Congressional Member Organizations: Their Purpose and Activities, History, and Formation
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Session from Hell by Arnold Hamilton These Are the Raw Numbers: the Lawmakers Consider Sacrosanct: Cor- Legislature’S 101 House Members Porate Welfare
$2.50 25,000 Blue Chip Readers VOL. 42, NO. 2 An Independent Journal of Commentary JANUARY 25, 2010 Wingnuts And Corporatists Session From Hell By Arnold Hamilton These are the raw numbers: The lawmakers consider sacrosanct: cor- Legislature’s 101 House members porate welfare. and 48 senators filed 2,235 bills and The state has created a cornucopia 59 resolutions in advance of the 2010 of tax exemptions – including sales session that opens Feb. 1. taxes on newspapers – that benefit Toss in the 1,051 bills and 86 res- the supposedly free-market Chamber olutions left over from last year and crowd. When GOP Sen. Mike Mazzei lawmakers could take up as many as of Tulsa tried to repeal them and start 3,431 measures this year – or one for over, he discovered neither Republi- just about every little Oklahoma town cans nor Democrats were much inter- the size of Medford or Fairland, Wister ested in disappointing wealthy busi- or Hydro. ness interests and deep-pocketed As impressive – or depressing – as campaign donors. the sheer magnitude of legislative Don’t be surprised if the GOP lead- creativity may be, there’s really only ership targets education, despite lip one number that is important to know service to the contrary. The corporat- heading into this session: 1.3 billion. ists in charge are not beyond using That’s the size of the projected hole the crisis to attempt to bring their – in dollars – in the 2010-11 budget, arch-enemies, the state’s teachers down from a $7.1 billion spending unions, to their knees. -
The Capitol Dome
THE CAPITOL DOME The Capitol in the Movies John Quincy Adams and Speakers of the House Irish Artists in the Capitol Complex Westward the Course of Empire Takes Its Way A MAGAZINE OF HISTORY PUBLISHED BY THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL HISTORICAL SOCIETYVOLUME 55, NUMBER 22018 From the Editor’s Desk Like the lantern shining within the Tholos Dr. Paula Murphy, like Peart, studies atop the Dome whenever either or both America from the British Isles. Her research chambers of Congress are in session, this into Irish and Irish-American contributions issue of The Capitol Dome sheds light in all to the Capitol complex confirms an import- directions. Two of the four articles deal pri- ant artistic legacy while revealing some sur- marily with art, one focuses on politics, and prising contributions from important but one is a fascinating exposé of how the two unsung artists. Her research on this side of can overlap. “the Pond” was supported by a USCHS In the first article, Michael Canning Capitol Fellowship. reveals how the Capitol, far from being only Another Capitol Fellow alumnus, John a palette for other artist’s creations, has been Busch, makes an ingenious case-study of an artist (actor) in its own right. Whether as the historical impact of steam navigation. a walk-on in a cameo role (as in Quiz Show), Throughout the nineteenth century, steam- or a featured performer sharing the marquee boats shared top billing with locomotives as (as in Mr. Smith Goes to Washington), the the most celebrated and recognizable motif of Capitol, Library of Congress, and other sites technological progress. -
Annual Report, FY 2013
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, 2013 ANNUAL REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2013 Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 2014 CONTENTS Letter from the Librarian of Congress ......................... 5 Organizational Reports ............................................... 47 Organization Chart ............................................... 48 Library of Congress Officers ........................................ 6 Congressional Research Service ............................ 50 Library of Congress Committees ................................. 7 U.S. Copyright Office ............................................ 52 Office of the Librarian .......................................... 54 Facts at a Glance ......................................................... 10 Law Library ........................................................... 56 Library Services .................................................... 58 Mission Statement. ...................................................... 11 Office of Strategic Initiatives ................................. 60 Serving the Congress................................................... 12 Office of Support Operations ............................... 62 Legislative Support ................................................ 13 Office of the Inspector General ............................ 63 Copyright Matters ................................................. 14 Copyright Royalty Board ..................................... -
The Senate in Transition Or How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Nuclear Option1
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NYL\19-4\NYL402.txt unknown Seq: 1 3-JAN-17 6:55 THE SENATE IN TRANSITION OR HOW I LEARNED TO STOP WORRYING AND LOVE THE NUCLEAR OPTION1 William G. Dauster* The right of United States Senators to debate without limit—and thus to filibuster—has characterized much of the Senate’s history. The Reid Pre- cedent, Majority Leader Harry Reid’s November 21, 2013, change to a sim- ple majority to confirm nominations—sometimes called the “nuclear option”—dramatically altered that right. This article considers the Senate’s right to debate, Senators’ increasing abuse of the filibuster, how Senator Reid executed his change, and possible expansions of the Reid Precedent. INTRODUCTION .............................................. 632 R I. THE NATURE OF THE SENATE ........................ 633 R II. THE FOUNDERS’ SENATE ............................. 637 R III. THE CLOTURE RULE ................................. 639 R IV. FILIBUSTER ABUSE .................................. 641 R V. THE REID PRECEDENT ............................... 645 R VI. CHANGING PROCEDURE THROUGH PRECEDENT ......... 649 R VII. THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPTION ........................ 656 R VIII. POSSIBLE REACTIONS TO THE REID PRECEDENT ........ 658 R A. Republican Reaction ............................ 659 R B. Legislation ...................................... 661 R C. Supreme Court Nominations ..................... 670 R D. Discharging Committees of Nominations ......... 672 R E. Overruling Home-State Senators ................. 674 R F. Overruling the Minority Leader .................. 677 R G. Time To Debate ................................ 680 R CONCLUSION................................................ 680 R * Former Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy for U.S. Senate Democratic Leader Harry Reid. The author has worked on U.S. Senate and White House staffs since 1986, including as Staff Director or Deputy Staff Director for the Committees on the Budget, Labor and Human Resources, and Finance. -
Clemency Program - Ford Foundation Study” of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 5, folder “Clemency Program - Ford Foundation Study” of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 5 of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library '~ - ... VIETNAM VETERANS, DESERTERS, AND DRAFT-EVADERS A Summer Study The Ford Foundation September 1974 INTRODUCTION No group of Americans was touched as deeply by the Vietnam conflict as the millions of young men who came to maturity in the decade between 1964 and 1973. On this group fell most of the burden of fighting the war. The bur- den was shared unequally because the nation lacked a system of universal military service. Nearly 60% of all draft-age men during these years did not serve in the armed forces. This report is a preliminary study of the effects of the war on the lives of a limited part of the Vietnam generation: those who entered military service and those who became lawbreakers out of opposition to participation. -
Download History of the House Page Program
HISTORY OF THE HOUSE PAGE PROGRAM CONTENTS Introduction 1 Page Origins 2 Page Responsibilities 7 Representatives as Role Models and Mentors 10 Page Traditions 12 Breaking Down Racial and Gender Barriers 17 Pages and Publicity 19 Schools, Dorms, and Reforms 21 Pages and the Communications Revolution 26 The End of the House Page Program 28 Notes 30 Pages wore lapel pins to identify themselves during work or to affiliate themselves with the Page program. Left, a National Fraternity of Pages pin owned by Glenn Rupp, a House Page in the 1930s, includes the date 1912, which may indicate the founding date of the organization. Middle, a Page pin from 1930 is more elaborately designed than the average uniform lapel pin and features an enamel shield with links attaching a pendant that indicates the date of service. Right, a pin from 100th Congress (1987– 1989) has a House seal in the center and is similar to those worn by Members on their own lapels. Page Pins, Collection of the U.S. House of Representatives i House Pages pose for a class photo on the East Front of the Capitol. Class Photo from The Congressional Eagle Yearbook, 2007, Collection of the U.S. House of Representatives For more than two centuries, young people served as Pages in the U.S. House of Representatives and enjoyed an unparalleled opportunity to observe and participate in the legislative process in “the People’s House.” Despite the frequent and colossal changes to America’s national fabric over that period, the expectations and experiences of House Pages, regardless of when they served, have been linked by certain commonalities—witnessing history, interacting with Representatives, and taking away lifelong inspiration to participate in civic life. -
Robert Kastenmeier Dies; Achieved Signal Intellectual Property Legislation
special edition•june 2015 Robert Kastenmeier Dies; Achieved Signal Intellectual Property Legislation JUDITH NIERMAN Representative Robert Kastenmeier died March 20, 2015, at the age of 91 at his home in Arlington, Virginia. Marybeth Peters, former Register of Copyrights, said that if Barbara Ringer was known as the mother of the 1976 Copyright Act, Kastenmeier was its father. Kastenmeier guided the 1976 Copyright Act through lengthy Congressional committee proceedings to enactment on October 19, 1976. He also presided over the legislative process that brought about U.S. adherence to the Berne Convention in 1989. During his tenure, he authored 48 pieces of intellectual property legislation, a number that included 21 laws amending the Copyright Act, according to the New York Times. Kastenmeier served for 32 years in the “Copyright law touches House of Representatives. First elected in 1958 a society’s moral, from Wisconsin, he was reelected 15 times but was defeated in the 1990 election. At that artistic, and cultural time, Ralph Oman, then Register of Copyrights, sensibilities. The said, “He has written a record of extraordinary achievement. He authored or shaped all the balance that is struck major and minor amendments to the copyright reflects the aspirations law over the past 30 years. We will feel his deft touch and balanced wisdom for decades to of any society, including come.” our own.” FILE PHOTO His signal legislative achievement, said —Robert Kastenmeier, Manges Lecture, 1989 Robert Kastenmeier Michael Remington, who for 12 years served as counsel of the House Judiciary Committee’s 1 Kastenmeier Subcommittee on Courts, Civil Liberties, and the the doctrine of fair use, and made other important Administration of Justice chaired by Kastenmeier, was the changes to U.S. -
Balance of Robert Kastenmeier
ADDRESS THE BALANCE OF ROBERT KASTENMEIER LAWRENCE LESSIG* The Fifteenth Annual Kastenmeier Lecture University of Wisconsin Law School October 24, 2003 Article I, Section 8, Clause 8 of the U.S. Constitution gives Congress the power "to promote the Progress of Science." ' Congress exercises this power by granting "authors" and "inventors" limited-term monopolies for their creativity. Monopolies were the nuclear weapons of eighteenth century government-rarely, if ever, to be used, and inherently, and unavoidably, dangerous. Thus, the Framers were quite explicit about the narrow purpose for which these monopolies might be granted-"Progress"-and explicit about the limits that would restrict their scope-they were to be granted only "to Authors and Inventors,"2 only for "Writings and Discoveries," and only for "limited Times." The Progress Clause is unique within the power granting clauses of Article I, Section 8.' It is the only clause that "describes both the objective which Congress may seek and the means to achieve it." 4 It was the first clause relied upon by the U.S. Supreme Court to strike a * Professor Lawrence Lessig, C. Wendell and Edith M. Carlsmith Professor of Law, Stanford Law School. I am grateful to Adam Goldman, Alina Ng, and Darien Shanske for their excellent research support. 1. U.S. CONST. art. I, § 8, cl. 8. 2. Id. 3. See Lawrence B. Solum, Congress's Power to Promote the Progress of Science: Eldred v. Ashcroft, 36 Loy. L.A. L. REV. 1, 20 (2002) ("[Tlhe Intellectual Property Clause grants the power to pursue a goal and then qualifies that power by specifying the permissible means. -
The Rise of One-Party Rule in the Senate Charles Tiefer University of Baltimore School of Law
Roger Williams University Law Review Volume 24 | Issue 1 Article 3 Winter 2019 Deliberation's Demise: The Rise of One-Party Rule in the Senate Charles Tiefer University of Baltimore School of Law Kathleen Clark Washington University in St. Louis Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.rwu.edu/rwu_LR Part of the American Politics Commons, and the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation Tiefer, Charles and Clark, Kathleen (2019) "Deliberation's Demise: The Rise of One-Party Rule in the Senate," Roger Williams University Law Review: Vol. 24 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://docs.rwu.edu/rwu_LR/vol24/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at DOCS@RWU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Roger Williams University Law Review by an authorized editor of DOCS@RWU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Deliberation’s Demise: The Rise of One-Party Rule in the Senate Charles Tiefer* and Kathleen Clark** ABSTRACT Much of the recent legal scholarship on the Senate expresses concern about gridlock, which was caused in part by the Senate’s supermajority requirement to pass legislation and confirm presidential nominees. This scholarship exalted the value of procedural changes permitting the majority party to push through legislation and confirmations, and failed to appreciate salutary aspects of the supermajority requirement: that it provided a key structural support for stability and balance in governance. The Senate changed its rules in order to address the problem of partisan gridlock, and now a party with a bare majority is able to force through much of its agenda. -
A Growing Diversity
A Growing Diversity 1993–2017 In late April 1975, eight-year-old Anh (Joseph) Cao’s long and improbable odyssey to the halls of Congress began as North Vietnamese communists seized the southern capital city of Saigon.1 The trajectory of the soft-spoken, bookish Cao toward Capitol Hill stands out as one of the most remarkable in the modern era, even as it neatly encapsulated post-1965 Asian immigration patterns to the United States. Still, the origins of Cao’s story were commonplace. For three decades, conflict and civil war enveloped his country. After the Vietnamese threw off the yoke of French colonialism following World War II, a doomed peace accord in 1954 removed the French military and partitioned Vietnam. The new government in South Vietnam aligned with Western world powers, while North Vietnam allied with communist states. Amid the Cold War, the U.S. backed successive Saigon regimes against communist insurgents before directly intervening in 1965. A massive ground and air war dragged on inconclusively for nearly a decade. More than 58,000 American troops were killed, and more than three million South and North Vietnamese perished.2 Public opposition in the United States eventually forced an end to the intervention. America’s decision to withdraw from Vietnam shattered Joseph Cao’s family just as it did many thousands of others as communist forces soon swamped the ineffectual government and military in the South. In 2011 Japanese-American veterans received the Congressional Gold Medal for their valor during World War II. The medal included the motto of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, “Go for Broke.” Nisei Soldiers of World War II Congressional Gold Medal Obverse © 2011 United States Mint 42940_08-APA-CE3.indd 436 2/13/2018 12:04:16 PM 42940_08-APA-CE3.indd 437 2/13/2018 12:04:17 PM Just days before Saigon fell, Cao’s mother, Khang Thi Tran, spirited one of her daughters and two sons, including Anh, to a U.S. -
The Suburbanization of the Democratic Party, 1992–2018
The Suburbanization of the Democratic Party, 1992–2018 David A. Hopkins Boston College [email protected] Paper presented at the Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, August 29, 2019. 1 Abstract Over the past three decades, the Democratic Party has become mostly suburban in both the residence of party supporters in the mass public and the composition of its congressional caucus. This transformation reflects migration patterns among American citizens, partisan shifts among some suburban voters, and a serious relative decline over time in the party’s rural strength. The trend of suburbanization has made the party’s elected officials more ideologically unified, especially on cultural issues, but it also works to preclude the partywide adoption of an ambitious left-wing economic agenda. Suburbanization has occurred alongside a growth in the racial heterogeneity of the Democratic mass membership and elite leadership alike, encouraged by the demographic diversification of American suburbs. Democratic suburban growth has been especially concentrated in the nation’s largest metropolitan areas, reflecting the combined presence of both relatively liberal whites (across education levels) and substantial minority populations, but suburbs elsewhere remain decidedly, even increasingly, Republican in their collective partisan alignment. Rather than stimulating a broad national pro-Democratic backlash across suburban communities in general, as is sometimes suggested by political observers, the election of Donald Trump has instead further magnified this existing divergence—leaving American suburbia, like the nation itself, closely and deeply divided between the two major parties. Introduction Political analysts, including academics, are fond of describing the current era of American politics as primarily distinguished by deep and stable partisan loyalties.