Marxism Today August 1980 15

and is going to remain as a major feature of Tory policy. The Tories' direct appeal to the people gets a hearing because Thatcherism is a much more developed form of political argumenta- tion that offers something for almost everybody: its philosophy on the sale of council houses, law and order, the return of grammar schools, attacks on bureaucracy, and so forth. Their open campaigning against nationalisation, immigration, mugging, the Pete Carter so-called social security parasites, and the Government's militant stand on the Common Market are just a few of the issues through which they have been able to politically confuse sections of workers, divide their May 14: loyalties and undermine their ability to fight. In addition to policy, they have also developed the ability to present a most an assessment reactionary idea in a popular and feasible way. But there was also another very important factor hampering the fightback. This has been the impact of recession, unemployment and closures. It has been a powerful influence at British Leyland. It is at the heart of the problem in steel and South Wales. Recession There has been much talk about the May The Tories fought hard to offset this and unemployment, indeed, have been 14th Day of Action. According to the Tories growing movement. The measure of their gathering pace this year. The latter is now and the media it was a huge flop. Conversely success can be judged by the lack of support beginning to affect the main body of workers. many on the Left saw the Day as an un- for the South Yorkshire call for action in And its effect has been to demoralise and qualified success. Neither is the case, and February, which received less support than confuse important groups of workers: it is the whilst the Day itself illustrated the potential their November initiative, though a very classic disciplining force of capitalism. power of the trade union movement, it also important factor here was undoubtedly the demonstrated the many weaknesses that the calls by the TUC for March 9 and May 14. MAY 14 movement must deal with urgently. The Wales TUC called off the national strike The decision to hold a Day of Action on May because it lacked support. The Welsh miners 14 together with a demonstration on March Background call for action was defeated in a pithead ballot 9, was taken by the General Council in 'The Campaign for Economic and Social of the miners, and after 35 years of working December during the steel strike and at the Advance' (1980s Yes — 1930s No) was the for Leyland and a comparable period as a height of the cuts campaign. But even before theme of the initiative launched at the 1979 shop steward and convenor Derek Robinson this, at the Congress in September the issue TUC Congress. Delegates to that Congress, was removed and the management's wages of TUC-sponsored mass action against the meeting just five months after the Tory and conditions were imposed on the Leyland Tory government had received considerable general election victory, were confronted workforce. It was clear that although the support in the shape of the narrowly defeated with a vicious Government, that had fought fightback had developed rapidly it faced FT AT resolution. and won the election with a political package difficult political and industrial problems. The March 9 demonstration around the of reactionary ideas. The conception of the In the build-up to the 1979 General themes of the TUC's broad campaign, but campaign — its breadth, its content— was a Election and during the period from when notably the Employment Bill, was large and response to the new Tory offensive. And it the Tories won power, immense damage had impressive -- something over 100,000, a provided a broad political and economic been done to the trade union movement, its useful advance over the turnout at the framework for the trade union fightback. image, its standing in society, and perhaps November demonstration. The rally at the The fightback itself developed rapidly. above all, the Tories' ability to undermine the end however lacked imagination while, The November demonstration in London — confidence of workers in their own trade although the decision on May 14 had already initiated by the South Yorkshire labour union. The technique of by-passing the been taken, only (if I recall correctly) one movement in its struggle against the cuts — unions and appealing direct to the workers speaker, Ken Gill, called on the crowd to marked an important stage. The long and had paid off. work for and support the Day. bitter steel strike over wages soon followed. Speaking at a recent CBI dinner in May 14 was an historical event in the life of In South Wales the steel issue rapidly Birmingham, Mrs Thatcher, in a response to the TUC. It went wider than just a Day of assumed wider dimensions. The leadership the way Sir Michael Edwardes had dealt with Action over pay, or for example, trade union of the Welsh miners called for an all-out the Leyland question, urged the business- legislation. It was action over wide ranging strike linking their fight to save jobs with that men present to emulate Sir Michael in demands, covering freedom to organise, of steel closures. And the Wales TUC dealing with the trade unions. This style of democracy, social services, education, proposed an all-Wales General Strike. work is something very new in Tory thinking hospitals, house building, living standards, 16 August 1980 Marxism Today the quality of life, prices, Britain's industries. opposing activities and only 254 column strike calls in the engineering industry was It was a political Day of Action, the first of its inches stating what was to happen in a non- patchy. Elsewhere workers, whilst not kind called by the TUC, around a policy that derogatory fashion. Only 31 people engaging in strike action, had extended could unite a wider section than trade supporting the Day of Action were quoted, meetings to discuss the issues during working unionists alone, confronting the Government compared to 195 opposing it. time, or took time out to attend demonstra- head on with an alternative economic and These five newspapers have sales of 13 tions. The TUC has not made an estimate of political strategy. million daily which constitutes over 80 per those on strike. However the CBI claimed The problems facing the trade union cent of the national sales of newspapers in that 94% of the working population turned movement in making a success of May 14 Britain. Labour Research also did a cursory up for work on May 14. Even this estimate — were manifold. Firstly the nature of the survey of the Times, Daily Telegraph, based on responses in manufacturing demands were very new in the eyes of trade Guardian and Financial Times. This survey industry and thus excluding pits, docks, unionists: never had they been called upon to shows a similar pattern in their coverage, railways and public services — would mean take action on such an extensive political although usually the language used was more that in excess of 1 million workers took strike programme. Secondly, and contrary to sophisticated. Of the national daily papers action. the Morning Star alone had a coverage that Another yardstick in measuring support is It was a political constantly supported the Day of Action. the TUC's estimate that at least 150,000 took The insidious propaganda from the press part in 130 rallies up and down the country. Day of Action, the first of was openly hostile to the Day and vicious. The Eight rallies were held in Wales, with 3,000 its kind called by the TUC Daily Express described the TUC General marching in Swansea. In Scotland over Council as 'Lenin Murray and his bully boys'. 15,000 marched in Glasgow and 8,000 in popular opinion, the TUC lacks experience Other papers described supporters of the Edinburgh. Aberdeen saw its largest ever of mass campaigning: it has never system- Day of Action as 'a small tightly knit group of demonstration when 2,000 marched through atically campaigned outside of Whitehall. politically motivated men.' On April 16 the the city, and a large number marched in Thirdly, it faced a Tory offensive of a new Daily Express headlines were 'Day of Shame' Dundee. In the North, 5,000 demonstrated kind which had had a big popular impact. and on the eve of the Day of Action editorial in Newcastle and other rallies were held in Fourthly, by May, the movement had opinions masquerading as headlines Sunderland, Middlesborough, Gateshead, suffered some serious defeats which appeared in four papers — 'Let's go to work' Wear Valley, Consett, Carlisle, Spennymoor inevitably affected its confidence, morale and (Daily Express), 'We want to work' (Daily and North Tyneside. In Yorkshire and combativity. And finally, there was the Star), 'The strike nobody wants' (Daily Humberside, 10,000 demonstrated in problem of dealing effectively with the Mail), and 'Carry on working' (Sun). Sheffield. Other big demonstrations took massive assault against May 14 itself. place in Wakefield, Barnsley, Huddersfield, The courts Doncaster, Dewsbury and Hull. Less The Right offensive against May 14 The courts of law were also brought into the industrialised towns also saw marches on The fight against May 14 was a well battle. On May 1 of all days, Mrs Thatcher May 14, including Harrogate, Whitby and orchestrated campaign embracing the had set the scene by suggesting in the York. In the North West 9,000 marched Tories, the media and the High Courts. The Commons that employers should sue trade through Manchester, and 10,000 in Right clearly recognised the high stakes unionists who struck on May 14, and hinted Liverpool. Other marches were held in Bury, involved in such a political Day of Action. at further drastic anti-union legislation. In a Widnes, Stockport, Rochdale and Preston. The pressure exerted on workers not to take High Court ruling on May 7 Mr Justice In the Midlands 6,000 marched in part was enormous: they were met from all Griffiths came down in favour of Express Birmingham, 4,000 in Leicester and 2,000 in sides with an unprecedented wave of anti- Newspapers, seeking an injunction in order Coventry. Other marches included trade unionism which was a continuation of to publish on May 14, and against the Day of Nuneaton, Wolverhampton, Grantham, the vicious attack on Derek Robinson and the Action. He ruled that it was illegal for unions Chesterfield and Nottingham, where 2,000 Leyland workers, the steel workers and those to ask members to break their employment turned out. The South East saw over 60 sections of workers that had been involved in contracts, claiming that if employees chose to marches and rallies, with many separate struggle during the previous twelve months. break their contract they would not be demonstrations in the London boroughs. 2,000 marched in Brighton. Marches in East The Tories sought to minimise support for protected from action by their employers. Anglia included Cambridge, Sudbury, May 14 — with a mixture of denunciation He described the TUC's action as a Waveney, Cromer, Norwich, Bury St and dismissal. But the key role here was 'political strike'. He added: 'It is an avowed Edmunds, Peterborough and Lowestoft. undoubtedly played by the media. David political strike and none of the defendants has Major rallies were held in Swindon, Basnett disclosed that a secret meeting took sought to argue that they are entitled to the Bournemouth, Bristol and Plymouth in the place at No 10 Downing Street between immunity conferred by Section 13 of the South West. Thatcher and newspaper editors, a claim, not Trade Union and Labour Relations Act.' surprisingly, hotly denied by Thatcher and All this demonstrates' that whilst the the editors. Activity on May 14 response to the TUC's call could have been Whatever the case Labour Research' has Assessing the scale of activity on May 14 is stronger, the TUC's message to the produced some interesting statistics about difficult. The nature of the call for action Government was carried into every major the content of Fleet Street's five tabloid daily meant that workers responded in a variety of town in the country, and a good number of papers— the Express, Mail, Mirror, Sun and ways. The call for strike action met with the smaller ones. Daily Star. The period they cover is from strongest support from key sections of the The response, as we have seen, was March 25 until May 13. working class — miners, railway workers, strongest amongst key sections of the labour Their calculation suggests that the five printers, shipyard workers, dockers, bus tabloids allocated 2,209 column inches crews and building workers. The response to ' Labour Research, July 1980. av August 1980 17

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movement. It was also much stronger in Scotland and the North of England. In A good start relates to both the traditions of the Scotland, pits, factories, offices and transport Thus, despite the advanced political nature movement, but also to specific experiences of all suffered major disruption. Only one of the TUC call, and in spite of the Tory government policies. The variation in shipyard remained open, and in Glasgow assault, the Day did get a great deal of strength and feeling was an important factor every major engineering establishment support. Moreover, all indications are that behind the decision to call a Day of Action, stopped work. In the North East action was millions of people discussed the issue. People rather than an all-out strike and was reflected particularly strong amongst public transport were forced to think about the event, and in the actual activity on the Day. and construction workers. 60 out of 62 pits although attempts were made by the media to There were nonetheless problems with this were shut in Yorkshire, and major factories present the debate either for or against, in decision as many workers were under the stopped including 20 in Sheffield. Across the reality the political content of the debate impression that the Day was conceived as a Pennines the docks in Liverpool and made a contribution to politicising the general strike. Indeed, this is what the media Manchester were stopped, and public trans- thoughts of many. tried to make out. This narrower inter- port suffered widespread disruption. The The trade union movement has within its pretation inevitably had the effect of printing, engineering and brewing industries ranks a solid political base as demonstrated excluding large sections of people from were also affected. Coming south, industrial by the support. In the long term, what has participating in the Day — and gave the action became more patchy. In Wales been described as the most widespread day of Tories more room for manoeuvre in their although all pits were closed the strike demonstration since the 20s, acted as a attempts to isolate the TUC. response was not as strong as could have been focus for the developing feeling against There was indeed insufficient thought expected. A similar pattern applies to the size Thatcherism. given to the need for a wide variety of actions of demonstrations, northern towns and cities It was a day of consciousness raising, and it for the Day — especially as in Britain the idea all witnessing relatively larger marches than clearly defined the new role of the Tories, of one day strikes still has a narrow appeal. further south. This confirms that, as in the fully supported by the mass media. It also This is an important point. May 14 was a General Election, there are clear differences expressed the current weakness in the style of dijjerent kind of action. The key was to in political consciousness between the in- work of the TUC in facing up to this new and involve as many people and sections as dangerous challenge. The day did not live up possible. The objectives were to provide a The Tories for their part to the more optimistic expectations and if the demonstrative focus against the Tories and were very clear that the CBI's figure of 94% turning up for work as raise consciousness about the nature of the normal is correct, then the Day could best be Tories and the alternative, jstrike action, in issues involved in the described as a small beginning, with this context, also assumes a different Day of Action implications full of potential for the character. It is not a question of 'industrial movement. It could represent a development muscle'. It is not the same as industrial action were something new away from just the narrow day-to-day for industrial ends. At the same time, other dustrialised (or deindustrialising) North and demands and could be the basis from which forms of action assume great importance. In the relatively high employment and affluent trade unionists develop a much wider under- order correctly to move the TUC into a more South. What it also suggests is that twelve standing of the size of the problem political arena, the forms of action months of Tory rule have not significantly confronting them. But if the trade union appropriate to such an aim need to be well affected these differences in political under- movement is to advance, then problems must worked out. Strike action is the most standing between different areas of the be spoken about honestly: otherwise lessons important — but other forms (as May 14th country. will not be learnt. indicated) are very significant. In the long run the impact of May 14 on the There is little tradition of this in Britain political awareness of the movement may SOME PROBLEMS unlike other parts of Europe where one or prove to have been its widespread nature two hour strikes, for example, on political rather than the scale of support. For although 1 Forms of action issues and involving many millions, are the response was weaker in the South, this One of the big problems facing the trade commonplace. For future events the has to be counterbalanced by the fact that unions is the fact that the movement is as yet movement needs to look at new forms of May 14 represented for many in the South the still very uneven. It is strong in some regions struggle that at base must be aimed at first opportunity to go into action against the and weak in others, powerful in some involving the majority of people in demon- Tories. industries and less developed in others. This strative action, stressing the importance of 18 August 1980 Marxism Today collective-involvement activities. This point the unions were overestimating the support united all those sections. Rather than being is also important for those unions which enjoy they would get for an official call and there seen as fighting for the community as a the loyalty of their members towards the rule must now be a recognition that traditional whole, the TUC allowed itself to be isolated book and who will strike given an instruction. loyalties enjoyed over many decades are from public opinion. It failed to build a The loyalty of some of those members may declining, and that being anti-Tory is no sufficiently broad based movement. longer enough to unite the movement and to The current policy of the Tory government without an alternative bring it into action. is something new and, for many different There was too much emphasis on leaflets reasons, has a sectional appeal to wide workers begin to and circulars and not enough on mass sections of the working class. To break this question the point of meetings of the workers. The link between divided loyalty the TUC needs to have as a losing a day's pay the TUC action and the programme of the strategy that of uniting a wide cross section of Labour Party was not made, and neither did people, by being seen demonstratively and have been weakened as a result of them being the TUC answer right-wing Labour leaders' using its industrial strength, defending and a small minority that lost a day's pay. opposition to the Day, nor welcome the advancing the aspirations of the community support from the Left within parliament. as a whole. May 14 would have been bigger 2 How to mobilise Conversely little effort was made by and more impressive if this had been the case A further problem was the lack of experience Labour councils locally to identify with the — nonetheless it represented a very of the TUC in this area and as such it under- action. The brunt of the fight against the important advance. estimated the anti-trade union feeling, failed Government is clearly being born by the to analyse the situation correctly, and was TUC, very few Labour councillors spoke 3 Politics and the trade unions unable to give the necessary clarity in order to from the platforms and the politics of what The poverty of politics within the trade union unite the movement. The Tories for their happened in the local elections on May 1 was movement was reflected in the diminishing part were very clear that the issues involved in not connected to the Day of Action. support for the Day as the Tories began to the Day of Action were something new and Little was done by the TUC regionally to describe the Day as a political strike. This were describing it correctly as a political win support from the Labour and Co- argument began to echo within trade union action, and contrasted sharply with those operative Parties, and even less was done, if branches and mass meetings and for most of union leaders who hotly denied it. anything at all, to win sections of the the time those addressing the meetings With honourable exceptions, the trade community such as old age pensioners, denied it was political at all. union movement did not fight politically for tenants, community groups and a whole host If politics are divorced from the day to day the Day, neither did they campaign in a of movements that are daily involved in struggle it becomes even more difficult to manner that could have made it a bigger fighting aspects of capitalism. And yet the offer an alternative, and without an alterna- success. From the beginning it seemed that broad policy demands of the TUC could have tive workers begin to question the point of Marxism Today August 1980 19 losing a day's pay or being involved in any hardly any campaigning to popularise and members consciously introducing new ideas, action at all. win support for such decisions. new objectives, new horizons. The amount of To fight the battle against the Tories means It is all very well to be able to claim that literature sold by officials to members is a big ideological struggle. It means that shop unions stand for this, that and the other, but pitifully low yet there is a demand as one stewards movements have to become more in reality, the resolution is worth no more building official proved recently by selling political, and trade unions have to popularise 120 copies of The Ragged Trousered their own policies among their members. Take for instance sexism Philanthropist on sites within two months. Also, officials at all levels have to spend more There is a variety of literature currently that if time discussing the policies with their in the labour movement taken up would help in an all round members, at factories, in trade union than the paper it is written on if the campaign development. branches and district and divisional to win support from the members is not Trade unions need to link culture with committees. conducted. struggles and should use the many talented This approach is, above all, made The trade union movement would be in a groups during lunch breaks in the canteens. necessary by the changes taking place under much stronger position for instance if its The use of films has proved to be a powerful Mrs Thatcher. It means coming to terms with position on peace was fought for amongst its weapon, but one can bet there is no trade the years of neglect within the unions around members with the same drive and determina- union official in this country that has a their style of work, and would, if imple- tion as its struggle for wages. projector and supply of films to help in the mented, help to overcome the divisions and Whilst many unions are currently involved battle of ideas. In this respect films like the suspicions that exist between the rank and file in organising conferences, week-end schools 'War Game' or some of the excellent Labour and union officials at all levels. and a whole range of events around the Party political broadcasts could be used, and Within the unions the lack of confidence to proposed Employment Bill, few if any take no doubt would be the basis for a good argue the political case for May 14 was the same initiative regarding peace. Not only discussion. apparent. Psychologically many trade union does the trade union movement need to move The initiatives that trade unions could take officials (under pressure from the media) towards this position, it is also necessary to are endless and every one needs to be found difficulty in putting the case to the conduct the struggle at grass roots level. exploited and developed if they are to combat members. Many convenors and shop But it should not stop at peace. There is a Thatcherism and all the means available to stewards just did not call meetings — often whole range of issues that trade unions the Tories. because they were afraid of their own ability should be campaigning for. Take for instance Members of trade unions are not just to deal with the issues. sexism in the labour movement: the majority interested in wages contrary to popular The confidence shop stewards have of trade union officials will not touch this belief. Their interests are extensive and their expresses itself in the fight for higher pay and issue with a barge pole and hardly any concern widespread. And what a pleasure better conditions and these issues are seen by movement at shopfloor level is recorded. and sense of belonging for those members to themselves and the vast majority of members Until such times that the trade union see their union actively involved around as being the only role for trade unions. movement faces up to this issue it will remain issues that they feel strongly about. Confronted with a political strike around divided and its potential strength greatly The wider the trade union casts their broad issues, largely outside the sphere of day reduced. campaigning net the more the talents and to day struggles, created problems for the Then there are all those issues connected interests of their members can be harnessed stewards and most were unable to make the with the quality of life. This includes to build a coherent, politically powerful leap, or to explain the interrelationship of the struggles around the health of workers and movement. This strategy would also create total package being advocated by the TUG. the community, choice of technology bridges between the trade unions and those These experiences undermine the idea that (socially useful production) and protection of parts of the community that cannot identify all you need is an official instruction. Neither the natural environment from the cruder or be involved in the wages struggle. is it sufficient to have good leadership: this ravages of industry. Intense discussion and This seems to be essential, because the vast can be seen from the lack of support for the argument on these issues would do much to majority of trade unionists are not involved in Day of Action within those unions that have expose and undermine sectionalism. . the work of their union, not that they are currently left wing leaderships like the The trade union movement, if it is to make unwilling, but much more to do with the TGWU and TASS for example. an effective contribution to the fight against unions' inability to involve them and to use Thatcherism needs to rethink its approach. the many talents that their membership have. WHERE WE GO The current round of trade union con- It is this question of involvement that the ferences indicate that many do not unions must come to terms with. This in itself A key problem is how best can the trade understand the new political situation that we will not solve the many problems, but it will union movement develop the currently low are in, they continue to serve up old ideas, begin to help trade unionists develop their political consciousness of its members. Of and lack initiative on the best way forward. understanding about the totality of the course, this is not a problem for the unions We need to win understanding of what the struggle and, through the experiences of alone. The Communist Party and the Labour Tories are about, the nature of and reasons involvement, learn the best tactics and Left have a key role to play. Here, though, I for their offensive. Crucially, this obviously strategy to adopt in winning wide support for want to concentrate on the unions involves an understanding of such issues as the policies of the trade union movement. themselves. Most trade unions, and theTUC the cuts, the Employment Bill and May 14th was a good beginning. The itself, have taken decisions of a political unemployment. At the same time, though, foundations have been laid, we now have to character on a wide variety of issues, but the we need to develop consciousness on other construct the house. This article is just problem is that very few of these decisions issues. suggesting one way of how the job could be ever reach the shopfloor. Where they do it is Trade union officials and shop stewards tackled, and no doubt there will be many by and large in the written form, and there is need to be in regular contact with their more. D