DEMOCRATISING GOVERNANCE in INDIA 14-15 September, 2017 Organized By
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National Conference On DEMOCRATISING GOVERNANCE IN INDIA 14-15 September, 2017 Organized By: Department of Political Science University of Delhi Concept Note DEMOCRATISING GOVERNANCE IN INDIA Etymologically, democracy means the rule of people since it is derived from the Greek word, Demokratia which is a combination of Demos (people) and Kratos (rule). As per the history of democracy, the rule by people had begun in Athens in the middle of the fifth century BC. The system that the rule by people established was not absolute, but controlled by the rule of law or the constitution, as it is commonly known. In its ideal manifestation, democracy as a form of governance is structurally perfect and ideologically persuasive since it leaves no room for decisions, whimsically made; this is a system in which governance is meant to be non-discriminatory and people-driven in the strict sense of the term, Hence democracy is defined as a government by the people, of the people and for the people. It is a much clichéd definition. Nonetheless, it draws our attention to the core of governance which is democratic in spirit and substance. An analytical scan of the functioning of democracy in the real world however reveals that democracy manifests in three different forms: (a) there are political systems which are democratic in character in the sense that elections are held and the vox populi is respected; but governance defies the very principles in which democracy is articulated. A majority of the countries, ruled by the ‘Man on the Horseback’ follow this pattern. (b) Some of the so-called democratic countries, despite being appreciative of the structural distinctiveness, tend to deviate from the core values, norms and principles while governing the demos on their behalf. Driven by the leaders, the political system becomes their hostage. It was BR Ambedkar who conceptually articulated this when he forewarned his Constituent Assembly colleagues of the devastating politico-ideological consequences of what he defined as ‘the Bhakti’ syndrome in Indian politics. Fascist states, both their classical and contemporary forms, belong to this category. (c) There is a third pattern which is visible in those political systems which are democratic in both spirit and substance and yet are subject to tendencies to the contrary; as a result, there are occasions when democracy loses its grip in the political system and seemingly endorses the duly-elected political authority’s politico-ideological preferences. Prominent examples are Brazil and India. In case of the former, the 1945 Constitution which was promulgated after the ouster of the dictatorial regime, led by Getulio Varga, upheld democracy as fundamental to the political system that had emerged. The journey was halted in 1967 when the military dictatorship adopted Institutional Acts, a set of supra-constitutional laws to supersede the 1945 Constitution. The year 1988 however marked a new dawn in Brazil’s political history; a new constitution was adopted which was not only democratic but was also receptive to those ideas that have gained salience in the context of the global drive towards creating inclusive societies. This is an endeavour for democratizing governance to the extent which was inconceivable in the recent past. India’s democratic trajectory does not seem to be radically different from that of Brazil and other sister countries where democracy despite being casualties on occasions, thrived presumably because it was not, at all, a window dressing, as was apprehended at the dawn of constitutional democracy in India, but has become integral to her existence as an independent and also vibrant polity. Like their Brazilian counterpart, the demos in India confronted an authoritarian regime during the 1975-77 Emergency which, instead of diluting their faith in democracy, reconfirmed that it was perhaps the best mode of governance in a diverse country like India; it further confirms that the ‘Bhakti’ syndrome was at the root of devastation of the system and degeneration of the beliefs that formed the core of democratic agility for which the Indians stood out. Barring these two years in the 1970s, India’s constitutional democracy did not seem to have faced threats to her existence to the extent that Brazil had faced intermittently in the last two decades. In view of the fact the constitutional democracy has evolved deeper roots in India than those decolonized countries that also had adopted democratic form of government, it can safely be argued that it is primarily due to the consolidation of a supportive mindset which is strong enough to scuttle the tendencies to the contrary. This has two serious implications which need to be taken into account for conceptualizing constitutional democracy and also theorizing its grip in India: first, the strengthening of constitutional democracy in India redefines its conceptual parameters and theoretical contours in contrast with what the classical liberal theorists, like James Mill, JS Mill, SM Lipset, among others, argued in defence of their contention that a socio-economically diverse society like India was neither fit to be democratic nor a liberal polity. Secondly, India’s democratic experiences confirm that the role of the democratic structure of governance cannot be undermined in initiating and also consolidating the supportive inputs at the grassroots. This means that the privileging of the context does not seem to be theoretically as persuasive as is made to be. The democratic political system also contributes by creating a template supportive of the processes of democratization which complements the drive in its favour. There is no doubt that India has matured as a democracy with the slow but steady consolidation of representative institutions, the separation of powers, and increased participation of the people in elections. Even the prevalence of staggering inequality which BR Ambedkar had highlighted during the drafting of the 1950 Constitution did not seem to have deterred the processes of democratization. This is certainly a great achievement especially in the context of India’s South Asian neighbours that, despite having the same the same colonial legacy, are still struggling to establish democracy on a solid politico-ideological foundation. What it entails is the argument that the mere prevalence of an institutional structure purportedly supportive of democracy does not always create circumstances in which democracy thrives not just as a structure of governance but also as a process contributing to the consolidation of a mindset in its defence. By being democratic since the inauguration of the 1950 Constitution, the text that has emerged out of India’s experience helps us discern a new mode of conceptualization which is theoretically innovative and politically persuasive. Besides seeking to understand how constitutional democracy evolved in India in the wake of colonial rule and its aftermath, the aim of this conference is also to comprehend and conceptualize its changing texture. The outcome of the 2014 national election and the recent UP assembly election confirms that the voters remain supreme and the political leaders hardly possess an authority in case they are alienated. In others words, voters are, neither predictable nor indecisive, as is generally believed, but are clear-headed while making their preferences in the polling booth. Despite the continuity of constitutional democracy in India for more than seven decades, questions are being raised about the depth of our democratic consciousness. For instance, have we been reduced merely to being ‘voters’ who remain contended with the casting of votes in elections, or do we need to become ‘democratic citizens’ acting as a shield against the tendencies, both the state-driven and otherwise, towards undermining the very ethos, values and principles of democracy? Is it merely adequate for us, as citizens of democratic India to elect and leave the representatives to always decide for us? Is there a need to devise mechanisms other than the available-ones to make Indian democracy more accountable, participatory and deliberative? India’s democratic trajectory is full of turns and twists which make the effort towards understanding its nature theoretically innovative and conceptually enlightening. By directing attention to the changing texture of democracy since the inauguration of the 1950 Constitution of India, the proposed conference seeks to grasp the processes contributing to the way in which it is being reconceptualized. Since the aim is to comprehend the unfolding of the processes of democratization holistically, the following thematic demarcations are proposed merely to organize the discussion during the conference: A) understanding the 1950 Constitution and constitutionalism since the beginning of the efforts during the British rule towards constitutionalizing governance in India in liberal–democratic terms B) comprehending the unfolding of democratic governance in independent India in the state-led development era C) grasping of democratization of governance since the 1990s in an era of globalization and the evolution of new modes of politico-ideological mobilization around concerns for identities with the promulgation of the Mandal reservation in 1990 and the nationalist upsurges over the controversial structure in Ayodhya, known as Babri Masjid. The objective of the conference The concern for democratizing governance is nothing new in intellectual discourse; it was a source of concern in the past and continues to remain so even now. The objective of the conference is thus two- fold: (a) to get acquainted with the discourse that has been developed by host of scholars who endeavoured to understand the theme in their distinctive perspectives, and (b) by laying-out the available discourses, the conference seeks to provide an opportunity to the young scholars who have or are being drawn to this area of concern. It is an endeavour in mentoring the young minds in the field. Programme Schedule DAY-1: Thursday, 14 September 2017 9:30 am - 10:00 am Registration 10:00 am – 11:30 am INAUGURAL SESSION Welcome Address Prof Bidyut Chakrabarty (Dept.