences of international graduate students.

Procedure If you agree to participate, you will be interviewed once for a period of about 45-60 minutes on the McGill University campus. Questions will address experiences of being an international student and participating in online environments while living in Canada. For the purpose of this study, online environments are web portals, news websites, discussion and bulletin boards or even listservs. You will be invited to show examples of websites you use regularly on the researcher's computer or your own personal computer if you feel comfortable doing so. During the interview, the researcher will take written notes with your permission and will also record the conversation with a digital recording device. The recorded data will then be transcribed and a copy of the transcription will be emailed to you, the participant, so that you can read it over and makes changes or clarifications as you see fit. The results of this research will be used for an MA thesis and possibly for conferences, research presentations, and publications.

Benefits As a participant for this study, you would have the opportunity to share your experiences as an international student in Canada for research that intends to work toward the understanding of what Korean international graduate students undergo while studying in Canada. Also, results of this study may inform programs aimed at helping international students integrate into their new environments. Additionally, as an international student yourself, you can gain insight into graduate level qualitative research methodologies by participating in this study.

Rights and Confidentiality Your rights and confidentiality will be respected and upheld in the following ways. All data will only be used for the purpose of analysis and will be kept for the period it takes to complete this thesis, and will then be destroyed when the thesis is finished. The researcher will keep any

130 information strictly confidential. The data will be stored on the researcher's password-protected personal computer to which she has sole access. Interview data will remain confidential giving you a pseudonym which will be used throughout the entire study. It is important that you do not feel obligated to answer any questions that may make you uncomfortable. You have the right to withdraw from this study at any point without suffering any consequences. You also have the right to address any questions or concerns to the researcher about this study.

The researcher for this study is Pauline Carpenter, who is completing a thesis for a Master of Arts degree in the Culture and Values in Education program within the Department of Studies in Education (DISE) at McGill University. The supervisors are Doreen Starke-Meyerring and Ratna Ghosh. If you have any questions regarding this study, do not hesitate to contact the researcher by email at [email protected] or by phone at 514-844-3349. The supervisors can also be contacted by email at [email protected] and [email protected].

This study has been approved by the McGill Research Ethics Board II which can be contacted at 514-398-6831.

I have read the description of this study and I am aware of my rights as a participant.

Name: ______

Signature: ______

Date: ______

I agree to participate in an interview that will be audio-taped. Yes: ____ No: ____

131 Appendix D Interview Guide

Background Questions

What is your name?

When did you come to Canada?

Why did you choose Canada for your graduate studies?

What is your current program of study?

When did you start your program here at McGill/ Concordia?

How long have you been an international student?

Are you here with family and/or friends or did you come here alone?

What challenges do you face being an international student in Canada?

When you were in Korea, what communities or social groups did you belong to?

Have you been able to maintain connections with social groups in Korea since living in Canada? Why or why not?

In your life in Canada, what communities or social groups do you belong to?

In what ways do you feel included in and/or excluded from the academic community at your institution?

In what ways has the way you see yourself changed since becoming an international graduate student in Canada?

Online Participation Questions:

How many hours a day do you use the internet? Where do you usually use the internet?

Currently, around what percentage of your internet time is spent on Korean language websites? English language websites? Other language websites?

For what purpose do you use English internet? Korean internet?

What internet spaces do you feel have become important to you since living and studying in Canada? a) What are these sites?

132 b) What do they offer? c) What purpose do they serve? d) How were you introduced to them? e) Who offers them? f) What do you do there? g) With whom do you interact? h) Why are these internet spaces important to you? Would you like to show me any of these sites?

Since you have been an international student in Canada, what are some ways that your internet use has changed from your internet use in Korea?

How do you feel the internet facilitates or hinders your life overseas?

Since you have been studying in Canada, have there ever been any critical incidents within any of your communities or social groups where you found the use of the internet important in order to work through the critical incident?

Is there anything I have left out that you feel is important and would like to add about your internet experiences since you came to study in Canada?

Thank you very much for your time.