DOCSLIB.ORG

Making America Right the Multiple False Starts of the Conservative Movement and How It Took Over America (1940- 1969)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Making America Right the Multiple False Starts of the Conservative Movement and How It Took Over America (1940- 1969) MAKING AMERICA RIGHT THE MULTIPLE FALSE STARTS OF THE CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT AND HOW IT TOOK OVER AMERICA (1940- 1969) Denis Savage Master’s thesis Erasmus School of History, Culture and Communication [TYPE THE MAKING AMERICA SIDEBAR RIGHT TITLE] THE MULTIPLE FALSE STARTS OF THE [Type the sidebar CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT AND HOW IT content. A sidebar is a TOOK OVER AMERICA (1940-1969) standalone supplement to the Denis Savage main document. It is Master’s Thesis History of Society often aligned on the Erasmus School of History, Culture and Communication left or right of the Erasmus University Rotterdam page, or located at the top or bottom. Date: 12-02-2017 Use the Drawing Student Number: 459898 Tools tab to change Contact: [email protected] the formatting of the sidebar text box.] Reference style: Chicago Supervisor: prof.dr. Ben Wubs Second Reader: dr. Robbert-Jan Adriaansen Cover artwork: William F. Buckley RIP Cartoonist: Nate Beeler https://www.cagle.com/nate-beeler/2008/02/william-f-buckley-rip 1 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................. 3 Chapter 1: Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 5 1.1 Research Question ........................................................................................................................ 8 1.2 Methodology ................................................................................................................................. 9 1.3 Key Concepts ................................................................................................................................. 9 1.4 Historiography ............................................................................................................................. 13 1.5 Structure of the thesis ................................................................................................................. 16 Chapter 2: From Dire Beginnings .......................................................................................................... 18 2.1 The rise of Robert Taft ................................................................................................................. 19 2.2 One step forward and two steps back ........................................................................................ 28 2.3 The dramatic rise and public fall of McCarthyism ....................................................................... 28 2.4 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 35 Chapter 3: The Radical Rebirth of Conservatism................................................................................... 37 3.1 The extreme conscience of conservatism ................................................................................... 38 3.2 Conservatism’s Watershed Moment ........................................................................................... 43 3.3 The infamous 1964 election ........................................................................................................ 45 3.4 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 51 Chapter 4: A United Conservatism ........................................................................................................ 53 4.1 The Catholic Conversion of Conservatism ................................................................................... 55 4.2 National Review and the Revival of Conservatism ...................................................................... 60 4.3 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 70 Chapter 5: Solidifying the Conservative Brand ...................................................................................... 72 5.1 Pruning the conservative garden ................................................................................................ 73 5.2 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 78 Chapter 6: Conclusion ........................................................................................................................... 81 Primary Sources ..................................................................................................................................... 85 Bibliography ........................................................................................................................................... 89 2 Acknowledgements Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Ben Wubs for his constant guidance, constructive feedback and support throughout the process. More importantly, I would like to thank him for his extreme patience with my labour some approach. It is often said, that one should never forget your roots. With that in mind, I would like to thank all my prior teachers, who played a part in cultivating my love and pursuit of knowledge, with the future Dr. Alan McCarthy playing a pivotal and influential part. To all my friends, wherever you maybe across the globe, thank you for all the support you have offered me throughout the years. To those in Ireland, seeing everyone pursue and achieve their goals, gave me motivation to better myself. To all those in the Netherlands, thank you for being the often much needed external respite. And a massive thank you, to all those who helped me with my thesis, I will forever be grateful. To my fellow appreciators of Newaza, thank you for helping make me a better person. For the lessons you taught me for both on and off the mats. To my employers, thank you for being flexible enough to allow me to pursue a masters. In particular, Paddy Murphy’s, as without them, I would not have been able to continue my Dutch adventure. Lastly, I would like to express how indebted I am to the love and support offered by my family. I hope with this thesis, I can have done the family proud. To my father, Pat, I hope that you are able to live vicariously through this. Everything I am and do, I owe it to you. 3 To my mother, Eileen, thank you for everything you’ve done for me. Even through adversity, you have provided unconditional love. To my sister, Niamh, you are my inspiration to work harder. An eternal source of pride. 4 Chapter 1: Introduction On the 8th of November 2016, there was a seismic change in American politics, one that left academics, politicians, journalists and the world dumbfounded. This anomalous event was the election of Donald Trump as the 45th American president. The following day, the liberal British-American journalist, Richard Wolffe, wrote in The Guardian that Donald Trump’s victory is nothing short of a revolution where an era that stretches back to Franklin D Roosevelt just came to an abrupt and ugly end.1 No longer was the United States an expansive, outward-looking, globalist power, instead, it had now definitively turned inward.2 Political experts quickly scrambled to find an explanation for Trump’s electoral victory. Placing it in a global perspective, where the 2016 presidential election campaign in the United States reflects the phenomenon of populism. The populism preached by Donald Trump was based on the premise that because he was an outsider to the world of politics, it was he that would best serve to interests of ordinary Americans disgusted with the corrupt establishment, incompetent politicians, dishonest Wall Street speculators, arrogant intellectuals, and politically correct liberals.3 Or more eloquently put by Trump’s campaign slogan, he promised to Drain the Swamp.4 Yet, such claims of Trump’s election being a revolution, run contrary to how the word is defined in dictionaries.5 While it may have been revolutionary that a reality tv-star and property magnate was elected president of America, it is a stretch to say that Trump's election was revolutionary, considering he merely utilised a platform provided to him by the conservative movement in America. During the pandemonium of Trump's election and in the intervening time since he assumed office, the pivotal role that the conservative movement played in his victory was 1 Richard Wolffe, “Donald Trump’s victory is nothing short of a revolution,” The Guardian, 9 November 2016. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/nov/09/donald-trump-victory-us-election-result-revolution (accessed July 25, 2017). 2 Ibid. 3 Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris, "Trump, Brexit, and the rise of populism: Economic have-nots and cultural backlash," HKS Working Paper, No. RWP16-026 https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2818659 (accessed August 15, 2017). 4Julie Bykowicz, “Donald Trump’s pledge to ‘drain the swamp’ and ban lobbyists complicates administration hiring,” Independent, 17 November 2016, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/donald-trump-lobbyist-ban-complicates-administration-hiring-a7422156.html (accessed August 12, 2017). 5According to the Oxford English Dictionary, a revolution is defined as ‘a forcible overthrow of a government or social order, in favour of a new system’ or ‘a dramatic and wide-reaching change in conditions, attitudes or operations. "Revolution - Definition Of Revolution In
Load more

Recommended publications
  • EXECUTIVE INSIGHT BRIEF - March 3, 2017 Date: Monday, March 06, 2017 9:20:37 AM
    From: Craig Quigley To: Craig Quigley Subject: EXECUTIVE INSIGHT BRIEF - March 3, 2017 Date: Monday, March 06, 2017 9:20:37 AM Ladies & Gentlemen, below please find this week’s edition of Executive Insight Brief from The Roosevelt Group. Craig R. Quigley Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy (Ret.) Executive Director Hampton Roads Military and Federal Facilities Alliance 757-644-6324 (Office) 757-419-1164 (Cell) EXECUTIVE INSIGHT BRIEF | March 3, 2017 TOP STORIES JEFF SESSIONS RECUSES HIMSELF FROM RUSSIA INQUIRY. Attorney General Jeff Sessions, facing a storm of criticism over newly disclosed contacts with the Russian ambassador to the United States, recused himself on Thursday from any investigation into charges that Russia meddled in the 2016 presidential election. Read more ISIS DUMPED BODIES IN A DESERT SINKHOLE. IT MAY BE YEARS BEFORE WE KNOW THE FULL SCALE OF THE KILLINGS. The horror stories about the Islamic State’s mass killings at a cavernous hole in the desert near Mosul became legendary over the years. Soon after the group took control of the Iraqi city more than 2½ years ago, the 100-foot-wide sinkhole five miles southwest of the airport became a site for summary executions. Read more TRUMP’S DEFENSE SPENDING INCREASE ISN’T EXTRAORDINARY, BUT ITS IMPACT COULD BE. On Monday, the White House announced the first few details of President Trump’s budget proposal, expected to be released within the next month. He plans to increase defense spending by $54 billion — about 10 percent of its 2017 budget. In his joint address to Congress Tuesday night, he falsely called it “one of the largest increases in national defense spending in American history.” Read more KIM JONG-NAM KILLING: N KOREAN SUSPECT TO BE DEPORTED.
    [Show full text]
  • Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
    The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017).
    [Show full text]
  • The Department of Injustice Under Jeff Sessions the Department of Injustice Under Jeff Sessions January 2019
    January 2019 The Department of Injustice Under Jeff Sessions The Department of Injustice Under Jeff Sessions January 2019 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 VOTING RIGHTS 2 IMMIGRANTS' RIGHTS 3 CRIMINAL JUSTICE 6 DISABILITIES 9 HEALTH CARE 10 RELIGIOUS LIBERTY 10 LGBT RIGHTS 10 CRIMINALIZATION OF POVERTY 11 AFFIRMATIVE ACTION 12 WORKERS' RIGHTS 12 FREE PRESS AND PROTEST RIGHTS 12 PRIVACY RIGHTS 13 SEPARATION OF POWERS 15 POLITICIZED ANALYSIS AND PERSONNEL 15 INTRODUCTION Jeff Sessions' tenure at the Department of Justice was a national disgrace. As attorney general, he was entrusted to enforce federal laws — including civil rights laws — and secure equal justice for all. Instead, Sessions systematically undermined our civil rights and liberties, dismantled legal protections for the vulnerable and persecuted, and politicized the Justice Department's powers in ways that threaten American democracy. When President Donald Trump and his political appointees elsewhere in his administration tried to do the same, often in violation of the Constitution, Sessions' Justice Department went into overdrive manufacturing legal and factual justifications on their behalf and defending the unjust actions in court. Sessions was aided by Trump-approved appointees who often overruled career attorneys and staffers committed to a high level of neutral professionalism. Under Sessions' political leadership, these Trump appointees have inflicted significant damage in the past two years. Together they have threatened the First Amendment rights of the press and protesters, targeted the communities Trump disfavors through discriminatory policies and tactics, attacked the ability of ordinary citizens to vote and change their elected government, vindictively retaliated against perceived political opponents, and thwarted congressional oversight of the Justice Department's activities.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 BARACK OBAMA, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, and JOHN DEWEY In
    File: Schulten web preprint Created on: 1/29/2009 9:52:00 AM Last Printed: 1/31/2009 2:13:00 PM BARACK OBAMA, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, AND JOHN DEWEY SUSAN SCHULTEN In the last few months, there has been a spate of comparisons be- tween Obama and some of our most influential former presidents. Just days after the election, Congress announced the theme of the inaugura- tion as “A New Birth of Freedom,” while reporters and commentators speculate about “A New New Deal” or “Lincoln 2.0.”1 Many of these comparisons are situational: Obama is a relatively inexperienced lawyer- turned-politician who will inherit two wars and an economic crisis un- equalled since the Great Depression.2 The backlash has been equally vocal. Many consider these com- parisons both premature and presumptuous, evidence that the media is sympathetic toward an Obama Administration or that the President-elect has himself orchestrated these connections.3 Indeed, Obama frequently invoked Lincoln as both a model for and an influence over his own can- didacy, which he launched on the steps of the Old State Capitol in Springfield, Illinois. He introduced Vice-President Joe Biden in the same spot, where the latter also referenced the memory of Lincoln.4 Cer- tainly it makes sense for Obama to exploit Lincoln’s legacy, for no other figure in American history continues to command such admiration, the occasional neo-Confederate or other detractor notwithstanding.5 To posi- tion Obama in front of the State House is surely meant to place him as a kind of an heir to Lincoln.
    [Show full text]
  • SAY NO to the LIBERAL MEDIA: CONSERVATIVES and CRITICISM of the NEWS MEDIA in the 1970S William Gillis Submitted to the Faculty
    SAY NO TO THE LIBERAL MEDIA: CONSERVATIVES AND CRITICISM OF THE NEWS MEDIA IN THE 1970S William Gillis Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Journalism, Indiana University June 2013 ii Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Doctoral Committee David Paul Nord, Ph.D. Mike Conway, Ph.D. Tony Fargo, Ph.D. Khalil Muhammad, Ph.D. May 10, 2013 iii Copyright © 2013 William Gillis iv Acknowledgments I would like to thank the helpful staff members at the Brigham Young University Harold B. Lee Library, the Detroit Public Library, Indiana University Libraries, the University of Kansas Kenneth Spencer Research Library, the University of Louisville Archives and Records Center, the University of Michigan Bentley Historical Library, the Wayne State University Walter P. Reuther Library, and the West Virginia State Archives and History Library. Since 2010 I have been employed as an editorial assistant at the Journal of American History, and I want to thank everyone at the Journal and the Organization of American Historians. I thank the following friends and colleagues: Jacob Groshek, Andrew J. Huebner, Michael Kapellas, Gerry Lanosga, J. Michael Lyons, Beth Marsh, Kevin Marsh, Eric Petenbrink, Sarah Rowley, and Cynthia Yaudes. I also thank the members of my dissertation committee: Mike Conway, Tony Fargo, and Khalil Muhammad. Simply put, my adviser and dissertation chair David Paul Nord has been great. Thanks, Dave. I would also like to thank my family, especially my parents, who have provided me with so much support in so many ways over the years.
    [Show full text]
  • Using Activists' Pairwise Comparisons to Measure Ideology
    Is John McCain more conservative than Rand Paul? Using activists' pairwise comparisons to measure ideology ∗ Daniel J. Hopkins Associate Professor University of Pennsylvania [email protected] Hans Noely Associate Professor Georgetown University [email protected] April 3, 2017 Abstract Political scientists use sophisticated measures to extract the ideology of members of Congress, notably the widely used nominate scores. These measures have known limitations, including possibly obscuring ideological positions that are not captured by roll call votes on the limited agenda presented to legislators. Meanwhile scholars often treat the ideology that is measured by these scores as known or at least knowable by voters and other political actors. It is possible that (a) nominate fails to capture something important in ideological variation or (b) that even if it does measure ideology, sophisticated voters only observe something else. We bring an alternative source of data to this subject, asking samples of highly involved activists to compare pairs of senators to one another or to compare a senator to themselves. From these pairwise comparisons, we can aggregate to a measure of ideology that is comparable to nominate. We can also evaluate the apparent ideological knowledge of our respondents. We find significant differences between nominate scores and the perceived ideology of politically sophisticated activists. ∗DRAFT: PLEASE CONSULT THE AUTHORS BEFORE CITING. Prepared for presentation at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association in Chicago, April 6-9, 2017. We would like to thank Michele Swers, Jonathan Ladd, and seminar participants at Texas A&M University and Georgetown University for useful comments on earlier versions of this project.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tea Party Movement As a Modern Incarnation of Nativism in the United States and Its Role in American Electoral Politics, 2009-2014
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 10-2014 The Tea Party Movement as a Modern Incarnation of Nativism in the United States and Its Role in American Electoral Politics, 2009-2014 Albert Choi Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/343 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] The Tea Party Movement as a Modern Incarnation of Nativism in the United States and Its Role in American Electoral Politics, 2009-2014 by Albert Choi A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2014 i Copyright © 2014 by Albert Choi All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Master of Arts. THE City University of New York iii Abstract The Tea Party Movement as a Modern Incarnation of Nativism in the United States and Its Role in American Electoral Politics, 2009-2014 by Albert Choi Advisor: Professor Frances Piven The Tea Party movement has been a keyword in American politics since its inception in 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • Download File
    Tow Center for Digital Journalism CONSERVATIVE A Tow/Knight Report NEWSWORK A Report on the Values and Practices of Online Journalists on the Right Anthony Nadler, A.J. Bauer, and Magda Konieczna Funded by the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation. Table of Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 7 Boundaries and Tensions Within the Online Conservative News Field 15 Training, Standards, and Practices 41 Columbia Journalism School Conservative Newswork 3 Executive Summary Through much of the 20th century, the U.S. news diet was dominated by journalism outlets that professed to operate according to principles of objectivity and nonpartisan balance. Today, news outlets that openly proclaim a political perspective — conservative, progressive, centrist, or otherwise — are more central to American life than at any time since the first journalism schools opened their doors. Conservative audiences, in particular, express far less trust in mainstream news media than do their liberal counterparts. These divides have contributed to concerns of a “post-truth” age and fanned fears that members of opposing parties no longer agree on basic facts, let alone how to report and interpret the news of the day in a credible fashion. Renewed popularity and commercial viability of openly partisan media in the United States can be traced back to the rise of conservative talk radio in the late 1980s, but the expansion of partisan news outlets has accelerated most rapidly online. This expansion has coincided with debates within many digital newsrooms. Should the ideals journalists adopted in the 20th century be preserved in a digital news landscape? Or must today’s news workers forge new relationships with their publics and find alternatives to traditional notions of journalistic objectivity, fairness, and balance? Despite the centrality of these questions to digital newsrooms, little research on “innovation in journalism” or the “future of news” has explicitly addressed how digital journalists and editors in partisan news organizations are rethinking norms.
    [Show full text]
  • Curriculum Vitae Professor Shane Mitchell Greenstein the Martin Marshall Professor of Business Administration Harvard Business School Jan, 2021
    Curriculum Vitae Professor Shane Mitchell Greenstein The Martin Marshall Professor of Business Administration Harvard Business School Jan, 2021 Department address: Technology Operation and Management Morgan Hall 439 Harvard Business School Harvard University Boston, MA 02163 Contact Information: E-mail:[email protected] Phone: 617-384-7472 Fax: 617-384-4072 Publications Books and edited volumes 1. 2016, (and Josh Lerner and Scott Stern, editors) Innovation, Policy and the Economy, Volume 17, Special issue devoted to the economics of digitization. NBER conference volume, University of Chicago Press. 2. 2015, How the Internet Became Commercial: Innovation, Privatization, and the Birth of a new Network, Princeton University Press. http://press.princeton.edu/titles/10574.html. Winner of the 2016 Schumpeter Prize. 3. 2015, (and Avi Goldfarb and Catherine Tucker, Editors), Economic Analysis of the Digital Economy, NBER conference book, University of Chicago Press. 4. 2013, (and Avi Goldfarb and Catherine Tucker, Editors), The Economics of Digitization, Edward Elgar; Cheltenham, UK. 5. 2007 (and Victor Stango, Editors), Standards and Public Policy, Cambridge Press. Second edition (paperback), 2011. 6. 2006 (Editor), Computing. Edward-Elgar Press, UK. 7. 2004, Diamonds are Forever, Computers are Not, Economic and Strategic Management in Computing Markets, Imperial College Press: London. 1 8. 2002, (and Lorrie Cranor, Editors), Communications Policy and Information Technology: Promises, Problems, Prospects, MIT Press. 9. 2001, (and Ben Compaine, Editors), Communications Policy in Transition: The Internet and Beyond, MIT Press. Articles in Refereed Journals 1. 2021. (Ran Zhuo, Bradley Huffaker, kc Claffy), The Impact of the General Data Protection Regulation on Internet Interconnection. Telecommunication Policy, (Also NBER Working paper 2648.) 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Conservative Movement
    Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul.
    [Show full text]
  • Young Americans for Freedom Box: 28
    Ronald Reagan Presidential Library Digital Library Collections This is a PDF of a folder from our textual collections. Collection: Blackwell, Morton: Files Folder Title: Young Americans for Freedom Box: 28 To see more digitized collections visit: https://reaganlibrary.gov/archives/digital-library To see all Ronald Reagan Presidential Library inventories visit: https://reaganlibrary.gov/document-collection Contact a reference archivist at: [email protected] Citation Guidelines: https://reaganlibrary.gov/citing National Archives Catalogue: https://catalog.archives.gov/ Georgetown Young Americans for Freedom P.O . Box 3033 Washington, D.C. 20057 (202) 944-1291 Richard J. Mathias Chairman Patrick Mahon Vice-Chairman Kevin Piediscalzi Treasurer Quin Hillyer ~\\~, Secretary Don McLaughlin Program Director . J w~ M -h ~ r ~ ~ Kevin Kime Membership Director ~ Q""'RA,-!/.M'j wi~4~N~- Bridget Brooker Public Relations Brad Seiling Ul v~ Public Relations .ftvl'Al ~ ::,~ ~4 J }- Deroy Murdock Executive Director ~ ~ r r--t-1-ic1~ .M cf)/V/~ - ~ ~ _k~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ I w-laf-tvi,-1 C\.v\ w~}P ~,.de - ~ ~ ~ Iv~ wJ2JJ r•JJ..e. '14 ~ t,,11-,/ ~ ~uw/4 ~ w1d w/4J./-1 ~ al ~~ f~~. ~ ~ CnCQ~I~ ~ (;.e_t,.,~1 J-®'M.w.1~ c,W~c.J,__ PAGE 4A / WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 2 GOP told to follow FDR's example BY A WASHINGTON TIMES STAFF WRITER policy initiatives even when he knew A lack of grass-roots activism contri­ defensive," - they get to select the The Republicans could suffer "a some of them would fail, Blackwell said. buted strongly to the Democratic con­ terms of battle. , lonely landslide". next year unless they Eisenhower, on the other hand, quickly gressional resurgence in the 1982 "Every election," he said, "is a refer­ can find a way to put their conservative lost his opportunity while retaining his midterm congressional elections, endum on something," and ·conserva, coalition back together in time for the personal popularity, Blackwell said.
    [Show full text]
  • Great Meme War:” the Alt-Right and Its Multifarious Enemies
    Angles New Perspectives on the Anglophone World 10 | 2020 Creating the Enemy The “Great Meme War:” the Alt-Right and its Multifarious Enemies Maxime Dafaure Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/angles/369 ISSN: 2274-2042 Publisher Société des Anglicistes de l'Enseignement Supérieur Electronic reference Maxime Dafaure, « The “Great Meme War:” the Alt-Right and its Multifarious Enemies », Angles [Online], 10 | 2020, Online since 01 April 2020, connection on 28 July 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/angles/369 This text was automatically generated on 28 July 2020. Angles. New Perspectives on the Anglophone World is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. The “Great Meme War:” the Alt-Right and its Multifarious Enemies 1 The “Great Meme War:” the Alt- Right and its Multifarious Enemies Maxime Dafaure Memes and the metapolitics of the alt-right 1 The alt-right has been a major actor of the online culture wars of the past few years. Since it came to prominence during the 2014 Gamergate controversy,1 this loosely- defined, puzzling movement has achieved mainstream recognition and has been the subject of discussion by journalists and scholars alike. Although the movement is notoriously difficult to define, a few overarching themes can be delineated: unequivocal rejections of immigration and multiculturalism among most, if not all, alt- right subgroups; an intense criticism of feminism, in particular within the manosphere community, which itself is divided into several clans with different goals and subcultures (men’s rights activists, Men Going Their Own Way, pick-up artists, incels).2 Demographically speaking, an overwhelming majority of alt-righters are white heterosexual males, one of the major social categories who feel dispossessed and resentful, as pointed out as early as in the mid-20th century by Daniel Bell, and more recently by Michael Kimmel (Angry White Men 2013) and Dick Howard (Les Ombres de l’Amérique 2017).
    [Show full text]