For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 89 / Winter 2015–16 / £7.00 Liberal Democrat history

Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

Madam Mayor Jaime Reynolds Madam Mayor The first wave of Liberal women in local government leadership 1918–39 Michael Meadowcroft, Roy Douglas Coalition and the 2015 election Graham Lippiatt Community politics and the Liberal revival Meeting report Neil Stockley Catastrophe: the 2015 election campaign and its outcome Meeting report Chris Huhne British Liberal Leaders New History Group book reviewed Liberal Democrat History Group New from the Liberal Democrat History Group British Liberal Leaders Leaders of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats since 1828 Duncan Brack, Robert Ingham & Tony Little (eds.)

As the governing party of peace and reform, and then as the third party striving to keep the flame of freedom alive, the Liberal Party, the SDP and the Liberal Democrats have played a crucial role in the shaping of contemporary British society.

This book is the story of those parties’ leaders, from Earl Grey, who led the Whigs through the Great Reform Act of 1832, to Nick Clegg, the first Liberal leader to enter government for more than sixty years. Chapters written by experts in Liberal history cover such towering political figures as Palmerston, Gladstone, Asquith and Lloyd George; those, such as Sinclair, Clement Davies and Grimond, who led the party during its darkest hours; and those who led its revival, including David Steel, Roy Jenkins and Paddy Ashdown. Interviews with recent leaders are included, along with analytical frameworks by which they may be judged and exclusive interviews with former leaders themselves.

‘The leaders profiled in this book led the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats through the best of times and the worst of times. Some reformed the constitution, led the assault on privilege and laid the foundations of the modern welfare state. Others kept the flame of Liberalism burning when it was all but extinguished. I am humbled to follow in their footsteps and learn from their experiences.’ Tim Farron MP, Leader of the Liberal Democrats

‘Political leaders matter. They embody a party’s present, while also shaping its future. This is particularly important in the values-based Liberal tradition. The essays in this book provide a fascinating guide to what it took to be a Liberal leader across two centuries of tumultuous change.’ Martin Kettle, Associate Editor, The Guardian

‘Important reading for those interested in leadership and Liberal history.’ Chris Huhne, Journal of Liberal History

British Liberal Leaders is available at a special discounted price to subscribers to the Journal of Liberal History: £20.00 instead of the normal £25.00. Copies can be purchased: • Via our website, www.liberalhistory.org.uk; or • By sending a cheque (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN (add £3 P&P).

2 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 Journal of Liberal History Issue 89: Winter 2015–16 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Shirley Williams retires; Liberal Democrat conference, September 2015; Former Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl ministers give candid interviews on their time in office; On this day in Liberal Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli history Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, Madam Mayor 6 York Membery The first wave of Liberal women in local government leadership 1918–1939; by Jaime Reynolds Patrons Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Coalition and the 2015 election 20 Professor John Vincent Targeting: its effect on Liberal Democrat performance in the 2015 general election, by Michael Meadowcroft; Can Liberals learn from history?, by Roy Editorial Board Douglas Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Ian Cawood; Dr Matt Cole; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr David Dutton; Professor Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Dr Alison Letters to the Editor 25 Holmes; Dr J. Graham Jones; Dr Tudor Jones; Tony Labour and the Liberals; questions for readers (Sandy Waugh); The Great War Little; Michael Meadowcroft; Dr Tim Oliver; Dr Mark and the Liberal Party (Duncan Marlor and Roy Douglas); Coalition and the Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Jaime Reynolds; Liberal Democrats (Geoff Payne, Peter Hellyer, Andy Connell and Richard Dr Iain Sharpe; Dr Michael Steed Gadsden); Asquith and the Lords (Michael Meadowcroft) Editorial/Correspondence Liberal history quiz 2015 26 Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed The questions … publication; all articles submitted will be peer- reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: Report 29 Duncan Brack (Editor) Community politics and the Liberal revival, with Gordon Lishman and Paul 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN Clark; report by Graham Lippiatt email: [email protected] All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. Report 31 All rights reserved. Catastrophe: the 2015 election campaign and its outcome, with Phil Cowley and Olly Grender; report by Neil Stockley Advertisements Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. Reviews 34 Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please Brack, Ingham and Little (eds.), British Liberal Leaders: Leaders of the Liberal Party, contact the Editor. SDP and Liberal Democrats since 1828, reviewed by Chris Huhne; Crosby, The Unknown Lloyd George, reviewed by J Graham Jones; Travers and McCartney Subscriptions/Membership (eds.), Parnell Reconsidered, reviewed by Eugenio F. Biagini; Rowland, Lloyd An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History George’s Tada, reviewed by J Graham Jones costs £25.00 (£15.00 unwaged rate). This includes membership of the History Group unless you inform Liberal history quiz 2015 39 us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £10.00. … and the answers Online subscriptions are also available: to individuals at £45.00, and to institutions at £60.00. As well as printed copies, online subscribers can access online copies of current and past Journals.

Subscribe via our website, www.liberalhistory.org.uk. Cover photos: Liberal women mayors Top: Ethel Colman, Annie Helme Or, send a cheque (payable to ‘Liberal Democrat Bottom: Florence Keynes, Juanita Phillips History Group’) to:

Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; Liberal Democrat History Group email: [email protected] The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, occasional publications. c/o 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues Printed by Kall-Kwik, of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL www.liberalhistory.org.uk. January 2016 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 3 Liberal history news winter 2015–16

Shirley Williams retires On 17 December 2015, Tom (Lord) which would have given her more below shows Katie Hall, Party McNally , former Leader of the influence, power and prestige, she President Sal Brinton and Journal Liberal Democrats in the House of chose to stick with us and argue her Editor Duncan Brack. Lords, wrote as follows: case in committees, on the confer- Tonight, alongside other par- ence floor and in countless face- liamentarians, I will be marking to-face meetings with both the Former ministers give candid Shirley Williams’ outstanding con- doubters and the committed. interviews on their time in tribution to politics over the last Tonight we will be celebrat- office fifty years. ing an exceptional career, an Interviews with over thirty for- Shirley has been hugely influen- exceptional parliamentarian and mer government ministers, includ- tial in our party’s history. She was an exceptional woman. Shirley is ing the Liberal Democrat ministers one of the ‘Gang of Four’ MPs who intending to retire from the Lords Vince Cable, Chris Huhne, Jer- founded the Social Democratic early on in the New Year, so it is emy Browne, Simon Hughes, Tom Party and was its first President right that we mark her extraor- McNally, Lynne Featherstone, from 1982 until 1987. dinary career and a life steeped in Nick Harvey, Jo Swinson and Steve She held positions in govern- politics. Webb were published in December ment, in the shadow cabinet and in by the Institute for Government. the leadership of the SDP and lat- A biography of Shirley Williams is The first project of its kind, terly of the Lib Dems. included in the Liberal Democrat ‘Ministers Reflect’ records the per- In 1987 she could have stayed History Group’s booklet, Mothers of sonal reflections of each ex-min- with David Owen outside of the Liberty: Women who Built British Lib- ster on what it takes to be effective Liberal Democrats. Instead she eralism. The first edition sold out at in office, and the challenges they threw herself with energy into the the end of last year; the second edi- faced. The politicians answer a new party. Nor was her commit- tion will be available from March. range of questions – from the chal- ment only to the big platform or Order via our website, www.liber- lenges of working with the Treas- the major television appearances. alhistory.org.uk. ury, PM and special advisors, to Often on a Friday I would ask the pressure of media scrutiny and Shirley what she was doing for the delivering objectives – all related to weekend, to be told that she was Liberal Democrat conference effective governance. speaking at the AGM or annual September 2015 The archive covers a diverse dinner of a local party which would The History Group was present at range of ministerial roles in office involve a long round trip. There the party’s first post-election con- from 2010 to 2015, including Sec- can be no part of the country which ference, with our exhibition stand retaries of State and Ministers of Shirley has not visited nor any kind and fringe meeting to launch our State. More will be added over the of Lib Dem function, meeting or new book, British Liberal Leaders. coming months and years, and the campaign event that she has not Despite (or because of) the cata- project will continue to evolve. graced with her presence. strophic election results, the confer- Peter Riddell, Director of the Had she stayed with Labour in ence saw a record turn-out of party Institute for Government, said: 1981 she would have certainly held members, and we benefited accord- high office in the Blair government. ingly, with a significant increase in The ‘Ministers Reflect’ archive Indeed, a senior Labour figure, by our own membership. The picture highlights what it takes to be an no means on the right of the party, once told me that Shirley was the one defector whose loss most dam- aged Labour. And outside of poli- tics she had many distinguished careers open to her. Instead she chose to roll up her sleeves and do every job the party has thrown at her, working with the poor bloody infantry of politics and fighting for the things in which she believes with eloquence and passion. We as Lib Dems should be grate- ful for the fact that when she had genuine opportunities to take jobs

4 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 liberal history news

effective minister, the challenges ministers face, and what more can be done to support minis- Tell us what you think ters in driving forward their policy objectives. All the former We’d like to ask your opinion on the History Group’s activities, ministers interviewed offered including the Journal of Liberal History, our meetings, publications and a truly candid account of their online presence, and ideas you may have for future activities. Please time in office. We hope that this archive will be a valuable public answer the questions in our short survey at: resource for current and future https://www.surveymonkey.co.uk/r/LDHG2016. generations of political leaders, advisers, and researchers.’ As a reward, we’ll enter the name of everyone who completes the Winning an election is much differ- survey in a prize draw for any of the History Group’s books or booklets. ent than leading the country – both require very different skill sets. Yet there are few resources which can Chris Huhne (former DECC Secre- you were the Lib Dem minis- help prepare politicians who find tary of State) on the Treasury: ter for that department. I know themselves in some of the most they allocate responsibilities important jobs in government. The Treasury needs to be chal- within the department, but you The ‘Ministers Reflect’ archive lenged far more often. It’s a were also the Lib Dem minister sheds some light on the personal department that has massive that should be looking at other and professional challenges minis- problems; its staff turnover is things in that department that ters face, from appointment to dis- enormous. You know, any pro- weren’t necessarily your primary missal. Every interview transcript fessional organisation that has a responsibility. So that if there’s forms part of a fully searchable staff turnover like the Treasury’s coalition issues, if there’s a prob- online archive. should really be worried … One lem, you anticipated something, Highlights include: thing I wasn’t going to allow you could flag it up. I’m not sure Vince Cable (former BIS Secretary was the Treasury to cut some- that worked quite as well as it of State) on George Osborne: thing that was going to poten- might have done; I don’t think tially allow most of North-West Conservative secretaries of state Relations became increasingly England to go up in a radioactive always necessarily recognised frayed – initially they were very mushroom cloud. that our… but there were always good and then they decayed exceptions to that. Some were – partly because I was increas- Jim Wallace (former Advocate- astoundingly good, but others, ingly disgruntled with some of General for Scotland): I must say, weren’t bad, they just the way he was pursuing eco- never thought about it. nomic policy. I made it clear I My view was if you were the didn’t agree with it, particularly Minister of State, with a Con- The full ‘Ministers Reflect’ web- cuts on capital investment, and servative Secretary of State, site can be found at www.insti- he would then retaliate by being and you’re Lib Dem Minister tuteforgovernment.org.uk/ bloody minded. of State at Department X, then ministers-reflect.

On This Day … Every day the History Group’s website, Facebook page and Twitter feed carry an item of Liberal history news from the past. Below we reprint three. To see them regularly, look at www.liberalhistory.org.uk or www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup or follow us at: LibHistoryToday.

December 28 December 1918: 136 ‘Coalition’ Liberals, led by Lloyd George, and 26 Liberals, led by Asquith, are returned in the famous ‘Coupon Election’ though Asquith himself was not. Lloyd George remained Prime Minister despite the fact the Coalition Conservatives outnumbered his own party; he would serve as Prime Minister until 1922 when his National Liberals secured just 53 seats – fewer than Asquith’s Liberals who secured 62. The 1918 election was the first held since 1910, the 1915 general election not being held due to the First World War.

January 14 January 1975: Liberal leader Jeremy Thorpe makes an unexpected visit to Salisbury, Rhodesia and spends an hour with Ian Smith, the Prime Minister of the UDI regime. He also meets the leaders of the African National Congress and regional leaders in Zambia, including President Kenneth Kaunda. This is against the background of growing guerilla activity in Rhodesia and the continuing search for a constitutional settlement.

February 2 February 1970: Death, aged 97, of Bertrand Russell, 3rd Earl Russell, philosopher, writer and mathematician. He was the grandson of Liberal Prime Minister Lord John Russell, the godson of John Stuart Mill and the father of Liberal Democrat peer Conrad Russell. Russell at times described himself as a liberal, a socialist and a pacifist. Throughout his life he was a committed opponent of war, a proponent of free trade and a supporter of anti-imperialist causes. He was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1950.

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 5 Largely forgotten today, a remarkable group of some two to three hundred women achieved positions of significant political influence and power in British local government in MADAM MAYOR THE FIRST WAVE OF LIBERAL WOMEN IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT LEADERSHIP 1918–1939 the period before the Second World War. A substantial number of them were Liberals. lection to the office of of the new mayors listed by party This article examines mayor or to the aldermanic every November throughout the 1 this first generation of Ebench is taken as the yard- interwar years. These lists provide stick of achievement of influence the principle source for determin- Liberal women pioneers, and power. Appointment to these ing individuals’ allegiance. Some offices recognised the status and listed by the press as Independents where they came to capacity of the recipients, their or ‘party not specified’ have also acceptance into the local politi- been counted as Liberals because of prominence, what their cal elite, and their public profile in their known Liberal links or back- social and economic the community. Typically it went grounds. Of course the degree of with service as chair or vice-chair Liberal commitment varied – rang- background was, what of council committees and other ing from active officers of the party important local roles in public and to others who were only loosely political outlook they political bodies and organisations. connected – and over time some had, and why there Details of all the female mayors gravitated to the Tories or Labour. and most of the aldermen during were not more of them. the period have been collected for the English and Welsh County and Female participation in local Their story sheds light Municipal Boroughs, the London government on an important issue Metropolitan Boroughs and the Although women’s electoral rights Scottish burghs (which had prov- at Westminster level were only con- of women’s history osts and bailies instead of mayors ceded at the end of the First World and aldermen). The County Coun- War,5 the history of female partici- in Britain: how far cils are not included.2 Even if not pation in local authorities goes back the campaigns of the every prominent female figure in a half-century before that. The local government met these crite- right to vote and to become a mem- previous decades for ria, the vast majority of them are ber of different branches and levels caught.3 of local government was granted women’s political rights Defining who amongst them piecemeal at various stages well and participation bore was a Liberal is not always simple. before 1918. Large stretches of local government Single women ratepayers gained fruit in the interwar at this time were non-political, or the vote in local authority elections operated on a Labour-versus-the- from 1869 and soon constituted period. It also teaches rest basis, with candidates standing between one-eighth and a quar- as non-party or Independents or ter of the electorate.6 They could us much about the using some other invented label.4 vote for county councils from 1888. character of the Liberal The line between Liberals and Women could be elected to the Conservatives was often blurred school boards from 1872, until these Party at local level and became increasingly so over were replaced in 1902 by the edu- Top: Ethel time as the Liberal Party declined cation committees of county and during the years of Colman, Annie and entered into alliances with county borough councils, to which decline. By Jaime Helme the Tories. Nevertheless the party women could be co-opted. They Bottom: Florence alignment of most mayors was suf- could also, from 1875, be elected to Reynolds. Keynes, Juanita ficiently clear forThe Times and the boards of guardians that admin- Phillips other newspapers to publish details istered the Poor Law and remained

6 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 MADAM MAYOR THE FIRST WAVE OF LIBERAL WOMEN IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT LEADERSHIP 1918–1939

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 7 madam mayor a separate branch of local govern- terms in the decade 1919–28 and three times after completing her ment until 1930. Women ratepay- 157 in the decade 1929–38. Even husband’s term. Elizabeth Kenyon ers both married and single were in the best year, 1937, the propor- was mayoress to her husband seven allowed to vote for urban and rural tion of women mayors in England times and to her son again shortly district councils from 1894, as well and Wales reached only about 6 per before her death in 1935. Miss as stand for election to them. It is cent. Gwenllian Morgan’s status derived estimated that by the late 1890s Some ninety women aldermen from ‘old wealth’, her family being some 1,500 women were holding who sat between the wars have local landowners for more than elected local office and probably been identified; about half of them three hundred years and promi- some 3,000 women were elected to also served as mayors. In addition nent churchmen and philanthro- the various bodies between 1870 some twenty Scottish women- pists in Brecon. Lavinia Malcolm’s and 1914.7 Many post-1918 women bailies have been identified. background was more modest. Her mayors and aldermen first entered family were tradesmen and she local government in this way. married a teacher. They were heav- The key breakthrough as far Women Liberals in local ily involved in the small-town elite as the subject of this article is con- government of Dollar, with both her grandfa- cerned came in 1907. Women rate- The majority of women active in ther and husband serving as provost payers secured the right to stand local government before 1914 were before her. for election to borough councils in Liberals, but many were Conserva- After the First World War, Lib- Britain, and thus to become mayor tives; very few were Labour. All six erals continued to be prominent or alderman. Nevertheless shortly pre-1918 women-mayors14 can be amongst the female local govern- before the First World War the classified as Liberals. ment elite, though their numbers Local Government Board identi- Elizabeth Garrett Anderson was declined as the party weakened fied just twenty-four women out of the first, in tiny Aldeburgh in 1908, nationally. As Table 1 shows, 11,140 councillors. followed in 1910 by Sarah Lees in almost 30 per cent of women- It might have been expected that the large county borough of Old- mayors in the 1920s were Liberals female participation in local gov- ham, and Miss15 Gwenllian Morgan and about 12 per cent in the 1930s. ernment would mushroom after in Brecon. Lavinia Malcolm served Looking at the terms served (Table 1918, but in fact progress remained as provost of the small burgh of 2), almost one-third of terms served very modest. Only 278 women Dollar in Clackmannanshire from by women in the 1920s were by councillors were elected in the 1913 to 1919. Mary Alice Parting- Liberals and 16 per cent of the terms boroughs in 1919.8 Anne Baldwin ton served as mayor of Glossop in served in the 1930s.17 identifies some 950 women who Derbyshire from May 1916 to 1920; Amongst the aldermen, fifteen were elected to London and county and Elizabeth Hannah Kenyon for were Liberal or Liberal-inclined borough councils between 1919 Dukinfield in Cheshire between The key Independents, ten of them also and 1938.9 Perhaps another cou- May and November 1917, both suc- serving as mayor. In all, then, some ple of thousand were elected in the ceeding their deceased husbands. break- thirty-plus Liberal women held municipal boroughs in England and Garrett Anderson was the first prominent office in local govern- Wales and the burghs in Scotland. woman to qualify as a doctor and through ment between the wars. Baldwin estimates that the pro- the first woman to be elected to a portion of councillors who were school board, and was one of the … came in women rose in London, where it grandes dames of the women’s move- Where did they come from? was by far the greatest, from 8 per ment. She came from a wealthy 1907. Women One of the most striking features cent in 1919 to 17 per cent in 1938, Liberal family of corn merchants. of the entry of women into local but only from about 3 per cent in Her sister, Millicent Fawcett, was ratepay- government after 1918 is its very 1922 to 7 per cent in 1938 in the founder and leader of the suffra- uneven geographical spread, and county boroughs.10 The proportion gist movement. Sarah Lees was a ers secured this was particularly pronounced as of women councillors in the Eng- fabulously wealthy widow from a regards our leadership cohort. lish and Welsh Municipal boroughs mill-owning dynasty. She devoted the right to There was a marked divide and the Scottish burghs was, it her very long life to progressive between southern and eastern Brit- seems certain, even less than this. causes and philanthropy in Old- stand for ain, where many more women The number of women who ham, where she was a lynchpin of came to the fore, and northern and entered the local government elite the town’s Liberal Nonconform- election to western Britain where far fewer was much smaller. Six women ist elite. Such was her munificence did. In fact some 80 per cent of served as mayor or provost before and status that her fellow local borough women-mayors came from south- 1918 and a total of 147 more as Congregationalists treated her ‘as councils ern and eastern England including mayor during the years 1918–39,11 if of royal blood’.16 The Parting- London. Scotland was strikingly plus four more as provosts in Scot- tons of Glossop and the Kenyons of in Britain, under-represented with 35 per cent land. As some of them served more Dukinfield were lynchpins of Lib- of the local authorities but less than than one year-long term, the total eralism and Nonconformity their and thus 3 per cent of the women-mayors. number of terms served by women towns, running, respectively, very The same pattern is evident among was greater: 217.12 For England successful family paper-manufac- to become women-aldermen and bailies. and Wales this was less than 3 per ture and rope-making businesses. The variation partly reflected cent of the overall total.13 Further- Both families were very active mayor or the local strength of the emerg- more, the trend was only mod- in local government. Mary Alice ing Labour Party and the extent estly upward. Women served 61 Partington was re-elected mayor alderman. to which it practised positive

8 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 madam mayor

Table 1: Women mayors by party in the 1920s and 1930s – individuals who served18 working-class women, joined Liberal Conservative Labour Independent, Total increasingly from the 1930s by a unspecified small but growing number from the Labour Party. But the great 1919–28 16 24 4 10 54 mass was middle-class, ranging 1929–38 11 32 30 20 93 from the upper middle class with gentry or extremely wealthy indus- trial plutocratic backgrounds, Table 2: Women mayors by party in the 1920s and 1930s – terms served19 through a large number of com- (Figures in brackets give the number of male mayors elected) fortably affluent wives and daugh- Liberal Conservative Labour Independent, Total ters of professionals, businessmen unspecified and farmers, to a growing num- 1919–28 20 (1083) 24 (1673) 3 (321) 14 (466) 61 (3543) ber of working women in educa- tion, nursing, clerical and business 1929–38 25 (683) 64 (1494) 32 (693) 36 (961) 157 (3831) jobs often of a lower-middle-class character. discrimination in favour of women. activities that flourished in many As previously noted many of The London region, where Labour towns across the Home Counties the Liberal women were connected made big gains in the early 1920s and beyond. Activism in apoliti- with local Nonconformist eco- and 1930s, and where George Lans- cal women’s organisations such as nomic and political elites, some of bury, Herbert Morrison and others the Mothers’ Union, the Women’s them very wealthy. These families, actively encouraged the advance- Institute, the Townswomen’s Guild often from the north of England, ment of women in the party, pro- or the Girl Guides was but one step were the ‘success-stories’ of the vided nearly half of the Labour to involvement in local govern- Victorian industrial boom. Such women-mayors. In the industrial ment and overwhelmingly such wives and daughters of this indus- districts of the north of England, recruits were Conservatives or trial and commercial plutocracy, south Wales and Scotland, even Independents. often driven by deep religious com- where Labour was strong, the cul- The Liberal women pioneers mitment, dedicated themselves to ture of local Labour parties seems also often came from parallel Lib- philanthropy and progressive social to have held women back. Thus eral cultures: the Nonconformist and political causes. Sarah Lees outside the Home Counties, East churches; socially improving phi- of Oldham was very much in this Anglia and Midlands only two lanthropy, especially in the health mould. Her husband, a mill owner, female Labour mayors were elected and education fields; temperance died in 1894 when she was 52, leav- before the Second World War.20 In work; and the League of Nations ing her the modern equivalent of many rural areas Labour was still Union. They also came from the £0.5 billion.21 She dedicated the very weak and the party had few more political women’s movement rest of her long life (she lived to the mayors, let alone women-mayors. – from suffragism and the vari- age of 93) to charitable and public The Liberals only partly com- ous organisations associated with causes, supported by her daughter pensated for the uneven Labour the advancement of female politi- Marjory who was also an Oldham performance. In the north-west, cal engagement such as the Wom- Liberal councillor. where the party remained rela- en’s Local Government Society Mary Partington of Glossop tively strong between the wars, (WLGS) and the National Union (paper), Ada Summers of Staly- it provided seven out of the fif- of Women Workers (NUWW) bridge (textiles, iron and steel), teen women-mayors. But in the and their post-1918 successors, Miss Christiana Hartley of South- north-east and south Wales, Liberal the Women Citizen’s Association port and Miss Ethel Colman of women-mayors were almost as rare (WCA) and the National Coun- Norwich (food-processing), Violet as Labour ones The Liberals pro- cil of Women (NCW). Often this Markham of Chesterfield (coal and vided very few women-mayors/ culture was closely associated with engineering), Annie Helme of Lan- provosts from their strongholds in local economic elites that continued caster, Alys Hindle of Darwen, Ada the ‘Celtic fringe’: the far south- to support the Liberals. Though Edge of Lytham St Annes (textiles), west, mid- and north-Wales, and in decline, where these forces and Miss Edith Sutton of Reading rural Scotland. remained resilient they sustained a (seeds), were of the same type. Apart from the London region, significant Liberal presence in local A few Conservatives also fell in almost everywhere the bulk of government and continued to pro- this category, though interestingly female local government leaders vide a route for some women to they often had Liberal connec- were Conservatives or conserva- enter local politics. tions: Miss Janet Stancombe-Wills tive-minded Independents. This of Ramsgate (Wills’s tobacco) was reflected the domination by the the step-daughter of a Liberal MP; Conservatives of local government What was their social and Grace Cottrell of West Bromwich between the wars, even in many economic background? (insurance) ran for office as a Liberal working-class towns and cities in The first wave of women that Unionist; and Lady Hulse of Salis- the North and Midlands. It also gained prominence in local govern- bury (press) was also from a Liberal resulted from the widespread par- ment was overwhelmingly mid- Unionist family. ticipation of middle-class women in dle-class. There were also a couple This elite sat above a very the local infrastructure of church, of Tory aristocrats and a hand- affluent if somewhat less pluto- social, charitable and political ful of Liberal and Conservative cratic layer. Although some in

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 9 madam mayor

this stratum were Conservatives, Margaret Beavan, transformation. While many of the However several came from the majority of these beneficiar- Violet Markham, Conservatives were linked with relatively modest middle-class and ies of Victorian economic progress Christiana the declining world of the landed lower-middle-class backgrounds. inclined to the Liberals. Liberal Hartley elite and its various offshoots in The father of Mary Ann Edmunds women-mayors who came from – the Church, Law and Army, and (Merthyr Tydfil) was an iron mer- or in some cases married into – this a number of the Labour women- chant who later worked in various prosperous business milieu included mayors came from poor labour- parts of the country as a man- Mary Duckworth of Rochdale and ing backgrounds including rural ager in iron works and collieries. Phyllis Brown of Chester (both ones, few of the Liberal women She lived in a large house and was retailing), Miss Alice Hudson of clearly belonged in this category. known locally as ‘Lady Edmunds’, Eastbourne (trade), Miss Maud Bur- The Liberals are thus pretty much but seems not to have been particu- nett of Whitehaven (chemicals, unrepresented in the small army larly wealthy.22 May George (Swin- ships), and Miss Elsie Taylor of Bat- of middle-class wives and daugh- don) was married to an elementary ley (textiles). ters of clergymen, local solicitors school teacher, a decidedly lower- By contrast, few Liberal and doctors and army officers that middle-class occupation. Lucy Hill women-mayors came from the provided female local politicians in (Harwich) was the daughter of a social classes that were ‘losers’ from the ‘spa, spire and sand’ and market St Pancras auctioneer and mar- the nineteenth-century economic towns of rural England. ried a Harwich coal merchant. The

10 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 madam mayor husband of Mary Hodgson (Rich- strongly influenced by Noncon- Work Society. She was also active mond, Yorkshire) ran a drapery formism. Deeply concerned about in the British and Foreign Bible shop in the town. Miss Mary Short social issues, they generally saw Society. Such was her generosity (Eye) lived very modestly, for many philanthropy and voluntary work, that she became known as ‘Lady years looking after her widowed individual effort, temperance and Bountiful’. Ada Summers was one father, a minor artist dedicated to improved education and health as of the early women councillors, civic duties whose service she con- the solutions. elected in 1912, and was the first tinued. Finally, Elizabeth Smart Miss Christiana Hartley of post-war female mayor in 1919. She (Brackley) was married to a Cus- Southport typified this strain of was the first woman magistrate to toms and Excise officer. Liberalism. She was born in 1872, preside in an English court. As a general rule the middle- the daughter of the self-made jam Miss Ethel Colman was a third class Liberals – like the great tycoon, Sir William Pickles Hart- example. She was born in 1863 majority of middle-class women ley of Colne and Southport in Lan- into the mustard family of Nor- at the time – were not in paid cashire. She was brought up in great wich, which in the second half of employment. Quite a number of wealth (Hartley’s fortune ran to the nineteenth century had grown women-mayors had careers but hundreds of millions in modern into a large food-processing con- they were almost all Conserva- values) and fervent commitment cern with some 2,500 employees tive/Independent or Labour. The to Primitive Methodism and phi- in the city, thanks to free trade exceptions were rare. Catherine lanthropy. The Hartleys gave away and buoyant consumer demand. Alderton (Colchester) qualified huge sums to social causes and to The great Her father was a Lord Mayor, a as a secondary-school teacher, their sect and the wider Method- Liberal MP, and a leading Baptist. and Anne Bagley as a certifi- ist church. Christiana Hartley tried majority He died in 1898 leaving an estate cated schoolmistress, but they do hard to understand the lives of the worth several hundred millions not seem to have continued their poor, even spending some time of the Lib- of pounds in modern values. The careers after marriage, presum- living in a common lodging house family became much involved ably because of the marriage-bar to experience their conditions. eral women with the Prince’s Street Congre- that applied to women in much When she became mayor in 1921 gational Mission, where Ethel of education. Miss Dorothea she decided to donate her salary of pioneers became one of the first female dea- Benoly (Stepney) was a kindergar- £500 to the unemployed, and her cons. The mission was the focus of ten teacher. Miss Miriam Moses father matched this sum. However were born the Colmans’ philanthropic activ- (Bethnal Green) worked for a time she turned to the Labour Party ity and also served as the hub for as a nurse and became a leading to arrange the distribution of the before 1875 the Nonconformist business and social worker among poor East End money, tacitly acknowledging the professional elite which dominated Jewish children and their families. social distance that separated her and so were the Liberal Party in Norwich.24 Only a couple of the Liberal world from the working-class. Her brought up Ethel remained a staunch Liberal, women came from a working-class individualistic, religious and back- unlike her brother Russell, also a or at least low-income background. ward-looking view of the world in the era of Lord Mayor, who switched to the Ethel Leach was the eldest of ten was also on show in her welcoming Conservatives. children of a labourer and carter speech to the 1922 TUC conference Gladstone Barry Doyle, referring to and worked as a servant girl until held in Southport: the 1920s, has commented that she married at the age of 19. Annie rather than ‘although religion was itself no Bagley was the daughter of a house- Why all this unrest? What ails longer an issue at elections, the cul- painter who died when she was a the workers? It seems that, in of Asquith tural world of the chapel still per- child. Although her mother remar- the rebound from the anxieties vaded the Liberal Party and the ried she seems to have been left to of the war, we are all trying to and Lloyd culture of dissent was still essen- bring up the children alone and get something for nothing. Too tially Liberal’.25 As the examples worked as an office cleaner. How- much selfishness exists; that is George. above indicate, Nonconformity ever they were upwardly socially the result of all evil. We must loomed large in the lineage and mobile. Leach married into com- not ask for the impossible.23 Many shared outlook of many of the Liberal fortable affluence and political con- women. Catherine Alderton (Col- nexions. Bagley, as already noted, Ada Summers was another exam- a traditional chester) was the daughter of a Con- qualified as an elementary school ple. She was born in 1861 the gregationalist minister and was teacher, and she married a success- daughter of an Oldham mill owner Victorian educated at Melton Mount Col- ful small businessman. and married one of the Summers lege, Gravesend, a school for the brothers of Stalybridge, ironmas- middle-class daughters of the Congregationalist ters who were building up one of Liberal out- clergy. The father of Mary Hodg- What was the political the largest steel-making companies son (Richmond, Yorks) was a Prim- outlook of the Liberal women in the UK. They were Radicals and look, often itive Methodist minister and that pioneers? philanthropists. Her husband, John of Florence Keynes (Cambridge) a The great majority of the Liberal Summers died in 1910 leaving her a strongly Baptist preacher who became chair- women pioneers were born before fortune worth about £90 million in man of the Congregational Union. 1875 and so were brought up in today’s values. She poured money influenced by Religion played a central role in the the era of Gladstone rather than of into local causes such as maternity lives not only of Hartley and Col- Asquith and Lloyd George. Many and child welfare clinics, an unem- Nonconform- man but also Miss Margaret Hardy shared a traditional Victorian mid- ployment centre, and the Mechan- (Brighton), who was president of dle-class Liberal outlook, often ics Institute and founded a Ladies’ ism. the national Free Church Women’s

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 11 madam mayor

Council and Miss Clara Winter- movement was common to many a national reputation for her work botham (Cheltenham) who came Liberal women in local govern- in the voluntary movement for from a renowned Baptist/Congre- ment, whether of the older genera- child welfare and in 1927 became gationalist family on her father’s tion or the younger progressives. a high-profile Conservative Lord side but followed in the convictions Some notable examples include Mayor of Liverpool – by far the of her devout Church of England Annie Helme who came from a largest authority to have a woman mother.26 very wealthy Baptist mill-owning as a mayor before the Second World Beyond the moneyed elite, family and was a founder and first War. She had only joined the Tories there were other Liberal women chair of the Lancaster Suffrage in 1924 having first been elected whose outlook owed less to Vic- Society, Catherine Alderton who to the council as a Lloyd George torian individualism and more to was a founder of the Liberal Wom- Liberal.29 the advanced radical and progres- en’s Suffrage Union in 1913, and There were also departures to sive ideas of the 1890s and 1900s. Miss Miriam Moses who was active Labour. Ada Salter (Bermondsey) Ethel Leach (Great Yarmouth), in the Jewish League of Women’s and Miss Florence Farmer (Stoke- though one of the oldest women in Suffrage. on-Trent) made this shift before the the cohort – she was born in 1850 The Liberals had been less First World War, while others such – was among this group. Encour- attracted to the militant suffra- as Miss Mabel Clarkson (Norwich) aged by her Radical husband, she gettes (WSPU) and only Eva Har- and Miss Edith Sutton (Reading) had been drawn into local gov- tree (Cambridge) seems to have joined Labour in the early 1920s. ernment as an early school board been a supporter. Active suffra- Miss Dorothea Benoly went over in member and Poor Law guardian as gettes were rare amongst post-1918 the 1930s. well as becoming closely involved female politicians and especially Others remained Liberal stal- in secularist, suffragist, Irish home mayors/alderman, although the warts. Miss Elsie Taylor and Miss rule and Fabian circles. Catherine Tories had one or two and Labour Clara Winterbotham were still Alderton (Colchester) who was had a handful including some activ- active in the party in the 1940s.30 born in Scotland in 1869, was a ists of Sylvia Pankhurst’s East Lon- However a common response progressive deeply interested in don Federation of Suffragettes.27 to the party’s decline was continu- improving labour conditions for The Liberal suffragists tended ing commitment to Liberal values the working class and especially to be critical of the militants. Cath- and causes but a detachment from women. She was a strong sup- erine Alderton described their active work in the party itself. porter of the 1920 progressive Lib- tactics as ‘disgraceful and disrepu- Florence Keynes came from a Lib- eral Manchester Programme. She table’. 28 Miss Edith Sutton (Read- eral Nonconformist background twice stood for parliament and was ing), a Liberal until she joined and continued to mix in Liberal president of the National Women’s Labour in the early 1920s, studi- Beyond circles, but like her son John May- Liberal Federation in 1931–32. Sev- ously avoided giving her support to the mon- nard Keynes, the economist, she eral of the younger women born the suffragettes. Violet Markham had only a loose connection with after 1875 were progressive and (Chesterfield) was unusual, how- eyed elite, the party. She mostly stood as an stood for election under this label ever, in vigorously opposing votes Independent in local elections, in London; Miss Miriam Moses for women as a member of the there were though with Liberal support. Her (Bethnal Green), Miss Dorothea Women’s National Anti-Suffrage fellow mayor of Cambridge, Eva Benoly (Stepney) and aldermen League, although she reversed her other Lib- Hartree, was classed as a Liberal by Frances Warren Reidy (Step- views during the First World War the press but by the 1930s seems to ney) and Cecilia Lusher-Pentney and stood for parliament in 1918. eral women have had little formal involvement (Shoreditch) fall in this category. As the Liberals lost ground in with the party and stood for elec- The traditional Liberals could the 1920s and ’30s, anti-socialism whose out- tion as a Women Citizens’ Associa- come across as old-fashioned and inclined some towards the Tories. tion candidate. Nevertheless, she straight-laced. Miss Christiana Miss Maud Burnett was a Liberal look owed and others like her such as Lady Hartley, who refused to serve alco- until the early 1920s, but was classi- Emily Roney (Wimbledon) were hol at her mayor-making celebra- fied as a Conservative byThe Times less to Vic- much involved with liberal causes, tions in 1921, was still focused on in 1928, when she became mayor. such as aiding refugees. The ex- the temperance battles of an ear- Christiana Hartley remained a torian indi- suffragette, Juanita Phillips, eleven lier era, and Miss Maud Burnett Liberal, but in the absence of a Lib- times mayor of Honiton, seems to (Whitehaven) and Miss Elsie Tay- eral candidate in Southport at the vidualism have been another Liberal-minded lor (Batley) were also of this school. 1935 general election, she publicly woman who remained outside But others were more attuned to supported the Conservative. Ada and more to the party. She was classified a ‘no the times and socially liberal in Edge (Lytham St Anne’s) had an the advanced party specified’ byThe Times and their outlook. Among the 1930s impeccable Radical pedigree and no link with the Liberals has been mayors, Phyllis Brown (Chester) was married to the Radical Lloyd radical and found. However, the Liberals were spoke out against corporal pun- George-ite MP, Sir William Edge. very strong in the area, she was ishment, Miss Margaret Hardy But the family later became Lib- progressive not a Conservative (she contested (Brighton) poked fun at protests eral Nationals. Annie Bagley from an election against a well-known against wearing swimwear in the Stretford where the Liberals and ideas of the Tory), and her commitment to the town, and Miss Miriam Moses sup- Conservatives fused in the 1930s National Council of Women and ported birth control. was also a Liberal National. 1890s and campaigning for working-class A record of support for the Perhaps the biggest loss was Miss housing indicated a progressive constitutional women’s suffrage Margaret Beavan, who established 1900s. outlook.31

12 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 madam mayor

Clara novelty of having a woman-mayor, councils. Labour was also ready to Winterbotham, voices against their nomination on abandon traditional seniority con- Miriam Moses, the grounds that the office should ventions to promote its councillors Maud Burnett be reserved for men were very not least because the system worked rare after 1918 and very much in a to its disadvantage by enabling minority. Subtler discrimination Conservative and Liberal veterans remained, but it was offset by the to dominate the aldermanic bench widespread acceptance that women and inflate the strength on councils had much to contribute to local of those parties. government especially in the tradi- The second case was where indi- tional ‘female’ spheres of maternity vidual women because of their and child welfare, education and status, ability or charisma were housing where many of the women allowed to jump to the head of the pioneers chose to focus their queue. Such leapfrogging was most work. Many of the female may- common where councils invited ors accepted this limited view of ‘elite women’ to take office. A num- their role. On becoming mayor of ber of Liberal women, well con- Lytham St Anne’s in 1937, Ada Edge nected with wealthy and politically commented that ‘while men could powerful local elites, advanced guide the interests of the town in in this way. Thus Miss Christiana most matters, women were very Hartley was on the council for only necessary to give their advice on one year before becoming mayor matters of vital interest to women and Miss Clara Winterbotham was ratepayers’.32 Moreover, it became mayor within three years of co- quite fashionable to have a female option to the council and an alder- mayor. Some councils saw it as a man within four. Violet Markham way to enhance the forward-look- was first elected a councillor in ing image of their boroughs. As Chesterfield in 1924 and was made Miss Clara Winterbotham put it at mayor in 1927. Mary Duckworth her mayor-making: ‘Why appoint (Rochdale), who completed her a woman to such a position?’ late husband’s term as mayor in [Because] ‘it is an excellent adver- 1938, was not actually elected to the tisement and it costs you nothing’.33 council until afterwards. The main obstacle was more Ability and charisma shot the institutional: the traditional stress ex-Liberal Miss Margaret Beavan to on seniority in assigning offices the mayoralty in Liverpool over the on local authorities and the lack of heads of her male colleagues thanks women coming through the elec- to the patronage of Sir Archibald toral system and building up suf- Salvidge, the city’s Conservative ficient years to qualify. Firstly, boss. She was also parachuted into the pool of female local council- a Tory-held Westminster seat but lors after 1918 was small. Too few was unexpectedly defeated in a women were nominated as candi- vicious campaign. dates in winnable seats and amongst However the majority had to those who were elected, many wait their turn, which could be a withdrew, were defeated or oth- long time coming in large authori- erwise left politics before they had ties, as the example of Manches- come to the fore on their councils. ter, which had 140 members and Why were there not more Only a few accumulated the years applied the seniority rule rigor- Liberal women in local of experience and seniority that ously, shows. The city was a cradle government leadership? moved them up the queue for sen- of the suffrage movement and the The same obstacles that prevented ior office, and especially in large prominent Liberal suffragist Miss women generally from advanc- boroughs with many council mem- Margaret Ashton was elected as a ing in local government also faced bers the queue could be very long. councillor there as early as 190834 most of the Liberal women, but For the Liberals, as their strength followed by another Liberal, Jane with the added factor that the party declined, and for Labour while it Redford in 1910. During the inter- was losing ground both elector- was still weak in much of local gov- war period, twenty-six women sat ally and in terms of the influence ernment, the opportunities to nom- on the council. Ten of these had of local Liberal elites. Potential inate mayors and aldermen were their potential careers cut short female candidates for top positions few and far between. by retirement or death, includ- were amongst the casualties of this These constraints were relaxed ing Margaret Ashton who stood retreat. in two main cases. In the London down in 1921. A further four had Overt sexist discrimina- region, as we have seen, there was their council careers terminated by tion seems to have been largely a larger pool of women council- defeat including three well-quali- overcome after the early 1920s. lors and Labour encouraged women fied Liberals: Jane Redford in 1921, Although much was made of the to advance in the party and on Miss Caroline Herford in 1923 and

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 13 madam mayor

Shena Simon in 1933. Two remain- of female Liberal leaders in local twentieth-century Liberal history. He ing councillors of the rapidly government, very different in studied at the LSE and Warsaw Uni- diminishing Liberal group, Sarah social background and political versity, Poland. He has worked for Laski and Mary Gibbons, elected in profile; but that is another story. many years on international environ- 1929, lacked the seniority to claim mental policy as a UK civil servant and the one turn at mayor given to the Author biog Dr Jaime Reyn- since 2000 as an official of the European Liberals during the 1930s. Other olds has written extensively on Commission. younger, promising Liberal activ- ists – such as Miss Dorothy Porter – several times narrowly missed reaching even the first stage of being elected to the council. It was not until 1947 that Manchester had Appendix a female Lord Mayor and she was a Tory, Miss Mary Kingsmill-Jones. Women Liberal mayors and aldermen 1918–1939 and some The only Liberal women to become others mentioned in the text – biographical information mayors of large authorities were in London Boroughs (Stepney and Bethnal Green) where the entire Abbreviations used: BAGLEY, Annie Mowbray (née council was re-elected every three Ald: alderman Jeffrey) (1870–1952) Stretford. years and where the turnover of BoG: member of Poor Law board Cllr UDC in 1920s and borough members was high. of guardians from incorporation in 1933; ch Small authorities offered more Cllr: councillor Maternity & Child Welfare Cttee; opportunities, or perhaps simply CoE: Church of England mayor 1938–39. Born Manches- less competition for office. Mary DBE: Dame of the British Empire ter; father a house painter who Hodgson became mayor of Rich- The party Ind: Independent died when she was a child. Mother mond, Yorkshire (1931 popula- LNU: League of Nations Union supported family working as an tion 4,769) three years after being disappeared NCW: National Council of office cleaner. Certificated assistant elected to the council. Miss Mary Women schoolmistress (1901). Husband (d Short served as mayor of Eye, East in local gov- UDC: Urban District Council 1938) was a master decorator. Lib- Suffolk (population 1,733) eight WCA: Women Citizens eral, Liberal National in 1930s. times between 1924 and 1948. ernment Association WCG: Women’s Co-operative BEAVAN, Margaret (1877–1931) in most Guild Liverpool. Cllr 1921– (Coalition The waning of the first wave areas after WLA: Women’s Liberal Liberal); joined Cons Party 1924; Mary Short was one of the very Association Lord Mayor 1927–28. Born Liver- few Liberal women-mayors to the Second WLGS: Women’s Local Govern- pool; father prosperous insurance serve after 1939. The party disap- ment Society agent. Educ: Belvedere School and peared in local government in most World War WLF: Women’s Liberal Federation. Liverpool High School. Lived in areas after the Second World War WW1: World War One USA 1890–92. Studied maths at and almost ceased to provide may- and almost WW2: World War Two Royal Holloway, London, not at ors and alderman for the next two degree level; assistant teacher in decades. The few female excep- ceased to ALDERTON, Catherine (née boy’s school. Involved in child wel- tions were remnants of Liberal Robinson) (1869–1951) Colches- fare and the Invalid Child Asso- elites of an earlier era. Miss Clara provide ter. Cllr 1916–28; mayor 1923–24; ciation (ICA), sponsored by the Winterbotham had a final term as Essex county cllr and ald 1928–. Rathbone family. Secretary of ICA mayor of Cheltenham until 1946 mayors and Born Scotland; came to Colches- and successful fundraiser. Founded and Miss Alice Hudson was again ter 1885 with her father, Congre- Leasowe Open Air Children’s mayor of Eastbourne in 1943–45; alderman for gational minister (d 1915). Educ: Hospital, 1914. Organised Child they were both in their late sixties. Melton Mount School, Gravesend, Welfare Association from 1918. There were also one or two remain- the next two for the daughters of Congrega- Unsuccessfully defended Cons-held ing Liberal women aldermen such tional Ministers. Secondary teacher Liverpool seat at 1929 general elec- as Annie Helme in Lancaster until decades. The (maths) until she married in 1897. tion. Member WCA, NCW, WCG. 1949, Mary Gibbons in Manches- Her husband became head-teacher Known by her admirers as ‘the lit- ter until her death in 1949, and in few female of an elementary school. One child. tle mother of Liverpool’ and ‘the Liverpool Miss Mabel Eills (the exceptions Active in WLF: executive member might atom’; and by her opponents daughter of Burton Eills the Liv- 1912–, sec 1920–, vice-ch 1923–, as ‘Maggie Mussolini’ and ‘Queen erpool Liberal leader in the 1930s) were rem- president 1931–32. First woman Canute’. Often in poor health, died until 1955. Even where the Liberals to sit on NLF executive. Known of bronchitis and pneumonia aged had the opportunity to nominate a nants of Lib- nationally as a speaker. Parlia- 54. Left £18,500. woman-mayor, as in Leeds in 1942, mentary candidate Edinburgh S, their choice conformed to the ste- eral elites 1922; Hull NW 1929. A founder BENOLY, Lydia Dorothea reotype of an elderly, non-political, of Lib Women’s Suffrage Union (1887–1969) Bethnal Green. Cllr elite-woman: Miss Jessie Kitson. of an earlier 1913. WW1: Government Recon- Bethnal Green West 1925–34; The party had to wait until the struction Cttee, Nation’s Fund for mayor 1933–34. Born Clapton; mid-1960s for the next generation era. Nurses. MBE 1944. parents Polish/German Jewish,

14 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 madam mayor immigrants. Father doctor and and prominent Baptist. Mother Husband (Sir) William Edge of HARDY, Margaret (1874– East End Progressive leader. a Cozens-Hardy, also of the a wealthy, Radical, Method- 1954) Brighton. BoG. Cllr Kindergarten teacher. Progres- Norwich Nonconformist elite. ist, dye-manufacturing family Hollingbury 1928–; ald sive, Labour by 1940. Moral Educ: Miss Pipe’s School, Lale- in Bolton. He was a Lloyd- 1934–‘ mayor 1933–34. Born Re-armament supporter. ham, Clapham Park. With her George Lib, later Lib Nat MP Brighton; by 1890s living with sister Helen was very active 1916–23, 1927–45. Died 1948, her widowed mother on ‘pri- BROWN, Louisa Phyllis in Princes St Congregational leaving £48,000. Her son, (Sir) vate means’. Well known in (née Humfrey) (1877–1968) Mission, of which Ethel was a Knowles Edge, was a lead- the town for her social work Chester. Cllr 1920–; ald 1933–; deacon and director of the Mis- ing Lib Nat in Bolton and the especially amongst the young, mayor 1938–39. Born Chester; sionary Society. Liberal and north-west. Lib, later Lib Nat, and identified with many father prosperous manufac- suffragist. Left £125,600. stood as a non-political. She women’s movements. MBE turing chemist. Scholarship described herself as a ‘moder- for her WW1 work with nurs- student University College, DAVIES, Sarah Evans (née ate Nonconformist’ but was ing services in France. Lib and London. Husband (d 1936) Morris) (1863–1944) Welsh- closely associated with the CoE Free Church activist, espe- was solicitor and scion of the pool, Montgomeryshire. Cllr parish church in Lytham. cially in the Baptist Women’s wealthy dynasty that owned 1919–; mayor 1928–30. Born Movement. President of the Brown’s department store. He Carmarthenshire; father a EDMUNDS, Mary Ann (née National Free Church Wom- was a Liberal cllr and mayor in master mariner. Her brother Owen) (1863–1934) Merthyr en’s Council 1922–23. A Girl’s 1920 when she was his mayor- was Liberal mayor of Birken- Tydfil. BoG (ch 1919). Cllr High School in Brighton was ess. They were active suf- head, 1902–3. Husband (d 1919) 1913–32; mayor 1927–28. Born named after her. Stood as an fragists. She was the most was a merchant tailor. Three Llanelli; father (d 1901) iron Ind and classified byThe Times prominent woman Liberal in sons, one killed in action 1916. merchant, later ironworks and as such. Left £91,200. Chester between the wars. Commander of Red Cross colliery manager in Plymouth Voluntary Aid detachments and Newcastle-upon-Tyne. HARTLEY, Christiana BURNETT, Annie Maud Montgomeryshire during He was active in Merthyr civic (1872–1948) Southport. BoG (1863–1950) Tynemouth. Cllr WW1. She was a Welsh bard, life from the 1880s, a cllr and Ormskirk. Cllr 1920–32; 1909–21, 1926–34; mayor 1928– writing poetry under the chairman of the council 1899. mayor 1921–22; freedom of 30. First woman elected cllr pseudonym ‘Olwen’, and an Husband was a captain (d 1901). Colne (1927) and Southport in north of England. Father (d educationist. Welsh Presbyte- They had a son and daughter (1940). Born Colne, Lancs; 1896) a chemical manufacturer, rian. The first woman to ride (d 1927). She began civic work father Sir William Pickles Liberal and Northumberland a bicycle in Welshpool. Left after her father’s death. WW1: Hartley (d 1922), wealthy jam magistrate. Her brothers were £11,200. Merthyr Recruiting Cttee (ch). manufacturer, philanthropist ship owners. Educ: privately Lloyd George Liberal. Left and major figure in the Primi- and in Switzerland. Active in DUCKWORTH, Mary (née £3,900. tive Methodist church. Direc- voluntary work and taught a Petrie) (1872–1942) Rochdale. tor and ch of family firm. CoE bible class. Sec Tynemouth Mayor Jan–Nov 1938; cllr Dec FARMER, Florence (1873– Patron of Southport Mater- WLA 1895–1910. Founded 1938–42. Born Rochdale; father 1958) Stoke-on-Trent. BoG. nity Hospital (1932) and Nurses Tynemouth WLGS 1902. (d 1897) owned an engineering Cllr 1919–28; ald 1928–45; Lord Home (1940) and gave Chris- DBE 1918 for her war work. firm, was a prominent Lib and Mayor 1931–32; freedom of tiana Hartley Maternity Hos- She stood as an Ind but was alderman. Husband was son of borough. Father was a printer, pital to Colne 1935. CBE 1943. an active Lib until the 1920s. Sir James Duckworth, wealthy active Lib, and ch of the local Hon MA Liverpool University The Times lists her as a Cons in provisions merchant, mayor of authority in Longton. She was 1943. Left £198,000. 1928–29. Left £3,200. Rochdale, pillar of Liberalism headmistress of Longton coun- and Methodism in the town and cil school, but retired in 1927 HARTREE, Eva (née CLARKSON, Mabel (1875– MP for Middleton. Husband to establish a laundry business Rayner) (1874–1947) Cam- 1950) Norwich. BoG. Cllr succeeded him as manager of with her brother. In her youth bridge. Cllr c 1921–42; mayor 1912–23 (Lib), 1926–(Lab); ald the family firm, was a parlia- she was active in the Lib Party. 1924–25. Born Heaton Norris, 1932–50; High Sheriff 1928–29; mentary candidate twice, and Founder and leading light of Stockport; father and grand- Lord Mayor 1930–31. Born mayor in 1937 when she was Stoke Ethical Society before father were doctors. The lat- Calne, Wiltshire; father pros- his mayoress. She was asked to 1914. Became socialist in 1900s ter was a JP and ald. Husband perous solicitor who died when continue his term when he died and joined Lab. President of (d 1943) came from an afflu- she was three. Thereafter her suddenly. Left £18,800. Stoke Lab Party 1929–31. Long- ent Cambridge family and widowed mother brought up standing member of Educa- was a grandson of Samuel family (one boy, four sisters) on EDGE, Ada Jane (née Ickrin- tion Cttee and on Watch Cttee Smiles, the Victorian cham- private income. Educ: private gill) (1880–1973) Lytham where she established force of pion of ‘self-help’. He worked school and Reading Univer- St Anne’s. Cllr Apr 1929–; policewomen in Stoke. Unitar- as a teacher and lecturer in sci- sity. Poor Law guardian 1904– mayor 1937–38. Maternity & ian. Left £19,600. ence and engineering and as a 30. Interested in child welfare Child Welfare (ch) and Health civil servant in the Admiralty issues. Joined Lab Party 1924. (vice-ch) Cttees. Fifth of nine GEORGE, May (née Wil- Munitions Inventions depart- Left £4,500. children of very wealthy liams) (1882–1943) Swindon. ment in WW1 for which he Keighley/Bradford mill owner Cllr 1921–; ald 1931–; mayor received an OBE. They had COLMAN Ethel (1863– (d 1911) and Primitive Meth- 1935–36. Born Craven Arms, three sons, two of whom died 1948) Norwich. Lord Mayor odist. Family had radical tra- Shropshire. Husband an ele- young and the other became a 1923–24. Father J. J. Colman dition – her great-uncle had mentary school teacher. One noted Cambridge Professor of (d 1898) of Colman’s Mustard, led the ‘physical force’ Char- son: Graham Lloyd George. Physics. She was active in many Lib MP, mayor of Norwich tist revolt in Keighley in 1848. Left £490. causes including the suffragette

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 15 madam mayor movement, the Red Cross, the Suffrage Society and active when he died in 1920. The Law- HUDSON, Alice (Alisa) LNU and especially the NCW, in WLA. Organised Citizen’s rence family were Independent (1877–1960) Eastbourne. Cllr of which she served as presi- Defence Cttee to campaign Methodists, Radicals and active Meads 1919–29; ald 1929–; dent. From the early 1930s she against the high price of milk in civic life. Her husband was mayor Dec 1926–28, 1943–45. was very active in helping refu- for mothers, 1919. MBE. Left (Sir) Frederick Hindle (d 1953), Ch Finance and Watch Cttee gees from Nazi Germany and £19,300. a solicitor and leading figure (first woman in country to hold after her husband’s death she in the Darwen Lib organisa- this office in a borough). Born moved to London, dedicating HILL, Lucy (née Roberts) tion; he was mayor 1912–13 Chorlton, Lancs; father was herself to this cause. The Times (1865–1939) Harwich. Cllr and MP in 1923–24. They had Irish and made a fortune as an classified her as a Lib, but in the 1921–; mayor 1923–25; 1931–35. been engaged to marry in 1913 East India merchant based in 1930s she stood for election as Born St Pancras; father auction- but the wedding was called off Manchester. He left £209,000 a WCA candidate. Left £15,500. eer, and she was living there and they eventually married when he died in 1927. Her with her widowed mother in in 1928. mother was German-born. She HELME, Annie (née Smith) 1901 – no occupation recorded. completed the term of a mayor- (1874–1963) Lancaster. BoG. Married a Harwich coal mer- HODGSON, Mary ‘Min- elect who died. She was again Cllr Castle ward Apr 1919–; ald chant, twenty years older than nie’ (née Cairns) (1885–1936) mayor in the 1940s after depos- 1937–49; mayor 1932–33. Ch her, in 1909. MBE. Listed by Richmond, Yorkshire. BoG. ing the incumbent. Listed by Health and Education Cttees. The Times as Liberal in 1920s Cllr 1928–; mayor 1932–34. The Times as a Lib, but stood as Born Bradford, one of thir- and ‘no party specified’ in Father was Primitive Method- an Ind. Left £56,800. teen children of Isaac Smith (d 1930s. ist minister. Husband (d 1935) 1909), a wealthy mill owner, ran a family drapery business KENYON, Elizabeth Han- mayor of Bradford and Baptist. HINDLE, Alys (née Law- in Richmond. He was a cllr, nah (née Darlington) (1855– Husband (d 1908) was a doc- rence) (1879–1964) Darwen, ald and mayor 1919–21. They 1935) Dukinfield, Cheshire. tor and nephew of Sir Norval Lancs. Cllr North-west ward c had three children. Party labels Ashton BoG (ch). Cllr Dukin- Helme, Lib MP for Lancaster, 1933–; mayor 1937–39. One of were not used in Richmond, field Central to 1923; mayor ald and leading Baptist figure. ten children of wealthy Chor- but she was listed by The Times May–Nov 1917 in succession One daughter. Ch Lancaster ley spinner who left £204,000 as a Lib. Left £6,900. to her deceased husband, who

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16 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 madam mayor had a successful rope-making as a servant in her youth and life with a house in London. mayoress. He left £208,000. business. At the time she was ‘received most of her education Though feminist in many of her Lloyd George Lib to 1926 when president of Dukinfield Wom- after she married’. Married an views, she vigorously opposed she and husband joined Cons. en’s Liberal Association and on affluent Yarmouth oil merchant women’s suffrage and was active the executive of the National and ironmonger, of Irish origin, in the Women’s National Anti- PARTINGTON, Mary Alice Women’s Liberal Federation. in 1869. He was twenty-four Suffrage League. She became a (née Harrison) (1868–1950) Freedom of Borough 1919. She years older than her (d 1902). supporter of votes for women Glossop. BoG. Mayor May was seven times mayoress to her They had one son. Her hus- during WW1 and stood as Ind 1916–1920; freedom of bor- husband, and also once to her band was a Unitarian involved Lib candidate for Chesterfield at ough 1926. Father was a Glos- son in 1934–35. The Kenyons in Radical, Irish home rule the 1918 general election (where sop licensed victualler, later had Moravian links but were and Fabian politics and with her brother had been the Lib mineral water manufacturer later Methodists. Left £11,200. his encouragement she became MP until 1916). She married an and coal merchant. She married involved in these circles, who army officer in 1915 but contin- into the very wealthy Parting- KEYNES, Florence Ada met at their house. She was a ued to use her maiden name. She ton family who owned paper (née Brown) (1861–1958) pioneer suffragist in Yarmouth held a host of important public mills in Glossop and Manches- Cambridge. BoG (ch). Cllr and nationally and one of the appointments between the war ter. Edward Partington (1st 1914–19 (defeated), 1924–; ald early women elected to a school including vice-ch of the Unem- Baron Doverdale 1916) had 1931–; mayor 1932–33. Born board. In 1883 she visited the ployment Assistance Board in revolutionised the industry by Cheetham Hill, Manches- USA with the daughter of the 1937. She published a number of introducing the use of wood ter; father a prominent Baptist secularist G. J. Holyoake and books including her autobiogra- pulp. She married Herbert Par- minister and ch of the Congre- published a short book about phy Return Passage in 1953. tington (1871–1916) who ran gational Union of England & her impressions. She was Helen the business in Glossop and was Wales. Married John Neville Taylor’s agent when she stood MOSES, Miriam (1886–1965) three times mayor of the town. Keynes, economist. Mother of as a parliamentary candidate in Stepney. Cllr 1921–34; ald His brother Oswald was Lib- John Maynard Keynes, econ- 1885. An active Liberal into late 1934–37; mayor 1931–32. Father eral MP for High Peak and later omist. Graduate Newnham 1920s. Left £18,500. was a German Jewish immi- Shipley. He left her £142,000. College. Sec of local branch of grant who had a successful busi- They were Unitarians. She Charities Organisation Soci- LILE, Annie (1864–1951) ness as a tailor and clothing declined an invitation in 1921 ety. Started an early labour Hastings. Cllr St Mary-in- manufacturer in Spitalfields. to stand as Liberal candidate for exchange. Poor Law guardian the-Castle Upper 1919–31 Her mother died when Miriam High Peak but continued to be 1907–. A founder of Papworth (defeated); ald 1931–46. Ch was in her teens and she helped very active in the local Liberal Village Settlement for TB suf- Health & Mental Deficiency, bring up the family of ten chil- organisation. She left £45,000. ferers. Active in Cambridge Maternity & Child Welfare dren (four others had died). She Nat Union of Women Workers Cttees. Father affluent adver- worked as a nurse and youth PHILLIPS, Juanita (née (forerunner of NCW), 1912–. tising contractor with house in and social worker in the East Comber) (1880–1966) Honi- Ch of its largest section repre- Bloomsbury. She lived with her End. In 1925 she established the ton. Cllr 1920–; ald 1929–; senting cttee members, public younger sister (d 1930). Stood as Brady Girls’ Club which helped mayor 1920–24, 1925–26, servants and magistrates. Presi- Ind. Supported by WCA 1919. impoverished East End Jew- 1936–39, 1945; Devon county dent of NCW, 1929–31. First Active in Lib Assoc and WLA. ish families, and she served as cllr. Born Chile; father (d 1896) elected as Ind, but defeated as Active in NCW. Methodist. warden until 1958, establishing a wealthy merchant. Husband Lib 1919. Left £9,100. a national reputation (she was a Honiton solicitor, grandson known as ‘the Angel of the East of very wealthy Birmingham LANEY, Florence (née LUSHER-PENTNEY, Ceci- End’). She succeeded her father wine merchant and mayor in Hands) (1865–1935) Bourne- lia (née Snelgrove) (1875– as cllr for Spitalfields. Active in 1840s. Actress. Organised suf- mouth. Cllr Boscombe West 1939) Shoreditch. Progressive the Jewish League of Women’s fragettes in Honiton. WW1: Jan 1918–; ald 1933. Ch Men- cllr, Hackney 1920–31; ald Suffrage and the Zionist move- War Office. OBE. Campaigned tal Health & Pension Cttee. 1935–. Born Stoke Newington; ment. Supported birth control for working-class housing. Father a tobacconist. Husband father a foreman. Husband (d clinics. Ch Whitechapel & St President of Devon NCW. a dyer. They had two sons, one 1936) dispensing chemist, Pro- George’s Lib Assoc and con- Active in WVS. Elected as Ind of whom died aged 8 in 1900. gressive. Left £580. sidered for parliamentary can- and classified byThe Times as Husband went bankrupt and didate at the 1930 by-election. ‘politics not specified’. Appears deserted her the same year. MARKHAM, Violet Rosa Anti-Semitic remarks were not to have identified with Lib Steam laundry manager, later (married name Carruthers) made by some Labour members Party but contested Devon CC dyer’s district manager. Advo- (1872–1959) Chesterfield. Mem- and spectators at her mayor- election against well-known cate of single women’s pensions. ber Education Authority 1899– making. Stood as Ind and Pro- Cons. Most frequent woman- Elected as Ind, but supported 1934; cllr 1924–; mayor 1927–28. gressive. Left £7,200. mayor (eleven times) and only Lib parliamentary candidate Writer, social reformer and one in the far west of England (1918). Left £1,500. administrator. Father was a very MUSPRATT, Helena (née between the wars. wealthy owner of mining and Ainsworth) (1870–1943) Liv- LEACH, Mary Ethel (née engineering companies in Der- erpool. Cllr Childwell 1920–34; REIDY, Frances War- Johnston) (1850–1936) Great byshire. He was a Lib Union- ald 1934–. Father was ‘gentle- ren (née Dawson) (1881–?) Yarmouth. BoG. Cllr c 1919–; ist from 1886. Her mother was man of private means’. Husband Stepney. BoG. Cllr 1919–22, ald 1929–; mayor 1924–25. Born a Paxton, daughter of the man (Sir) Max Muspratt (d 1934) 1928–31; ald 1922–28, 1931–. Great Yarmouth; one of ten who built the Crystal Palace. A chemicals tycoon, director ICI, Ch Gen Purposes and Educa- children of a carter and general large inheritance in 1901 ena- Lib MP and Lord Mayor of tion Cttees. Husband Jerome labourer (d 1896). She worked bled her to live an independent Liverpool 1917 when she was Reidy was Irish, an East End

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 17 madam mayor doctor, Progressive cllr and the Royal Academy, and served Nursing Association. President for sedition. They later became mayor of Stepney 1917, when as mayor of Eye, magistrate and of Batley WLA but stood as Ind Congregationalists, but Clara she was mayoress. Eight chil- county councillor. She looked in local elections. Left £57,200. followed her mother, who was dren, including Frankie Reidy, after him until his death in born in Australia, as a strong actress and wife of Michael 1921 at the age of 92. He left her SUTTON, Edith (1862–1957) Anglican. Educ: Cheltenham Powell, the film director. Stood £1,200. She was a keen amateur Reading. BoG. Co-opted Ladies College and in Europe. as Progressive; ratepayer. painter and published books to Education Cttee in early Her father left £90,000 when about Eye. She served as a mag- 1900s; cllr 1907–; ald 1931–; he died in 1914. He had been RONEY, Emily (née Jones) istrate and county councillor mayor 1933–34. Born Read- president of East Gloucester- (1872–1957) Wimbledon. Cllr also. Listed by The Times as a ing, eleventh of twelve chil- shire Lib Association and her 1922–; mayor 1933–35. Born Liberal. dren. Father built up Suttons brother was selected as pro- Birkenhead, father an insur- seed business, leaving £114,500 spective candidate in 1913, but ance officer. Husband was (Sir) SMART, Elizabeth (née Bis- when he died in 1897. She lived he was killed on the Somme in Ernest Roney (d 1952), a solici- set) (1879–1950) Brackley, with two elder sisters, on ‘pri- 1916. WW1: was a nurse in Lon- tor’s clerk and later successful Northants. Mayor 1937–38. vate means’. She was the first don and Cheltenham, becom- City solicitor and yachtsman. Born Midlothian. Husband (d woman borough councillor as ing the hospital’s quartermaster She was known as Lady Roney. 1953) was a Scot also, and a Cus- she was declared elected unop- and a member of the town’s They had four children. She was toms and Excise officer. They posed in October 1907 before Food and Fuel Control Cttee; particularly interested in assist- moved to Brackley in 1906. Six the contested elections. Active awarded MBE. She was active ing the unemployed and refu- children. Listed by The Times as in Guilds of Help, an off-shoot in the Missionary Society, the gees during WW2. Listed by a Lib. Left £119. of the Charity Organization NCW and the Lib Assoc (ch in The Times as a Lib. Left £25,800. Society, 1910. She was elected as 1920s, vice-ch 1930s). Invited SUMMERS, Ada Jane (née a Progressive or Lib-supported to be parliamentary candidate SALTER, Ada (née Brown) Broome) (1861–1944) Staly- Ind until 1921. She joined for Cheltenham in 1922, but (1866–1942) Bermondsey. bridge. Cllr 1912–; ald 1919–; the Lab Party in 1922. Left declined. Cllr (ILP) 1909–12, 1913–; first mayor 1919–21. Father (d 1896) £24,600. Labour woman mayor 1922– was an Oldham mill owner. 1 Aldermen made up one-quarter 23; member of LCC 1925–. Husband was a wealthy iron- THACKERAY, Anne of the membership of a coun- Born Northants; father farmer master in Stalybridge. Later Wynne (1865–1944) Oxford. cil and were elected for a term and staunch Wesleyan Meth- the firm expanded to Elles- BoG. Cllr 1919–; ald 1932–38. of six years by the councillors, odist and Gladstonian Liberal. mere Port and Shotton, becom- Born India; father Sir Edward who were elected for three-year Educ: progressive ladies board- ing one of the largest steel Thackeray, VC, a cousin of the terms. ing school in Bedford. Left manufacturing companies in writer, William Makepeace 2 There is information on the home to work in West London Britain. He was a cllr and left Thakeray. She worked with counties, including the London Methodist Mission, 1896 and £192,000 when he died in 1910. the poor in Whitechapel, then County Council, in Anne Bald- Bermondsey Settlement, 1897. They had one daughter. His lived in Oxford with Prof. win ‘Progress and Patterns in the 1900 married Alfred Salter. brother was Lib MP for Flint. A. V. Dicey, the political scien- Election of Women as Council- Their only child died in 1910 Ada was an active suffragist, tist, and his invalid wife. With lors 1918–38’ (PhD thesis, Uni- aged 8. They were Progressive Lib and philanthropist (mater- Miss Mary Venables, a fel- versity of Huddersfield, 2012). Liberals and he served as an nity and child welfare clinics, low suffragist, she established 3 Notable exceptions not caught LCC councillor 1906–10. She clinics for the poor, unemploy- Cumnor House a ‘home for by the criteria are Henrietta became increasingly involved ment centre, Mechanics Insti- the feeble-minded’ in 1907 and Adler (LCC) and Shena Simon with the Labour movement tute). She founded the Ladies’ they lived together in Cum- (Manchester). and was a founder of the Wom- Work Society and was known nor Hill in a house designed 4 The four women-provosts in en’s Labour League, 1906. The locally as ‘Lady Bountiful’. for them by Clough Williams- Scotland were ‘Moderates’, i.e. couple became Quakers and OBE, freedom of Stalybridge, Ellis. She gave her occupation members of the Unionist–Liberal joined Bermondsey ILP in 1939. Active in the British and as ‘private secretary’ (1911). She grouping which opposed Labour 1908. She was the first woman Foreign Bible Society. Left was an accomplished musician in most burghs. councillor in London. Sup- £66,000. and craftswoman and mixed in 5 From the age of thirty. Women ported Suffragettes and left- composing and artistic circles. aged 21–30 received the vote in wing causes: No Conscription TAYLOR, Gertrude Elsie Left £6,200 to Venables. 1928. Fellowship and Women’s (1875–1957) Batley. Cllr 1927–; 6 P. Hollis, Ladies-Elect, Women International League in WW1, mayor 1932–34. Born Batley; WINTERBOTHAM, Clara in English Local Government and Socialist League in 1930s. father mill owner. Her half- (1880–1967) Cheltenham. 1865–1914 (Clarendon, 1987), p. She refused to wear the may- brother Theodore C. Tay- Cllr 1918–; ald 1922–52; mayor 31: about 17 per cent of the elec- oral chain on the grounds that lor (1850–1952) was a Radical 1921–23, 1944–46; freedom of torate overall, but 25 per cent in such display was out of place MP until 1918 and lynchpin of borough 1943. Her family were ‘spa, spire and sand’ towns. in such a poor borough as Ber- Liberalism in the district for wealthy and long-established 7 Ibid., pp. ix, 2. mondsey. Dr Alfred Salter many decades. Lived on pri- local solicitors in Chelten- 8 Ibid., p. 486: 78 county borough, was Labour MP for West Ber- vate means. Inherited a large ham and surrounding districts. 142 London borough and 58 mondsey 1922–23, 1924–45. fortune in 1928 when the man They were active in civic life municipal borough. In addition, she was engaged to marry – Sir and were staunch Liberals. 46 women served on county SHORT, Mary (1872–1953) Henry Norman, a former Lib They were Baptists by tradi- councils. Eye, Suffolk. Mayor 1924–26, MP – died suddenly. Congrega- tion: her great-grandfather was 9 Baldwin, ‘Progress and Pat- 1931–33, 1947–48. Her father tionalist. Active in temperance a noted Baptist preacher who terns’, p. 141. was a minor artist, trained at movement and sec of Batley was imprisoned in the 1790s 10 Ibid., pp. 109 and 136.

18 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 madam mayor

11 Excluding mayors elected in and Wales 1918–39’ (PhD thesis, the conversion of historical in attacks on property includ- Nov. 1939 after the Second University of London, 1989), pp. wealth data into modern values. ing burning down Blaby Sta- World War had already started. 263–64. 22 M. P. Jones, ‘Mary Ann tion, and Lucia Foster Welch 12 Including two cases where 17 Liberals accounted for 31 per Edmunds’, Merthyr Historian, 15, (Southampton 1928). Labour women completed terms of cent of the terms served by men 2003. suffragettes included Miss Alice male mayors who died in office. in the 1920s and 18 per cent in 23 Quoted in W. Hannington, Gilliatt (Fulham 1934), Daisy Provosts in Scotland had three- the 1930s. Unemployed Struggles 1919–1936 Parsons (West Ham 1936) and year terms and these have been 18 Calculated from lists of new (London, 1977), p. 79. Neverthe- Dorothy Thurtle (Shoreditch counted as three terms. mayors in England and Wales less the Congress gave her a gold 1936), the latter two being active 13 Calculating some 350+ authori- published in The Times on 10 or medal. in the East London Federation. ties in England & Wales x 20 11 Nov. each year with the addi- 24 See B. M. Doyle, ‘Urban Liber- 28 Essex Newsman, 16 Mar. 1912. years = 7000+ mayoral terms of tion of a Conservative and a Lib- alism and the “Lost Generation”: 29 I. Ireland, Margaret Beavan of Liv- office. eral in the 1930s who completed Politics and the Middle Class erpool – Her Character and Work 14 Two other women, Miss Frances the term of an incumbent who Culture of Norwich 1900–1935’ (H Young, 1938). Dove in High Wycombe in 1908 died. One Labour mayor in the (PhD thesis, University of East 30 On Taylor, see J. Reynolds and and Ellen Chapman in Worthing 1920s was incorrectly listed as no Anglia, 1990). P. Wrigley, ‘Liberal Roots – the in 1914 were nominated for the party specified and this has been 25 B. M. Doyle, ‘Business, Liber- Liberal Party in a West York- mayoralty by the council lead- corrected. Four Scots provosts alism and Dissent in Norwich shire Constituency 1920s–1970s’, ership, but unexpectedly voted not included. 1900–1930’, Baptist Quarterly, Journal of Liberal History, 80, down by the full council. Dove 19 The Times: as above from the xxxv (5), Jan. 1994. Autumn 2013. was non-party and Chapman was lists of new mayors each Nov., 26 J. Courtenay, ‘Clara Winter- 31 J. Neville, Viva Juanita – Cham- a Conservative and became the with the same adjustments. Scots botham 1880–1967 – Chelten- pion for Change in East Devon first Tory woman-mayor in 1920. provosts not included. ham’s First Lady’, Cheltenham Between the Wars (Honiton, 2014). 15 A significant proportion of inter- 20 Mary Mercer (Birkenhead 1924) Local History Society Journal, 14, 32 Lancashire Evening Post, 21 Sept. war women-mayors were single and Mary Hart (Newport, Mon- 1998. 1937. women and they are identified as mouthshire 1937). 27 Notable Conservative suffra- 33 Gloucester Citizen, 10 Nov. 1921. ‘Miss’ throughout the text. 21 See http://www.measuring- gettes were Elizabeth Rowley 34 Four women had been co-opted 16 P. Catterall, ‘The Free Churches worth.com/ukcompare/ for Frisby, Lord Mayor of Leices- to Manchester council’s Educa- and the Labour Party in England information and discussion on ter in 1941, who was involved tion Committee in 1902. Journal of Liberal History: special issues We have published two special themed issues in the last year –

The Liberal Party and the First World War Journal 87 (summer 2015) Includes: Did the Great War really kill the Liberal Party?; The long shadow of war; The Liberal Party, the Labour Party and the First World War; John Morley’s resignation in August 1914; Gilbert Murray v. E. D. Morel; Lloyd George and Churchill as war leaders; Lewis Harcourt’s political journal 1914–16.

The Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition of 2010–2015 Journal 88 (autumn 2015) Includes: Coalition and the deluge – interviews with Nick Clegg and former ministers; Why did it go wrong?; Managing the coalition; The impacts of coalition; The 2015 election campaign and its outcome; Comparing coalitions.

Each available for £10 (including P&P). Order via our website, www. liberalhistory.org.uk; or by sending a cheque (to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN.

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 19 Thec lastoa Journal of Liberalli History (issuet 88, autumnion 2015) was a special an issue on the 2010–15d coalition t and theh Liberale Democrats. 2015 Unsurprisingly, it triggered e a rangel of responses,ec includingt a numberion of letters (see page 25). Here, Michael Meadowcroft considers the implications of the party’s targeting strategy for the outcome of the 2015 election, and Roy Douglas queries the decision to enter coalition in the first place.

Targeting: its effect on Liberal Democrat performance in the 2015 general election Michael Meadowcroft

y concern that the Autumn 2015 issue of the MJournal of Liberal History would be too close to the end of the coalition, and to the general elec- tion just a handful of months ear- lier, to enable a rigorous analysis of governmental decisions and of the Liberal Democrats’ strategy made me predisposed to be critical of the editorial decision. I was largely wrong, and the articles under the rubric ‘Coalition and the Liberal Democrats’ provide valuable mate- rial for the record and for further research. Remarkably, however, all these accounts of the past five years wilfully ignore the consequences on the Liberal Democrats’ perfor- mance of its targeting strategy. It is a remarkable omission when, argu- ably, it had a pervasive and malign was thereafter unchallenged and it viable party. We do not just have effect on the party’s vote generally could be applied unilaterally from a constituency targeted but also and was a major cause of the mas- the centre with increasingly dra- individual wards within other con- sive reduction in votes almost eve- conian selection and support meas- stituencies. What is more, when a rywhere and of the derisory vote in ures. As far as I can ascertain there previously Liberal-Democrat-held many constituencies. was no review of the principle of ward loses its councillors, unless it Put at its simplest, twenty years the strategy and of its effects over can demonstrate its massive com- of targeting, under which, year the twenty years from its introduc- mitment to winning it back, pref- by year, the party’s financial and tion up to last May’s election. The erably with one of the previous campaigning resources were con- disastrous results suggest that, even ward councillors, it gets struck off centrated on fewer and fewer con- on its own terms, the strategy had, the target list so that the party con- stituencies (and local government at best, failed to deliver and at worst tracts more and more and areas that wards) has left the party with just it had so hollowed out the party in had previously had a significant eight MPs and 8 per cent of the the 550 plus seats that were not tar- number of activists are written off popular vote. Whilst vividly true gets that its base vote was minimal and lose any party presence. The in its own terms, this statement and that the party, no longer hav- City of Leeds is a good example of ignores a host of other factors that ing a presence in some 85 per cent the problem. There is, of course, impinged significantly on the strat- of the country, could not withstand the Leeds North West constituency, egy and its effects. the adverse icy wind that blew brilliantly held by Greg Mulhol- The figures show clearly that fatally as a consequence of a coali- land in May. However, in 2004, the introduction of targeting prior tion with the Conservatives. in addition to the four wards in to the 1997 general election coin- this constituency, there were eight cided with an increase in the num- other target wards, six of which ber of MPs elected from twenty in The consequences of were won. By 2014 there were only 1992 to forty-six in 1997; and the continued targeting four such wards, just two of which one was assumed to be so self-evi- Targeting applied to individual were won. Thus in the run up to dently a consequence of the other wards for local elections has added last May’s general election 75 per that the efficacy of the strategy to the problems of maintaining a cent of the city was written off by

20 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 Thec lastoa Journal of Liberalli History (issuet 88, autumnion 2015) was a special an issue on the 2010–15d coalition t and theh Liberale Democrats. 2015 Unsurprisingly, it triggered e a rangel of responses,ec includingt a numberion of letters (see page 25). Here, Michael Meadowcroft considers the implications of the party’s targeting strategy for the outcome of the 2015 election, and Roy Douglas queries the decision to enter coalition in the first place.

the party and only in Leeds North elections – welcome to be sure but and in working men’s clubs etc. East and Leeds East, where some achieved at great cost. My conclu- as well as producing a great colleagues disobeyed central party sion is that there was an argument deal of coverage in the local instructions, were there even one for targeting for a single election newspapers. Also, there is at constituency-wide election address, but not thereafter. least a minimal value in tying (they just held on to their deposit in up activists of the other parties Leeds North East.) It is no wonder to inhibit them from work- that we poll derisory votes in most The issues ing against the party in its key of the city. Perhaps the most seri- There are seven questions that need seats. ous consequence of such targeting to be addressed in the light of recent 3. Does targeting produce sig- is that it does not hold out the pos- elections, and particularly that of nificant extra workers in key sibility of revival. If party instruc- May 2015: seats? Some additional workers tions are followed, no one gets any 1. Does the party wish to be a certainly transfer their activ- support whatever in working sac- national party with at least a ity to help in key seats but it rificially in a non-target ward with minimum active presence in is only the dedicated party the determination to win it – as was every constituency? If so this members that do so, as most a key method of success before the is incompatible with target- local activists only see a need strategy. ing as practised up to the 2015 to be involved in their own general election. Unless there patch. Also, there is a dimin- is a widespread national pres- ishing return as the lack of Statistics ence there is no point of con- local activity causes activists to The national statistics for the six tact for potential members, for become inactive. elections, 1992 to 2015, are reveal- the media, for campaigning 4. Is there a value in having as ing (see Table 1). to change illiberal local poli- large a national vote as pos- It would appear that apply- cies, or for applying national sible? I certainly believe that ing targeting after the 1992 gen- policies and campaigns locally. there is. I would not dispute eral election achieved what it set At the very least, the Liberal that winning seats and hav- out to do: it traded a reduction in Democrats cannot be a politi- ing a significant parliamen- the party’s national vote for a large cal party making the argument tary presence is crucial, but the increase in the number of MPs for Liberalism and seeking to extended influence of the par- elected. However, the results in the recruit and sustain those who ty’s MPs, their moral authority following three elections hardly have a personal allegiance to and the political legitimacy of justify the risk of ending campaign- that philosophy unless there Liberalism is underpinned by a ing in a majority of constituencies is a party locally to join and massive national vote. It is also in order to release party activists in to participate in, and this important to the advocacy of them to go and work in the desig- applies to ensuring that there electoral reform. nated seats. Clearly there was still a are activities for surges of new residual perception of a widespread members such as after the lead- party presence in that the total poll ers’ debates in 2010 and post- Table 1: Liberal Democrat performance, 1992–2015 remained roughly the same in 2001 election in 2015. Year LD votes LD % MPs elected and actually increased in 2005 and 2. What is the value to seats that (million) 2010. This had disappeared by 2015 are designated as target con- 1992 6.0 17.8 20 after thirteen years of a widespread stituencies in activity across 1997 5.2 16.8 46 lack of local campaigning activity the board? In Leeds, over the and faced with the adverse political fifteen years it took to win 2001 4.8 18.3 52 circumstances of that election; but the West Leeds seat it was cer- 2005 6.0 22.0 62 even before 2015, the trade-off of tainly helpful that there was 2010 6.8 23.0 57 ‘presence’ for seats only produced activity across the city that was eleven additional MPs over four commented on in workplaces 2015 2.4 7.9 8

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 21 coalition and the 2015 election

5. Is there a viable alternative Can Liberals learn from history? to targeting? Historically, an Roy Douglas example is provided by West Leeds over the long years the Liberal Party took to win it in n the Autumn 2015 issue of coalition of 1918–22, even though 1983. (Incidentally, West Leeds the Journal of Liberal History, a Lloyd George had more than twice is currently one of the many Iconsiderable number of senior as many MPs behind him as Nick seats in which currently there members of the Liberal Democrats Clegg had in 2010. At the ensuing is no activity whatever.) We gave their views of the 2010 general general election, the Liberals were encouraged activity in all the election and its aftermath. There split into two warring groups. Even Leeds seats and did not seek to appears to be substantial unanim- if those groups could come have ‘poach’ key individuals from ity that the Lib Dems were wise together (which they actually did a other seats; however we had in participating in the coalition. year later), the Liberal Party would special ‘work weekends’ and I contend that this view is wrong still only have been – for the first similar activities for which and that the Lib Dems had a better time ever – the third party of the we asked for outside help – option open to them. I also con- state. The National Democratic and got it, often from many tend that the action they took was Party had also supported the coali- miles away. The same tactic rooted in a fundamentally flawed tion, and every one of its ten MPs could be used now to designate view of the proper role of Lib Dems was defeated. When the National ‘special seats’ to which extra in the political system – a view Government was formed in 1931 effort could be encouraged and which has implications not only for with Liberal support, it was almost directed. the present but also for the more immediately dominated by the 6. Is there a long-term effect of distant future. I shall go further and Conservatives. The Liberals in the the strategy in the target seats? contend that unless the Lib Dems House of Commons promptly split It is curious that there had still take serious and drastic action into two groups of almost equal to be target seats – many of soon, they will have no future and size, plus a splinter of four MPs sep- them the same constituencies deserve none. I base these opinions arate from both. Most members of as in 1997 – after twenty years. largely on the history of the Lib one of the two substantial groups, A concomitant danger of tar- Dems and their predecessor Liberal the Liberal Nationals, and some of geting is that it encourages a I also con- Party. the others, eventually disappeared constituency to rely on outside In the House of Commons of without trace into the Conservative activity rather than seeking to tend that the 650 members elected in May 2010, ranks. A few very important for- be self-supporting. there were 306 Conservatives, 258 mer Labour MPs stayed in the gov- 7. Over a period of time, the action they Labour, 57 Lib Dems, 8 Demo- ernment, constituting themselves establishing of a base Liberal took was cratic Unionists and 6 Scottish the National Labour Party, which Democrat vote of electors who Nationalists, plus a total of 9 from also gradually vanished. identify with Liberal values, rooted in a Plaid Cymru, Social Democratic Warned by such experiences, even if inchoately, and who Labour Party, Alliance, Green and the post-1945 Liberal Party resisted are predisposed to vote Liberal fundamen- Independent put together. In addi- temptations to participate in Con- Democrat even when the party tion there were six non-voters: the servative-dominated administra- is unpopular, is incompatible tally flawed Speaker, who can’t vote and five tions. Clement Davies was offered with targeting which prevents Sinn Fein who won’t vote. Con- a cabinet job by Winston Church- activity to seek out and to sus- view of the servatives and Lib Dems together ill in 1951 in what proved to be a tain these individuals. could provide – did provide – a remarkably benign Conservative proper role comfortable working majority government. Jeremy Thorpe was with 363 seats, against 281 for all offered a job by Edward Heath in Conclusion of Lib Dems other voting MPs. 1974. Both leaders consulted their The party’s targeting strategy had Another option, which is occa- colleagues and, following their a positive impact on the 1997 elec- in the politi- sionally discussed, was a combina- advice, loyally resisted the tempta- tion but not significantly thereafter. tion of Labour and Lib Dems. This tion. If they had acted otherwise, Moreover, by curtailing activity in cal system – would have provided 315 seats: it is difficult to see how the Liberal a large majority of constituencies, it rather more than the Conservatives Party could have survived. has had a malign effect on the par- a view which but well short of an overall majority. So what other options ty’s general presence in the country Whether such a combination could remained? ‘Go it alone: a plague on and has diminished the party’s base has impli- have been formed at all seems doubt- both your houses’ had some attrac- vote. As such it was a contribut- cations not ful, because a lot of Labour people tions in 2010, but it carried its own ing factor to the party’s poor per- would have fought it tooth and nail. risks. A widespread view among formance at the May 2015 general only for the But, if it had been formed, it could Lib Dems at the time was that, if election. hardly have been expected to last no coalition was formed, the Con- present but long, being highly vulnerable to servatives would form a minority Michael Meadowcroft was a Leeds minor rebellions, winter flu or small government, behave with studied City Councillor, 1968–83, and Liberal also for the parties feeling their muscles. moderation for a short time, and MP for Leeds West, 1983–87. He held A coalition in which the Con- then call another general election numerous local and national offices in the more distant servatives were much the largest at which they would win an over- Liberal Party. party has always led to disaster for all majority. Voters could reason- future. others. That was the case in the ably judge that the Lib Dems were

22 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 coalition and the 2015 election ducking the responsibility to help we still call for a three-party What played drastic is done about it they face the deal with a very serious economic government. If you, the voters, real threat of parliamentary extinc- crisis, and they would lose ground agree that this is the right way the big- tion in the foreseeable future. – though it is difficult to believe of handling the crisis, then give Reflecting on the catastrophe, that they would have fared as badly us a lot more MPs and that will gest part in would the Lib Dems have fared as they did in 2015. send a message to both other much better if, somehow, they had Suppose, however, that Nick parties which they cannot refuse keeping the formed a coalition with Labour Clegg had greeted the 2010 elec- to accept. and – against all probabilities – tion results with a speech rather Liberals in that coalition had survived for five like this. What would have happened? Per- years? I very much doubt it. There haps the message would have hit existence is little reason for thinking that All three major parties have home, and the Lib Dems would voters would have taken a kindlier been disappointed by the results. have improved their position. Per- as an active view of the junior partner in a coa- We Lib Dems hoped to improve haps it would have failed, and the party in the lition with Labour than they did our position, but in fact have Lib Dems might have slipped back. of the junior partner in a coalition lost a few MPs. Labour hoped to The one thing that is pretty certain bleakest with the Conservatives. retain a majority, but they are is that they would not have sus- So, what can be done? There is a now well short of a majority. tained catastrophe on the scale they years was historical parallel. In 1951 the Lib- The Conservatives hoped to win encountered in 2015. erals were down to six MPs and did an overall majority, but they When the general election of the convic- not improve on that figure until have not done so. The verdict of 2015 approached, disaster for the the Orpington by-election of 1962, the electors might be summed Lib Dems was predictable. Many tion among which brought them up to seven. In up, ‘None of the above.’ people who had voted Lib Dem in 1970, however, they were down to Yet everybody agrees that 2010 were profoundly disappointed. party activ- six again, after which they began a the country is in a dire economic The volte-face over tuition fees had slow climb to sixty-three in 2005. mess and some sort of govern- been utterly inexcusable, for many ists that the What played the biggest part in ment must be formed to try to people had been induced to vote keeping the Liberals in existence as sort it out. We Lib Dems call Lib Dem by the promise on which Liberal Party an active party in the bleakest years for a genuine three-party coa- many – but not all – of the MPs was the conviction among party lition to do so, and are willing later reneged. The Lib Dems had had abso- activists that the Liberal Party had and eager to play our part in countenanced an increase in VAT – absolutely unique policies. There such a government. However, the worst and the most regressive of lutely unique was nowhere else that Liberals we are not prepared to join with all our major taxes. They had made could go. the Tories to do down Labour, fools of themselves over electoral policies. Does that conviction still apply? or with the Labour party to do reform: the referendum was bound For a considerable time it has down the Tories. to be rigged against the idea unless looked as if the aim of the Lib Dems the Tories backed it. Furthermore, was to find themselves in the very How would the other parties have the proposed ‘reform’ would have position which arose so disastrously responded? There is a theoretical been little better than the present in 2010: holding the balance of possibility that they would both voting system and was completely power between Conservatives and have accepted the suggestion and different from proportional rep- Labour. This implied the hope that the Lib Dems could have expected resentation which the Liberals had they could slip a few of their own credit for having suggested it. always supported. Against the people into the government and Much more likely, one or both of many disappointed former support- restrain the larger party from doing them would have refused. The ers, the Lib Dems had nothing to some of the nastier things which it other two parties would have had say which might attract new sup- might contemplate. There was no to sort out the immediate ques- port in compensation. prospect of securing any important tion of who was to form a minor- Some people – I was one of them objectives which were distinctively ity government. It would probably – thought that the ‘incumbency Liberal, with the very improbable have been the Conservatives, but factor’ might have saved twenty- exception of real electoral reform. the possibility of Labour remain- odd Lib Dems who were good con- Whatever else the 2015 general elec- ing in office and awaiting defeat stituency MPs. But this was not tion established, it proved that the in the new parliament could not to be and the party was reduced electors have no time for that sort be excluded. In either case a new from fifty-seven MPs to eight. In of party. general election would probably the country as a whole, there are The best hope for the Lib Dems have followed soon. The Lib Dems no ‘strongholds’. No two Lib Dem today is to cast their minds back to would have been in a position to seats are contiguous. There are the ‘unfinished agenda’ – things for argue in terms like these: only two constituencies, Westmor- which Liberals fought in the past, land and Norfolk North, in which which are still unfulfilled. Some of In spite of the real economic the Lib Dem majority is as great as those things have been superseded crisis, the other parties prefer 3,000 and in Norfolk this may be by events; but many have not. to play silly politics rather than explained in part by the unusually Free trade was always on the attend to the problem. We have high UKIP vote which probably Liberal masthead. However the called for a three-party govern- damaged the Tory challenger selec- voters decide in the 2017 referen- ment, which seems to be what tively. Lib Dems are certainly in dum on ‘Europe’, much will be the voters really wanted, and dire trouble and unless something required to establish something like

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 23 coalition and the 2015 election free trade as Cobden or Gladstone, benefit of all, is it acting wisely in to the needs of the times were Asquith or Samuel, understood the imposing high tuition fees, which beginning to emerge. I think we term. It remains as true as ever that will inevitably discourage many should watch the Labour Party ‘if goods cannot cross international aspirants? Lib Dems today need to in particular. I have said that a frontiers, armies will’. undo the follies of the 2010–15 coa- Labour–Lib Dem coalition in 2010 For well over a century, Liberals lition. Everyone complains about would probably have been no better fought for a taxation system more weaknesses in the National Health for Lib Dems (or, I may add, for the just and more efficient than the pre- Service. At the root of the trouble country) than the Conservative– sent one, pivoting on Land Value is a shortage of medical and nurs- Lib Dem coalition which actually Taxation. With huge rises in land ing staff. There is no short-term took place. But a lot of things have values – both in an absolute sense answer, but the long-term solu- changed since before the massive and relative to the value of other tion must be greatly to increase the events of May 2015. things – the case for ‘LVT’ today is numbers of people undergoing the If the general election wrought even stronger than it was a century appropriate training. disaster on the Lib Dems, it also or so ago, when it was winning In matters of ‘defence’ and for- wrought disaster on the Labour elections for the Liberal Party. It eign policy, we may look back to Party. Ever since 1918, the Labour is the cheapest and simplest way of Cobden and, indeed, to some of the Party has aimed at forming an raising public revenue. It will play Radicals of much later times. Why independent government. For a major part in the battle against involve ourselves in conflicts, par- most of that period, the domi- poverty. It is a major instrument ticularly in the Middle East, where nant reason for this was that the against unemployment. It will help we cannot hope to determine the Labour Party believed in socialism. deal with many urban problems long-term consequences? As for That faith gradually evaporated ranging from housing shortage to ‘defence’, how much is necessary and it was formally renounced in inner-city decay. It will help the to protect us from attack, and by the late 1990s in favour of what rural environment and the farmer, whom? Would anybody sleep less was called ‘New Labour’, which while boosting food production. It There is some comfortably in their beds if we looked uncommonly like a mild will be of great value in countering abandoned not only Trident but form of Conservatism in domes- the cycle of booms and slumps. reason for a great deal more besides? Much tic affairs and subservience to the As far back as 1929, Liberals money and many lives could be United States in foreign policy. If fought a general election on the slo- thinking that saved by drastic reduction in both the choice of a new leader signifies gan, ‘We can conquer unemploy- weapons and commitments. anything, it strongly suggests that ment’. Alas, they did not win; but the situation As every experienced politi- ‘New Labour’ has also been repudi- they substantially increased their cian knows, good policies are not ated. The Labour Party is casting representation. On the same theme, today may enough. They must be backed by round for new policies and – who later William Beveridge produced have paral- good organisation. That was recog- knows? – it may eventually land up his plans for ‘full employment in a nised by Liberals in the aftermath with policies not wildly different free society’, which for a long time lels with that of 1945, when Liberals decided that from those which I have suggested was largely accepted by all par- their declared objective of a ‘Liberal as appropriate for the Lib Dems. ties. It is urgently needed today. In which pre- majority government’ presupposed That, however, is completely hypo- a sane society, the problem would the creation of strong constituency thetical at this stage. not be ‘What should we do for these vailed in the organisations. Branches were set Labour also faces a major prob- people who haven’t got jobs?’ but up in many places where they had lem of a different kind. Will it ever ‘How on earth do we find people late 1840s not existed for years and existing be possible to create another Labour to do all the work that needs to be branches were given much clearer government? Labour’s great strong- done?’ and the ideas of how to organise. Of course hold was Scotland right down to Long before the First World they failed disastrously in their pri- 2015. Now they (like the Lib Dems War, Winston Churchill was cas- 1850s, when mary objective, but it is a fair guess and the Conservatives) hold just tigating the Conservatives as ‘the that they would have disappeared one Scottish constituency. On top party of the rich against the poor’, old parties altogether long ago if they had not of that, there is a serious prospect with the intended implication that given serious attention to their that within a few years Scotland Liberals were appalled at the mald- were break- grass roots. My own experience will be an independent country and istribution of wealth which pre- in the constituency where I live, out of the UK political equation vailed and intended to rectify it. ing down which was won by the Lib Dems altogether. Wealth is still maldistributed; the in 2010 but lost again in 2015, is Is it possible to secure, not a coa- poor are still much too poor and a and new that Lib Dem organisation, even in lition, but some kind of electoral great deal needs to be done, and can ones appro- hopeful places, is still very far from understanding, with Labour? An be done, to improve the situation. adequate. old question, but a valid one. I have It was Liberals who in 1870 first priate to the All this seems to portend a long before me the ‘official’ party pub- made legislative provision for uni- and stony road back; but politics lication, Liberal Magazine, of June versal primary education. Does our needs of the is full of surprises – good as well 1914, p. 323. This records six by- educational system yet provide any as bad. There is some reason for elections to the parliament of the opportunity for people from disad- times were thinking that the situation today day in which seats that had been vantaged backgrounds to make the may have parallels with that which Liberal at the previous general elec- most of their talents? If the nation beginning to prevailed in the late 1840s and the tion, and one where the seat had needs many people with high 1850s, when old parties were break- been Labour, had been captured by educational qualifications for the emerge. ing down and new ones appropriate the Tories through the intervention

24 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 letters of a third candidate. It concluded, much more attention than in the There is no The Great War and the Liberal ‘What is clearly wanted is a policy recent past to strengthening local Party (1) of accommodation between Liberal organisations. Lib Dems should, future for a Michael Steed in his very inter- and Labour which will reproduce however, keep in mind the pros- esting article, ‘Did the Great War in the constituencies the coopera- pect of eventually participating in a party which really kill the Liberal Party?’ (Jour- tion which obtains at Westminster.’ major political realignment. There nal of Liberal History 87, summer It would be useful today for both are people in the Labour Party and aspires to no 2015) writes of the belief of the his- parties to consider how many con- there are people in the Conserva- toric Liberal Party ‘that reason, stituencies were won by the Con- tive Party too, who are already more than trade and moral principles could servatives in 2015 where the victory thinking on truly Liberal lines. together bring peace’ as ‘close to a could be attributed to the presence These and many other objec- junior part- raison d’être’ and as ‘an important of a ‘no-hope’ candidate – Lib Dem tives are suggested by the actions nership in constituent in the glue that held in some cases, Labour in others. and policies of Liberals in the his- together the disparate elements A few conclusions seem to toric past. Whether Lib Dems have a coalition making up the party’. Two let- emerge. There is no future for a any future will depend on how well ters in the Manchester Guardian in party which aspires to no more they learn from the past. dominated August 1916 seem to provide sharp than junior partnership in a coali- confirmation of this analysis. tion dominated by others, though Dr Roy Douglas is Emeritus Reader by others. Mary Toulmin, wife of Sir tactical arrangements in some con- at the University of Surrey, a former George Toulmin, Liberal MP for stituencies may well be useful. The Liberal parliamentary candidate, and Bury, wrote to the Manchester job of Lib Dems today is to decide the author of fifteen books, including Guardian on 5 August 1916: on policies aimed not just at deal- The History of the Liberal Party ing with short-term problems but 1895–1970 (1971) and Liberals: The It is difficult for a life-long Lib- at producing a long-term Liberal History of the Liberal and Liberal eral like myself – and one grow- future. It will be necessary to give Democrat Parties (2005). ing more Radical with years – to write with moderation of the present position of Liberal poli- tics. The members of the Liberal Party in the House of Com- mons, with a few noble excep- tions, have slavishly obeyed the dictum of the Prime Minis- ter – ‘Wait and See’. They have waited and they have seen! They Letters see a unity of parties indeed but how achieved? By the con- Labour and the Liberals; tinuous surrender by the Liberal questions for readers Ayrshire Northern at the 1906 gen- Party of all those things it held Anent James Owen’s article ‘The eral election. most dear – a voluntary army, struggle for representation: Labour Anent the report of the meet- right of asylum, respect for con- candidates and the Liberals, 1886– ing on ‘The Liberal-Tory coali- science, education, Home Rule, 1895’ ( Journal of Liberal History tion of 1915’, why did Bonar Law, and international law as touch- 86, spring 2015), Keir Hardie was the Tory leader, who joined the ing the rights of neutrals. refused the Liberal nomination for Cabinet in May 1915, not have to the Mid-Lanarkshire by-election submit himself to a ministerial by- The President of the Yorkshire in 1888. He then left the Liberals election? Such were not suspended Council of Women’s Liberal Asso- and unsuccessfully contested the during the war, as Harold Tennant, ciations, Mary Isabel Salt, wrote on by-election as Independent Labour. Asquith’s brother-in-law, had to 10 August 1916: John Sinclair, a protégé of (Sir) submit himself to an unopposed Henry Campbell-Bannerman and ministerial by-election in Berwick- The letters appearing in your a future Secretary for Scotland, shire when appointed Secretary for columns from Lady Toulmin, was offered the Liberal nomination Scotland in July 1916. Sir William Byles, and oth- but refused, as he did not want to And one more question for your ers, undoubtedly express the oppose Hardie. readers. Some biographers of Wil- opinion of thousands of sincere In 1901, Sinclair, then Scottish liam E. Gladstone state that his rank-and-file Liberals who have Liberal Whip, supported, with Sir brother, Robertson (born 1805) hitherto remained dumb under Henry’s approval, the unsuccess- was educated at Eton and Glas- the impotence of the present sit- ful Scottish Workers Representa- gow Academy. However, Glas- uation, but who are none the less tion Committee (SWRC) candidate gow Academy was not founded eagerly awaiting the first oppor- at a by-election in North-Eastern until 1845. Can any of your readers tunity to battle effectively for Lanarkshire, rather than the Lib- advise where in Glasgow he was the old principles which formed eral Imperialist candidate who was educated? Incidentally, one of the the bedrock of their political also unsuccessful. The interven- original directors of the Academy faith. Some of us are asking our- tion of SWRC candidates resulted was Sir Henry Campbell-Banner- selves whether we can honestly in the defeat of Liberal candidates man’s uncle, William Campbell. remain associated any longer in North-Western Lanarkshire and Dr Alexander S. Waugh with a party whose official

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 25 letters

sanction is given to active As indicated, there were other When I was looking at a she should take whatever work against Liberal princi- letters along these lines. different problem, I encoun- action was possible to avert the ples and to the repudiation Duncan Marlor tered memoranda sent to Grey catastrophe. of Liberal principles one by by the two most senior For- This set me wondering. To one … Could not a Radical eign Office officials, Sir Arthur what extent had Foreign Office party be formed even now The Great War and the Nicolson and Sir Eyre Crowe, officials, unknown to the pub- which would pledge itself to Liberal Party (2) shortly before Britain became lic and probably to most MPs, adhere to Liberal principles? Professor Otte’s excellent arti- committed to action which gradually manoeuvred Brit- If the leaders would come cle on Sir Edward Grey (‘The made involvement in the 1914 ain into policies which led to forward the members would long shadow of war;, Journal of war inevitable. Both were war? Were there perhaps simi- roll up in their thousands. Liberal History 87, summer 2015) obviously trying to stiffen lar people in the background One feels the tragedy of the throws light on a puzzle which Grey, urging that – as Crowe in Vienna, Berlin, Paris and present situation, insomuch has vexed many historians. put it – ‘in a just quarrel Eng- St Petersburg who played a as it is so infinitely easier to How did it happen that a man land (sic) would stand by her major part in impelling sover- lose our hard-won liberties of high intelligence, complete friends’. [FO800/94, fo.522] eigns and statesmen who did than to regain them, and if probity and a deep love of peace At a time when Belgium had not want war into that avoid- the consolidation of a really nevertheless played an impor- not yet been invaded, or even able conflict? And may it be that liberal party is left until tant part in involving Britain in directly threatened, both similar people still lurk in the after the war it may be too a war which most people would were much more concerned various Foreign Offices of the late to achieve much in our now consider unnecessary and that Britain should support world? own generation. almost wholly destructive? France and Russia than that Roy Douglas Liberal history quiz 2015 The 2015 Liberal history quiz was a feature of the History Group’s exhibition stand at the Liberal Democrat conference in Bournemouth last September; the questions were drawn from our new book, British Liberal Leaders. The winners, each with 19 marks out of 20, were David Hughes and Richard Sanderson. We also included anyone answering at least five questions correctly in a draw for a second prize: the winner was James Sanderson. Below we reprint the questions – the answers are on page 39. 1. On hearing that Nick Clegg was going to join the Liberal Democrats who said: ‘Oh, for heaven’s sake, joining the Liberal Democrats is like joining an NGO!’ 2. From which city’s Town Hall in 1901 did David Lloyd George have to flee a pro-Boer War mob disguised as a policeman? 3. Which Liberal leader fell foul of the man who devised the rules of boxing and was consequently mentioned in the trial of a famous playwright? 4. CB acquired his surname well after his birth; why and when did he do it? 5. Which Liberal leader became the first ever British High Commissioner for Palestine? 6. What was the name of the baronetcy inherited from his grandfather by Sir Archibald Sinclair in 1912? 7. Which seat did Roy Jenkins fight unsuccessfully at the 1945 general election? 8. In what year was David Owen first elected as an MP for a Plymouth constituency? 9. Which leader defeated a sitting Liberal MP when he entered Parliament and later sat together with that opponent in the House of Lords? 10. What was the name of the quarterly journal, founded in 1993 and edited by Charles Kennedy, which advocated preparation for a Lib-Lab coalition? 11. Which Liberal leader introduced the targeting strategy known as the Winnable Seats scheme? 12. Criticised as ready at ten minutes’ notice to assume the roles of a surgeon, an architect or an admiral, which leader was compared to a Venetian magistrate by a later leader in a mock obituary? 13. Which prolific leader, better known for a cuppa than his policies, fathered an illegitimate child by an aristocratic canvasser for Fox? 14. Who was Home Secretary at the time of the Tolpuddle Martyrs? 15. He held the offices of Secretary for War, Foreign Secretary (three times) and Home Secretary and was the MP who waited longest to become Prime Minister; who was he? 16. Whose maiden speech in the first reformed parliament professed a qualified opposition to the abolition of slavery? 17. Which leader had four children, three of whom died at the age of 23, all in unrelated incidents? 18. Which Liberal Prime Minister earned the nickname ‘the last of the Romans’? 19. As a young man he was bowled over by Skittles; later he created a double duchess, led the Liberals and turned down the top job three times. Who was he? 20. Who were Menzies Campbell’s two opponents in the leadership contest of 2006?

26 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 letters

Coalition and the Liberal analysing the difference the to be associated with their Coalition and the Liberal Democrats (1) Liberal Democrats really made undoubted liberalism. Nor was Democrats (4) The last edition of the Journal of to government policy across there a mention, as there might Undoubtedly the electoral Liberal History (issue 88, autumn a range of key policy areas – a have been, that Peter Hain – catastrophe of May 2015 was 2015) was excellent, the first topic we couldn’t cover for lack rightly praised in that debate compounded by fabricated serious look at the coalition of space in issue 88. – was then an active Liberal, panic that a Labour-SNP alli- from a Lib Dem point of view. although Menzies Campbell, ance would ravage England’s Comprehensive though it Simon Hughes and Martin green and pleasant land; but the was, however, it did miss some- Coalition and the Liberal Horwood, all with a far better fatal damage was done in 2010, thing essential in my opinion: Democrats (2) grasp of party history, did so in not by the fact of the coalition the ideological convergence The Coalition and the Liberal their speeches. but by the hasty vote to raise between the Liberal Democrats Democrats issue (Journal of Lib- Instead, we learned merely tuition fees. Time did not heal and the Conservative parties eral History 88, autumn 2015) that ‘As a student, I was one of this wound. In summer 2014 I driven by the leadership of both contained much fascinating the thousands of people who marked an A-level paper that parties. David Laws, for exam- detail that will be pored over flooded into Wembley stadium included a question about how ple, is on record as saying that by historians, and others, for a for the “Free Nelson Mandela” political parties engage with the coalition would not have long time to come. While read- concert to mark his 70th birth- the public; the one thing that been possible without the con- ing through it, I was struck by day.’ If ever there was an appro- every candidate knew was that tribution made to the ideology one particular comment, in the priate time for a leader of the the Lib Dems – often personi- of the party by the Orange Book. highly critical assessment by Liberal Democrats to recall the fied as Nick Clegg – break their There were policies that the John Pugh (‘Coalition history – Liberal role in the opposition to promises. Liberal Democrats agreed to in our follies and our fortune’). apartheid, this Parliamentary Once Lib Dem candidates coalition with the Tories that He noted that ‘The blunders occasion was it. pledged themselves to vote it is hard to imagine that any we made were utterly de trop Was this failure to make this against in the 2010 campaign, other previous leader of the and born of political inexperi- point, too, born of ‘political that had to be a red line in coali- party would have agreed. Out ence and hubris’, going on to inexperience and hubris’? And tion negotiations; anyone who of a long list of policies where note that ‘people with previ- of a lack of knowledge of, and thought this little promise was that applies, one that sticks in ous experience of coalitions interest in, the history of Lib- trumped by the bigger com- my mind was the bedroom tax and pacts and experience in a erals and liberalism? Perhaps. mitment to work construc- (albeit the other benefit cuts British context … were either In any case, a politely-worded tively with the largest party were perhaps even more dev- ignored or kept on the margins note of regret and complaint I deceived themselves. Nor could astating to those who had to and advice sought instead from sent at the time to the relevant the raising of fees be justified by endure them). References were selected continental sources and address failed to receive even impending financial crisis. In made to how George Osborne special advisers.’ the most perfunctory reply. the short run it made no differ- pushed through the worst ben- A lack of knowledge of Peter Hellyer (former YL Vice ence whether student fees were efit cuts, but surely these were other aspects of the party’s his- Chairman and former member of granted or loaned. agreed by the Quad? If so, not tory was apparent at times, the AAM Executive) Returned unopposed as a only did Nick Clegg and Danny too. I recall the important Lib Dem district councillor in Alexander fail to say no, they Parliamentary occasion, on 9 May 2015, I was fortunate to actively supported the policies December 2013, when tributes Coalition and the Liberal avoid the pain inflicted on so afterwards. were paid to Nelson Mandela. Democrats (3) many fine, talented people. But I will assume that they gen- While regretting the fact that There is an, in my view serious, the moral of the disaster is clear: uinely believed the policies he ‘never had the privilege of historical inaccuracy on p. 10 of (1) don’t make promises unless would not increase poverty and meeting Nelson Mandela,’ Nick Journal of Liberal History 88. you are sure you can keep them; increase misery. But for them Clegg praised ‘the British cam- Before 2010, there were (2) don’t make a long-term alli- to believe that they would have paigners in the Anti-Apartheid many other referendums under ance in a tearing hurry. to disbelieve organisations like Movement in London who the Blair government beside Andy Connell CPAG who campaigned against showed unfailing loyalty to and the two mentioned by Adrian the policy, and who were later support for Nelson Mandela Slade. There was the referen- to have been proved right to during his bleakest days,’ add- dum on establishing the Lon- Asquith and the Lords do so. So the question is: when ing ‘ I, too, pay tribute to Mr don mayor, the referendum on It’s interesting how often his- did we as Lib Dems stop believ- (Peter) Hain and all his fellow the Good Friday agreement and torians chance on a ‘nugget’ ing in CPAG, and agree with campaigners for what they did the referendum on North-East whilst looking for something the Tories instead? As I write, at that time.’ devolution. There were also else. with apparently no debate the There was no mention in many referendums on the estab- I was recently research- party seems to have returned to Clegg’s speech – as perhaps lishment or removal of local ing the National Liberal Club where it was before, supporting there should have been – of mayors, far more than on any archives to answer a query and radical anti-poverty policies. the determined opposition to other issue in the whole of Brit- in the minutes for the Gen- Maybe this is something the apartheid of two of his pre- ish history eral Committee of 4 March Journal of Liberal History should decessors, Jeremy Thorpe I think the implication that 1925 it was recorded that the look at? and David Steel, both associ- referendums became common Committee’s Chairman, Lord Geoff Payne ated with the Anti-Apartheid during the coalition is just inac- Beauchamp, had asked for the Movement, the latter as its curate; it was Blair who estab- Committee’s starting time Editor’s note: we plan a second President for a while, dur- lished them as a regular part of to be varied to accommo- special edition of the Journal on ing a period when their stance the British political system. date his duties in the House of the coalition, in autumn 2016, required real political courage Richard Gadsden Lords, as ‘Lord Oxford would

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 27 letters not assume the daily duties of a last being to make them available, the Scottish Liberal Democrats, Leader.’ including an initial programme of Gordon commended the section There is a great deal of valu- digitisation. that declares that political able historical material in the Michael Meadowcroft (Hon. thought is not just something that Club’s archives and efforts are at ­Archivist, National Liberal Club) happens in universities, think tanks or party policy committees but that everyone thinks about fairness, responsibility, power or how they want their lives to go. Politics has become disengaged from this vibrant, everyday way of thinking and it is the job of liberal community politicians to re-establish the link between Reports political theory and the everyday thinking about politics that people do without really realising it. Another big area of context for Community Politics and the Liberal Revival the birth of community politics was the massive spread of all sorts Conference fringe meeting held jointly with the of grassroots community action – Association of Liberal Democrat Councillors, 13 March 2015, sometimes associated with political organisations, but often not – that with Gordon Lishman and Paul Clark; chair: Sarah Boad built on the work of people like Report by Graham Lippiatt George Clark of the Notting Hill Community Workshop who were he famous community conference after the 2015 general interested in helping a community politics resolution, adopted election, more than ever since to find its own voice and to Tby the Liberal Party at its 1970. And it was also important campaign to bring about the things 1970 Assembly, helped to lay the now to revisit other aspects of the it wanted. It was the job of the foundations for revival after the amendment passed at Eastbourne politician to add their own views party’s loss of half its seats in the in 1970, such as how to put into to a debate with the wider public 1970 general election. This fringe practice the dual approach of (usually on a local level) about meeting explored the community working inside and outside The famous how to bring about change and politics approach, what it meant parliament and about how to build commu- take charge of their own lives and and how might be of help to a base in big industrial cities. communities. Liberal Democrats in the future. One of the issues which Gordon nity politics But this era of grassroots Leading the discussion were and the co-author of The Theory action did not last; the election Gordon Lishman (co-author of The and Practice of Community Politics, resolution, of Margaret Thatcher signalled Theory and Practice of Community Bernard Greaves, debated at the that change was coming. Partly Politics) and, substituting for time of writing was whether or adopted by it was because those who had Mike Storey, former leader of not include in the book a chapter been employed to facilitate the Liverpool Council, who was at linking the idea of community the Liberal work were no longer paid to do the last moment unable to attend, politics to the wider history so, but there was also a gradual Paul Clarke who was a Liverpool of Liberalism; the notion that Party at its disengagement perhaps aided councillor for thirty-four years. approaches to political action and by the spread of television and Gordon introduced his talk by political ideas are indivisibly part 1970 Assem- other socio-cultural factors. We referring to the context in which of the same thing. Gordon then realised that there was a disconnect the idea of community politics quoted from Bernard Greaves bly, helped between the issues that we were came to be born and looking – ‘community politics is not campaigning about at university, forward to a debate on how that a technique for winning local to lay the such as anti-apartheid or UDI idea should be developed and elections’ – and went on to place in Rhodesia, and the topics used politically in the future. community politics in the context foundations that people were raising on the Community politics was adopted of the idea of ‘positive liberty’ or doorstep as we canvassed for by the Liberal Party because there the use of freedom. This is an idea for revival Michael Winstanley or Richard was a big gap to fill. After the originating in J. S. Mill’s thought, after the Wainwright. The challenge 1970 general election the party and Gordon next quoted from therefore became one of how you did not have much of an answer Considerations on Representative party’s loss started from where the electorate to the question, ‘What do we Government, where Mill says that was and turned that into a wider do next?’ Neither did the party people are not just allowed to of half its political debate. The thing that have an answer to the question participate in politics but that it is Liberals got wrong was not in from individual members, ‘What good that they should do so, for seats in the starting where people were but can I do next?’ This question, themselves and for wider society. in stopping at that point. So we Gordon suggested, was likely to Now turning to the Little Yellow 1970 general never got beyond those everyday be on the lips of party delegates Book, a recent publication by Nigel issues to the point where we could in Bournemouth, the first federal Lindsay and Robert Brown for election. engage people in a wider political

28 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 report: community politics and the liberal revival debate and movement. Part of the The localism at a national level in a series of then the other taking their turn naivety lay in underestimating campaigns which gets the message and so on. In Liverpool as a result the power of first-past-the-post legislation across to the electorate that this is nothing much changed except and its deadening influence on who we are and what we stand for. that each party kept ripping the politics. The tendency has been to enables good It is not enough to campaign on heart out of the city. So Jones and concentrate on what people like micro-issues – pavement politics – Carr introduced a revolutionary and ignore the rest of the debate, local things but ignore wider questions about, political tactic: being in the to fail to mention areas which say, the fight for democracy in community, regular Focus leaflets may be unpopular or at best to to be done Ukraine which are part and parcel and engagement, and acting as the keep your head down. Unlike of the idea of what constitutes representative of the people. The our counterparts in Europe, for but does not liberalism. present Liberal Democrat leader example D66 in Holland, our go beyond In the 1970s during ALC in Liverpool, Richard Kemp, has would-be representatives have training on community politics mugs on sale saying ‘Welcome to become constrained by having to that and do and winning elections, it often Liverpool: birthplace of the “good say and do things which will lead to emerged that how people spent morning” leaflet’ – and whether gaining votes in FPTP elections at things itself. their working and leisure time was any other local party can properly local government and constituency not as interesting and engaging as claim they thought of it first, this levels – but, once elected, have But it is only what they wished to do in politics. was the kind of innovation that rarely evolved the debate beyond This revelation changed many lives Jones and Carr pioneered. In these that point This has manifested itself if you engage and plenty of them went on to be a early days, there was tension about in many occasions in which Liberal substantial part of the widening and what the heart of the campaigning Democrats have had power in local with people ongoing liberal movement. Today a should be. Carr was a suave lawyer and national government but have lot of campaigners are committing who wanted leaflets to be pages remained content to manage the and get them themselves to fighting, say, this of policy with footnotes. Trevor system, the infrastructure and how election and the next, but qualify Jones wanted them to be like a red they organise. Some, however, involved in their commitment and make it top tabloid and, of course, overall have kept on campaigning, the clear that, if they do not get into he won that argument. In Church London Borough of Sutton being a change and parliament by then, they’ll give up Ward – Cyril Carr’s ward – you good example. and do something else. Something would find a very worthyFocus This is one area in which the political intangible has changed, and it will leaflet, but in other areas you would community politics approach cause great difficulty to our being have a Trevor Jones design with differs from the localism offered ideas … that able to identify and engage the next bold headlines and storylines to by the coalition government and the opportu- generation of leaders. To conclude, grab your interest. He worked sponsored by Andrew Stunnell. Gordon quoted from Professor Sir on the basis that if people had not The localism legislation enables nity allowed Lawrence Freedman, now sitting had their attention grabbed in the good local things to be done but on the Chilcot Committee but first twenty seconds, they would does not go beyond that and do for in the in 1969 a colleague in the Young not read it at all. Within the Focus things itself. But it is only if you Liberals who helped coin the phrase there would be opportunity for engage with people and get them Localism Act community politics: ‘Votes and feedback from the public, which is involved in change and political government are the result of our now taken for granted but it was ideas (as Andrew Stunell does will mean activity, not the purpose.’ revolutionary then to ask people himself in Hazel Grove) that the Paul Clark began by saying that what they thought and what they opportunity allowed for in the anything. he was proud that this meeting wanted from their councillors. Localism Act will mean anything. was taking place in Liverpool What they told you, and other We talked, at the time of the – in effect, at the birthplace of feedback through the raising of community politics amendment, liberal community politics. petitions, would be material for the of creating a movement. We Paul said he represented County next leaflet and in this way a chord have had the opportunity to do Ward in Walton which contains would be struck with the public. that with family, friends, and Everton football ground and the And that approach clearly Focus deliverers, but in general surrounding terraced housing and worked. Trevor then became we have used those people as council estates. He arrived there president of the Liberal Party and political fodder. In 1970 we talked in 1976 and stayed there for the exported that view to the wider about how to spread our Liberal next thirty-four years basically party. In this he was supported movement into a wider range of because of community politics. by Graham Tope, then a young campaigns, such as David Steel’s By 1976, this had already taken off campaigner in Sutton and Cheam, anti-apartheid stance or Mark in Liverpool through the efforts and when the community politics Bonham Carter’s Race Relations of two men, Trevor Jones and approach was tried there in the Board work, because they were Cyril Carr. In those days the way famous by-election of 1972 in working in pursuit of and were elections were run followed the which Graham was elected to about liberal values and the things pattern of an introductory leaflet parliament, it laid the foundation we stood for. And too many (if you were lucky) and then an for further success in Sutton and people sitting in Town Halls on election address. This and the elsewhere. In addition Jones led the licensing committees, for instance, two-party system worked very fight against Jeremy Thorpe and is not about creating the liberal for Labour and Tories across the his close allies who did not wish revolution. So the challenge is to country in the 1960s and ’70s, with the party to fight every seat, with work out how we get involved one party in office for a while and the object of ensuring that each

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 29 report: community politics and the liberal revival

not just the fabric of the city but also its image and we did that. The image of the city today is nothing like the image of poor, crumbling infrastructure, knee-deep in litter, that was commonplace in the 1970s and ’80s – and that change is down to community politics and way it gave us a majority on the council to set about that transformative task. In conclusion, and in answer to Gordon Lishman’s query as to where the party’s next generation of leaders coming from, Paul pointed out that there were many young people at conference, not just people of his generation. In Liverpool, where the party has been hammered in recent years, a number of younger activists are constituency would field a Liberal Gordon Lishman, Barack Obama in 2008 that the coming forward. There is no reason candidate in a general election and Sarah Boad and use of new technology, social to be pessimistic about the next run on the principle of fighting for Paul Clark networking and social media generation but we have to get back every vote that could be won. This can connect individuals with to our basic Liberal principles and was an approach which sowed the political campaigns and can be to shout from the rooftops that we seeds of our becoming a genuine used, as it was in America, to believe in Liberal values and that national party again and, even raise money from individuals. Liberal values are worth having. though we are in troubled times Liberal Democrats need these During question and answer today, we must not slip back from donations as we do not have the session, Bernard Greaves added this position. money of the trade unions or of big that part of the starting point Paul then said he differed business. New technology has not for community politics was not from Gordon on one point. The somehow overtaken the traditional only the catastrophe of the 1970 councillor when elected becomes communication techniques used general election but also the the representative of the people in community politics but is the disintegration of the Young Liberal and you do not win again unless future of engaging young people in movement, when many who had you do this. You have to win to our political campaigning. These been supporters began to go in achieve things for the people who methods are an important element other political directions. We had elect you. The councillor must of the new community politics. to say that we wanted to create work all year round or they will You must not forget traditional not only a Liberal government not get re-elected, and they must methods, and even in the social but more importantly a Liberal represent the views of the people. media age, as in the past, face- society. This led to a realisation that In Liverpool too often councillors to-face engagement remains the liberalism could not be a party of and candidates just represent the number one means of successful the individual like the Tories, nor Labour Party. We get elected community politics. a party of collectivist tendencies principally because people trust Another vital part of success like the socialist tradition within us to represent them and to fight through community politics is the Labour taught, but had to be for them, especially in an area like ability to inspire. In Liverpool in distinctively based in communities. Liverpool where there are so many the past, Liberal political activity We all live in communities and social problems. That, in Paul’s has inspired people to vote for survive because of them. The vision view, is the hard core of community us, to work with us. They were was of all those communities, not politics. That fight through inspired to support us because just local communities, taking community politics is about putting they knew we spoke for them and control of their own affairs within your Liberalism into practice. we used that power to transform a broader framework. So Liberal So, how do we relate this city. A tangible result of that activists are not there just to get community politics as traditionally transformation is the convention elected and fix people’s problems practised in Liverpool, to today’s centre in which the meeting was for them but to assist people in politics in the modern Liberal being held, together with the fixing things for themselves. That Democrats? There seemed to waterfront and the heart of the remains vitally important today. To Paul to be a feeling abroad that city. Look at what happened in create a liberal society you have to community politics is thought of city finances. When we arrived in work both inside the government as being a bit old-fashioned and office Liverpool had the highest structure and outside it: the dual that the delivery of Focus leaflets council tax in the country but the approach is still highly relevant. and knocking on doors does not fourth worst performance of all really work anymore. There has councils. We changed that. We Graham Lippiatt is a member of the been an understanding, perhaps froze council tax and made the city Liberal Democrat History Group’s stemming from the victory of more efficient. We had to transform executive.

30 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 Catastrophe: the 2015 election campaign and had done so much to destroy the voters’ trust in the party. He put its outcome up a familiar argument: ‘if only you’d have stopped them, every- Evening meeting, 19 July 2015, with Phil Cowley and Olly thing would have been hunky dory Grender; chair: William Wallace and the party wouldn’t be where Report by Neil Stockley it is now’. Then he tested a coun- terfactual. The Liberal Democrats he general election of 7 contests and one in four ended up could have dug in during the coali- May 2015 was a catastrophe in fifth place. More finished sixth tion negotiations and successfully Tfor the Liberal Democrats. than won their seats. In four seats blocked the rise in tuition fees. The party won just eight seats and that the party won in 2010, they fell Still, he suggested, the Conserva- a mere 7.9 per cent of the votes cast back to third place and one sitting tives would surely have insisted in the worst result for the Liberal Liberal Democrat MP suffered the on another big policy concession. Democrats or their predecessors ignominy of coming fourth. The There would have been ‘another since 1970. The party’s hopes that party was only in second place in great betrayal’ that placed a wedge strong constituency profiles and constituencies they had held until between the party and a large num- effective local campaigns would recently. And, over the previous ber of its supporters. The Liberal enable at least twenty-five MPs five years, the party had suffered Democrats could have united and to hang on or that enough vot- the loss of half its local government voted down the Browne package ers might show their gratitude for base and all but one of its seats in in the Commons, thereby break- what the party had achieved under the European Parliament. ing the agreement. But in so doing, the coalition were dashed. As Phil One possible explanation for they would have wrecked the coa- Cowley, Professor of Parliamen- the catastrophe was that the Lib- lition and, possibly, triggered an tary Government at the University eral Democrat campaign, and par- early general election in which of Nottingham, told the summer ticularly its messaging, had badly the party’s fate would have been meeting, the dismal outcome meant missed the mark. Perhaps, though, uncertain. that a generation’s work of growing there were deeper, more funda- Professor Cowley’s key point, the party was undone. mental drivers. Had the voters pun- though, was such an outcome He went on to place the result ished the party for what they had ‘surely would not have been as in its historical context, which done when in government? Or for damaging as what eventually was even more brutal. The Lib- the very act of going into coalition transpired in May 2015, however eral Democrats’ share of the vote with the Conservatives? you add in the problems with the crashed by 15.2 per cent com- Phillip Cowley was in no doubt “what-ifs”’. This was also true, pared to the 2010 result. Profes- that the reasons should be traced Professor he argued, of any of the scenarios sor Cowley had to go all the way right back to the party’s decision in under which the Liberal Demo- back to the Liberal debacles of May 2010 to go into coalition with Cowley had crats left the coalition, at least 1918 and 1931 to find an occasion the Conservatives. The 2010 gen- until late 2014. The party could when a major party had suffered eral election result left the Liberal to go all the have left the coalition in May 2011, such a huge loss of support in a Democrats facing the toughest of after its humiliation in the AV single general election. The Lib- dilemmas. They could enter into way back referendum, or following its dis- eral Democrats held on to barely coalition, or some other kind of astrous showing in the European a third of their total vote in 2010, power sharing deal with the Con- to the Lib- Parliament elections of May 2014. another feat that no major party servatives. Or they could attempt Or, had it not entered into coali- had achieved since the Liberals’ either with Labour. Or they could eral deba- tion in 2010, there may well have collapse in 1931. And, in hold- remain in opposition. All of these been a second general election that ing on to just 14 per cent of their options had clear downsides. Pro- cles of 1918 year. Or, Nick Clegg could have Commons seats, the Liberal Dem- fessor Cowley described the Lib- resigned as leader in 2014. Under ocrats performed worse than any eral Democrats’ predicament as a and 1931 to any of these scenarios, the vot- major party in any election since zugswang – a German chess term ers may well have punished the 1832. A total of 341 Liberal Demo- used to describe a situation when find an occa- Liberal Democrats, whenever the crat candidates lost their deposits, the player has to move, but there election came. Still, he was sure more than in all the general elec- is no positive outcome available: sion when a that the party would have ended tions between 1979 and 2010 put any move will leave them worse up with more than the eight seats together. And, as he reminded us, off. The skill when facing a zug- major party it eventually won. Moreover, he the rules for losing deposits were swang, he said, was to find the least had suffered said, a general election before late made more generous in 1985. damaging move. The party made a 2014 would have taken place with- Ever since the rise of the Labour hard-headed calculation to go into such a huge out the SNP surge that followed Party, the Liberals and then the coalition with the Conservatives. the Scottish Independence refer- Alliance and the Liberal Democrats But he was far from convinced that loss of sup- endum, with all the damage that had been undisputed as the third the Liberal Democrats took the ended up doing to the party. Then party of British politics. Whether option that was, or could ever be, port in a sin- Professor Cowley asked whether measured in terms of votes or seats, ‘the least bad’ for them. the Liberal Democrats’ policy leg- that was no longer the case, he Professor Cowley cited the gle general acy from the coalition was really said. Half of all Liberal Democrats debacle over tuition fees, which worth the electoral price that the candidates came fourth in their was widely seen a totemic issue that election. party paid on 7 May 2015. The

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 31 report: catastrophe – the 2015 election campaign and its outcome audience did not really take up this than the local candidate. Relying The Liberal Democrats tried to challenge. Perhaps feelings were on local MPs and campaigns was counter by warning that unless the still too raw a matter of weeks always going to be a longshot. Liberal Democrats were part of any after the election. Second, the party had been new government, Britain faced the In light of all that the party had badly mistaken about how many, prospect of being ruled by ‘Blukip’ been through during the coalition, and which, seats could be saved. – an alliance of the Conservatives, Professor Cowley saw the cam- Professor Cowley suggested that, UKIP and the DUP. It didn’t work. paign as of little importance to the from the start, Liberal Democrat Baroness Grender opined that the Liberal Democrats’ final showing. election strategists might have ‘Blukip’ argument ‘didn’t have Nick Clegg’s personal ratings had been tougher with sitting MPs who the ring of authenticity’, and sug- improved steadily over the four could not win, more ruthless about gested that had they been able to weeks before polling day, suggest- cutting people loose. After all, the afford tracking polls, the campaign ing that the campaign may not have party seemed to have a realistic strategists might have been able to been quite as bad as many people chance in between twenty-six and understand why it had failed. The think. Yet the Liberal Democrats thirty-one constituencies, a num- party was not wrong to discuss now relied on a ‘jet age campaign ber that, we now know, shrank hung-parliament scenarios, given machine in a digital era’. He con- drastically as the campaign went what the opinion polls and electoral cluded that such factors made only on. Baroness Grender explained projections were consistently say- a small difference in the end (‘Your that the party could not afford ing. The possible explanations for fate was sealed much earlier’). Pro- tracking polls in its key constitu- the failure of the ‘Blukip’ message fessor Cowley pointed to a sim- encies once the ‘short campaign’ can be taken further, however. Per- ple, brutal fact: after the party had started. As a result, she and haps the public saw the Conserva- went into coalition, their poll rat- her colleagues could not tell which tives and UKIP as mortal enemies ings went on ‘a long-term down- (if any) candidates still had a pros- and simply didn’t believe that they ward cycle’, which carried on for pect of winning as the campaign could work together? Or, perhaps the life of the 2010–15 parliament. progressed. And she wondered they did not believe that the Liberal The modest recovery that he and whether a tougher approach to tar- Democrats could make a real differ- many others had expected did not geting, or having the accurate data ence? Or, perhaps most voters sim- eventuate. would have made much difference, ply did not want to think about any The second speaker was Bar- given how hard it was to persuade new coalition scenarios? oness Olly Grender, Paddy Ash- candidates and activists to give up Crucially, the failure of the par- down’s second-in-command on the on their own contests and cam- ty’s campaign messages was more ‘Wheelhouse Group’ that ran the paign in those seats. fundamental than its attempts to Liberal Democrat general election This led into the third challenge, frame the choices on offer. As Bar- campaign, who reached a very sim- which Baroness Grender termed oness Grender explained, the Lib- ilar conclusion to Professor Cow- ‘activation’. More than ever, the eral Democrats could not sing their ley. She made a convincing case, if Liberal Democrats relied on ‘boots In light of old tunes that they were the ‘insur- a little defensively at first, that both on the ground’ in their key seats. gents’ on the side of the people the party’s campaign and the dis- It was hard enough already to per- all that against the ‘establishment’. After astrous result had to be seen in the suade people to come out to can- five years in office, they were no context of the crises of 2010–11. vass for the party. She pondered the party longer credible as agents of change. The tuition fees debacle and the whether the Liberal Democrats’ Thus, she explained, the party arguments over coalition’s health much-vaunted superiority in on- had been promised to provide stability, and reforms left Olly and her colleagues the-ground campaigning in key asked for a mandate and sufficient with a very poor hand to play. Ech- seats might well be ‘a myth in our through MPs to anchor the next govern- oing Phillip Cowley’s point about minds from a distant, remembered ment to the centre ground. Most the zugswang, she recalled writing past’. during the voters saw themselves as being in in 2010 that the Liberal Democrats Fourth, the Liberal Democrats the ‘centre ground’ of politics, but had to choose between ‘death by were outgunned and outspent. The coalition, ‘they didn’t make the connection guillotine and death by a thousand Liberal Democrats spent around [with the Liberal Democrats] when cuts’. £3 million during the short cam- Professor they went into the polling booth.’ As Baroness Gender spoke, the paign, compared to £30 million Baroness Grender argued that sheer impossibility of the task fac- for the Conservatives. They could Cowley saw the party’s campaign was over- ing the party’s campaign became afford the latest voter identification whelmed by voters’ fears of a ever more apparent. The problems and data management technologies. the cam- Labour government led by Ed were huge and intractable. The first The Conservatives contacted ‘float- paign as of Miliband but reliant on the SNP was the power of national issues. ing’ voters in marginal seats three to stay in power. The basis of such The party’s internal polling showed times during postal vote week, little impor- fears, Olly stressed, was about that if the party was seen to be far- with a simple message: they lived competence much more than pol- ing poorly in the national contest, in one of the twenty-three seats tance to the icy. ‘Middle England’ voters were then its MPs would lose at local that would decide whether Britain deeply worried that the SNP would level, even if they were popular, a had stable government with David Liberal Dem- wag the ‘weak’ Labour dog. She grim prophecy that was fulfilled. Cameron, or the alternative, chaos went on to speculate that voters And, in key constituencies, vot- under a weak Labour government, ocrats’ final in Tory-facing seats may have felt ers were much more likely to base led by Ed Miliband in thrall to the more positive about voting Liberal their choices on the ‘national vote’ SNP. showing. Democrat had the national opinion

32 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 report: catastrophe – the 2015 election campaign and its outcome polls pointed to an outright Con- Perhaps, she There were strong criticisms of Democrats were not hated; they servative victory. Perhaps, she how the party had approached the were seen as being irrelevant. And, suggested, the fate of the Liberal suggested, presentation of coalition, most much to her chagrin, some of the Democrats ultimately hinges on notably Nick Clegg’s appearance party’s ministers had ‘disappeared who ‘middle England’ trusts or the fate of in the Downing Street Rose Gar- into their departments’. fears the most? The party’s suc- den with David Cameron in the So, if the Liberal Democrats go cesses in 1997, 2001 and even 2005, the Liberal hours after the new government into coalition again, how can they when Tony Blair made voting was formed in May 2010. There was be both perceived as relevant and Labour look like a risk-free option, Democrats some truth in all of the criticisms. popular? Baroness Grender con- seem to bear this out. Her com- What I was really hearing, though, tended that, in order to ‘prove its ments, some of the most insight- ultimately was different accounts of how the worth’, the minority party in a coa- ful of the evening, highlighted hinges on Liberal Democrat brand, as honest lition government needed to have an inherent weakness in the Lib- and reasonable players, commit- ‘a disproportionate and vast level of eral Democrats strategic position, who ‘mid- ted to ‘fairness’, had been destroyed propaganda’. Also, she said, parlia- which as the third – and now, the after 2010. Yet the party had not ment had to change, in order to rec- fourth, party – they will need to dle Eng- built a new, popular identity that ognise that there were two parties address. was distinctive from that of the in office. There were also sugges- Baroness Grender also suggested land’ trusts coalition. tions that, in a future power-shar- that the party’s failure to rule out The Liberal Democrats’ solu- ing arrangement, the party should any kind of post-election deal with or fears the tion, in the second half of the par- not have to ‘own’ all of the govern- Labour may have added to its bur- liament, was to try to gain more ment’s decisions, and that the rules dens. Professor Cowley agreed, most? credit with the public for their of collective responsibility might such a statement from Nick Clegg achievements in government. This be altered, to give it a more inde- may well have rescued some MPs, was a reasonable gambit. Professor pendent voice. especially in the south west of Eng- Cowley was clear that most voters I was not convinced by any of land. But he added that it would did not hate the Liberal Democrats; this. The Liberal Democrats should surely have caused a catastrophic they acknowledged that party had be proud of what they achieved. split within the party, given that achieved some important policy But they shouldn’t expect the elec- many members had no wish to victories. (He also reminded us torate to be excited by all of their enter a new coalition with the Con- that, by the end of the ‘short’ cam- record, in some cases years after the servatives. Here, the party faced paign, Nick Clegg’s personal popu- policies were carried out. Second, yet another zugswang. larity was similar to that of David both parties in a coalition would Liberal Democrat peers, candi- Cameron and Ed Miliband.) Bar- need to agree to any radical change dates and activists then added some oness Grender added that voters in the constitutional conventions, more depth and colour to the grim in target seats reacted well when which seems a tall order. Third, picture. Following the speakers’ the party talked about its achieve- there is no guarantee it would work lead, the discussion focused on the ments and its plans for the future. to the junior partner’s advantage. party’s approach to coalition, rather She recounted how the party’s fail- In New Zealand, another West- than the campaign, as the cause of ure over five years to receive the minster democracy, two decades of catastrophe. A long-serving party credit that it deserved for its many multi-party governments under a member argued that, in failing to initiatives and achievements ‘drove proportional voting system has led keep their election pledges on tui- me crazy’. There were some impor- to some weakening of the doctrine tion fees, the Liberal Democrats tant victories, she stressed, such as of collective responsibility. Yet the had lost the trust and respect of the shift in fiscal policy in the 2012 electorate has cast the supporting voters. In other words, the broken budget. Olly put this down to Nick parties in successive administra- promise, rather than the merits of Clegg’s and Danny Alexander’s tions aside. It seems that voters can policy itself, may have angered the preparedness to take risks and start perceive ‘the government’ only as public more than Professor Cow- a row with the Conservatives. ‘It’s a the party of the prime minister and ley had suggested. A London can- shame we didn’t have more of those chancellor. didate recalled how the party’s role moments,’ she mused. But George After hearing Professor Cow- in decisions like the ‘bedroom tax’ Osborne and his colleagues learned ley’s figures and the ensuing discus- had eaten away at the morale of when to concede on key issues and sion, the party’s future did not seem its campaigners. ‘I stopped listen- deprive the Liberal Democrats of bright. The historian Lord Morgan ing to my own party,’ complained victories. once suggested that, just as Lloyd another member. Sentiments such Baroness Grender went on to George coalition of 1918 ended the as these may partly explain the lack discuss another massive obsta- Liberals’ role as a party of govern- of ‘boots on the ground’ that Bar- cle that the Liberal Democrats ment and the National Govern- oness Grender had seen in many had to face when in government. ment of 1931 ended their role as a key seats. Whitehall and its various com- party of opposition, the 2010–15 ‘We kept talking about the coa- munications channels were based coalition may have finished them as lition, not about ourselves,’ recalled on having a single-party govern- a third party. That may sound dras- one member. ‘We looked just ment; the Conservatives as the sen- tic, but Professor Cowley pointed the same [as the Conservatives],’ ior partner in the coalition always to ‘the existential threats’ of a lamented another. ‘The party had more power, and as a result, more competitive political mar- wasn’t seen as standing for any- held much more sway with the ket, where UKIP, the Greens and thing,’ complained Lord Greaves. media and the public. The Liberal SNP have all pitched their tents in

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 33 report: catastrophe – the 2015 election campaign and its outcome different places. The new electoral will need to be clearer than before at odds with the more subjec- boundaries for the Commons could about ‘where they stand;’ their tive measures of prime minis- put most of the remaining Liberal ideas and policies, particularly ters, mainly by academics. Five Democrat seats at risk in 2020. in the economic area, which is of of the six studies cited put Lloyd I believe that, despite all these most concern to the electorate. George (whose chapter is written challenges, the Liberal Democrats And their strategic positioning and by Labour peer Lord Morgan) as can survive and prosper once more. approach to coalition will need the leading Liberal prime minis- Recovery and resurgence will take to be rethought, starting with the ter, and the sixth has him in third some time and the experiences of basic question, ‘what are we trying place, pipped by Campbell-Ban- what now seems like the party’s to achieve?’. nerman and Asquith. I suspect that electoral heyday under Paddy Ash- those assessments give due weight down and Charles Kennedy are Neil Stockley is a former Policy Director not just to Lloyd George’s cen- unlikely to be repeated. If they are for the Liberal Democrats, and a long- tral role in the social reform of the carve out a distinctive niche and time member of the Liberal Democrat 1905–15 government, but also as grow again, the Liberal Democrats History Group. war leader. John Grigg has argued, persuasively in my view, that Lloyd George saved Britain from the real prospect of defeat in 1916. Those who criticise Lloyd George for splitting the party fail to take account of Asquith’s refusal of the Lord Chancellorship or of the then still-fresh Victorian tradition of rival leaders serving in each other’s Reviews cabinets. Successful war leadership in an existential conflict like the First World War, closely followed by Leading the Liberals real legislative achievement, are surely trump cards in any histori- Duncan Brack, Robert Ingham and Tony Little (eds), British cal assessment of a leader. For this Liberal Leaders: Leaders of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal reason alone, this book is unbal- anced because of the decline of the Democrats since 1828 (Biteback Publishing, 2015) Liberal Party after the First World Reviewed by Chris Huhne War. Until the 2010 coalition, Lib- eral leaders had scant opportunity oy Jenkins once discussed the good fortune – at least from the whether Gladstone or point of view of league tables – to RChurchill was the great- die in Downing Street before his est prime minister, and this book party was tested again at the polls. is in the same comparative tradi- Sir Henry piled on 222 seats and tion. Leadership matters, and it 3.7 per cent of the vote between usually matters a lot. The book becoming leader and giving up will be important reading for those leadership. interested in leadership and Liberal In the post-war period too, history. the numbers game is flawed. The first part is a discussion of Paddy Ashdown emerges (prob- leadership qualities, and an attempt ably rightly) as the most successful to rank Liberal leaders. The second leader. However, it is not because of part is a series of potted biogra- the crude increase in the number of phies, particularly useful for those seats during his tenure (plus 24) but leaders who do not merit full-scale more because of his rescue of the book treatment. Some are very party from nowhere. The game is good, notably David Howarth’s slightly given away by the cumula- treatment of Sir Henry Campbell- tive fall in the share of the vote of Bannerman. The third part is a 5.8 per cent under Paddy. Indeed, series of interviews with living there was even a fall in the vote leaders – David Steel, Paddy Ash- share between 1992 and 1997. Paddy down, Nick Clegg. won seats because the party’s then Charles Clarke’s interesting main rival in key marginals – the chapter assembles electoral data to Conservative Party – was falling rank Liberal leaders by their elec- faster than the Liberal Democrats toral success (in share of the vote, and because of Chris Rennard’s and number of seats). The winner? careful targeting. Campbell-Bannerman, who won Clarke points out that these the 1906 general election and had assessments of numbers are wholly

34 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 reviews to leave a legislative legacy. Com- The book will argument is not over whether the other department was Business, parisons are flawed by the shift of Liberal Democrats broke a promise, where the secretary of state was to context. be impor- but over that particular promise. be Vince Cable, and who would be In the modern period, the The Tories broke their promise to responsible for tuition fees. Two most influential Liberals were not tant read- raise green taxes as a proportion of embarrassments out of two was not party leaders but probably Keynes total taxes, but who of their sup- a coincidence. (for post-war macro-economic ing for those porters much cared? By contrast, We all knew the history of management in the wake of the Cameron vetoed many easy and smaller parties being hammered depression, and the creation of the interested in fair cuts from the fiscal consolida- in coalition, despite the contra- International Monetary Fund) and tion because they were against his example of Scotland. The coali- Beveridge (for the welfare state leadership commitment to protect pensioner tion amounted to a gamble that proposals enacted by the 1945–51 and Liberal benefits, and the Tories would not we could turn a referendum on AV Labour government). Beveridge win an election without their dis- into reform, and our chance of that subsequently became the party history. proportionate support from pen- happening was thrown away by leader in the Lords, but attained sioners. The error was to forget that delay and the political mistake of that position because of his intel- the nearest thing to a party interest tuition fees. With a real effort to lectual achievements rather than for the Liberal Democrats is people pass the legislation, the referendum achieving things because of his with higher education, since they should and could have been held in position. are disproportionately likely to the autumn of 2010. The Browne The same can be said of the vote for the party. review of tuition fees reported on only modern leader who can boast Nor is it true to distance, as 12 October 2010, and from then on extraordinary and long-lasting leg- Chris Bowers’ chapter does, Nick we were stuck. That said, AV is not islative achievements: Roy Jenkins Clegg from the coalition negotia- a proportional system. It would (whose chapter is written by his tions. Although the policy platform have saved some Liberal Demo- recent biographer John Campbell). – the coalition agreement – was crat seats at the 2015 election, but As a liberal Home Secretary in a negotiated by two teams neither of it would have given the Tories an Labour government (1965–67 and which contained the leader, the key even bigger majority. 1974–76), Jenkins found govern- trap into which the Liberal Demo- The debate on whether the coa- ment time to push through liberal- crats fell was a result of the alloca- lition was worth it will go on, but ising private members’ bills – David tion of ministers and departments, in my view the Liberal Democrats Steel’s abortion bill and Leo Abse’s negotiated entirely by the party had little choice in 2010. We were decriminalisation of homosexual- leaders. When Nick first offered always slated for a hammering in ity. On or near his watch, Britain me Energy and Climate Change, 2015, but our political mistakes ended hanging, abolished thea- I pointed out that this contained made that denouement far more tre censorship, eased divorce and one of two areas – nuclear – where destructive than it could have been. extended licensing hours. He also the coalition agreement allowed introduced race relations and gen- the Lib Dems to abstain on an issue Chris Huhne was MP for Eastleigh der equality legislation that have which went against party policy. 2005–13, and Secretary of State for done much to contain bigotry, if I was aghast to find that the only Energy and Climate Change 2010–12. not yet put it on the run. The most controversial assess- ments will inevitably be the ones with the least length of perspective, notably of the 2010 administration. I fear that the achievements of the Authoritative new biography of ‘the goat’ Liberal Democrats in 2010–15 are too easily unpicked to rank with Travis L. Crosby, The Unknown Lloyd George: a Statesman in the great historical reforms. Five- Conflict (I. B. Tauris, 2014) year fixed-term parliaments and Steve Webb’s pension reforms may Reviewed by Dr J. Graham Jones stick, but it is hard to think of much else that is sufficiently embedded ne must begin by ask- among others, authors such as John to endure. The Green Investment ing the basic question of Campbell, Richard Toye and Ffion Bank is slated for privatisation. Owhether there is really a Hague, together with a large num- Renewable energy has been hit need for another new, full-length ber of important academic articles hard. The Tories have already made biography of David Lloyd George, in journals and other publications. it clear that the ‘snooper’s charter’ already the subject of more than As recently as 2010, Lord (Roy) will go ahead. The emphasis on sixty different biographies (highly Hattersley (the former deputy raising tax allowances rather than variable in quality and size) and leader of the Labour Party and a cutting income tax rates is Liberal other, more specialist studies. A prolific writer) published a sub- Democrat-inspired, but cannot off- striking revival in Lloyd George stantial biography of Lloyd George set the impact of meaner in-work studies has been seen during the (from the Little Brown publishing benefits. We held our finger in the last decade – following a generally house). However one must recog- dyke, but the dyke burst in 2015. lacklustre, unproductive period nise at once that this volume, writ- Nick Clegg admits the error during the 1990s. Authoritative ten by Professor Travis Crosby, over tuition fees, but the real volumes have been published by, far excels Roy Hattersley’s rather

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 35 reviews pedestrian, often substandard, Crosby is exceptionally fair to the derivative attempt. different historical periods in Lloyd Travis Crosby is Emeritus Pro- George’s life, and he has achieved fessor of History at Wheaton Col- a good balance between Lloyd lege, Massachusetts in the United George’s life as a politician and his States. He is an accomplished polit- unique, most involved personal life. ical biographer, and amongst his The author’s approach is well paced, many volumes are important stud- balanced, and exceptionally fair ies on Joseph Chamberlain, W. E. throughout from cover to cover. Gladstone and Sir Robert Peel. The study’s great virtue is the Each of these was highly praised by author’s notable ability to place his its reviewers. To a large extent the subject in his wider historical and author has made use of published, political background, fields which, secondary sources for the present it is clear, Travis Crosby has truly biography. He has read voraciously mastered. There are no important everything available in print relat- errors of fact or interpretation. ing to Lloyd George’s career and The author always underlines life – as is obvious from the help- Lloyd George’s innate virtues, ful, detailed footnotes which he has his strengths and his political and framed while composing the text. international achievements, not They are of enormous interest to least his lowly background and his everyone who is seriously inter- upbringing within the little cot- ested in the story of Lloyd George, tage of Richard Lloyd, the local packed with additional informa- cobbler at Llanystumdwy, a small tion, full of fascinating detail, rural village nor far from the town while a very good bibliography is of Criccieth – a whole world away also provided of relevant publica- from London at that time (given tions (see pp. 508–42 within the late nineteenth-century travelling book). difficulties). Attention is given to Some use has also been made his striking eloquence as a public It is suggested here that Lloyd of the Lloyd George Papers in speaker from his earliest, formative George employed any means or tac- the custody of the Parliamentary days in north Wales, and his role as tic possible to cling to power until Archive at London and some of the tireless, highly respected repre- his fall in 1922. Full attention is the Lloyd George archives depos- sentative of Welsh Nonconformity. given in the text to Lloyd George’s ited at the National Library of A full outline is given of his legis- imperialism, the subject of harsh Wales, particularly those digitised lative achievements as president of criticism of him in our age today, by the institution during recent the Board of Trade, 1905–08, and and to his unfortunate ideas and years, namely the papers of Wil- even more so as Chancellor of the activities during the 1930s, above all liam George (1865–1967) (Lloyd Exchequer, 1905–15, together with his exceptionally positive attitude George’s younger brother), and his all-important service as a war to Hitler whom he praised highly, Lloyd George’s own detailed diary leader when he exhibited distinct and his negative statements in pub- for 1886, a very important year in virtues and strengths in a number lic and in private almost through- his history. (This would appear to of different directions. out the Second World War when an strengthen the argument for dig- Even so, Crosby is fully aware, obvious decline was most evident itising important holdings for the too, of Lloyd George’s obvious both in his physical strength and in use of a scholar who lives and works personal weaknesses and defects, his mental state. in the United States.) Crosby has especially the way he treated his During recent years an attempt not, however, made any use of the enduring, long-suffering wife has been made by historians to seminal typescript diaries of A. J. Dame Margaret and his long, inti- rehabilitate Lloyd George’s good Sylvester, Lloyd George’s private mate relationship with his secretary name, and Travis Crosby is fully secretary from 1923 until 1945 – a Frances Stevenson extending over a sensitive to this trend and he tends, very full, all-important source for full thirty years. He married her – on the whole, to support it. The Lloyd George’s years in the so- eventually – in October 1943. Here, final impression is a favourable called political wilderness. too, is noted his proverbial liking image of Lloyd George. Travis Indeed the coverage given to the for praise and flattery from others, Crosby portrays LG not as an years following Lloyd George’s fall a tendency which had begun when opportunist or an ideologue, but as in the autumn of 1922 is relatively he was a small boy on his uncle and an individual who thought matters brief (pp. 334–83). Although Lloyd mentor Richard Lloyd’s knee. The through carefully, was pragmatic George was not in governmen- author also pays attention to Lloyd in his response to events and situa- tal office at that time, he remained George’s well-attested lack of loy- tions, and one who attempted to the a political and public figure of alty to his fellow politicians and utmost of his ability to solve prob- great consequence both within the indeed to the Liberal Party from lems without fail. United Kingdom and abroad, and 1916 onwards. He divided his party At the end of the day, after wad- his personal and family history at that time and he created a split ing through 555 pages of lively text, (unconventional to say the least) is which lasted for many long, excep- endnotes packed with information, also very interesting. On the whole tionally painful years for Liberals. and a detailed, helpful index, the

36 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 reviews reader discovers the true persona of will publish an authoritative new George: a Life in Politics by Richard the surprisingly human and fragile biography of Aneurin Bevan by Wilkinson. These new studies will Lloyd George, a wholly enigmatic Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds, a be eagerly anticipated by a large figure who so often sailed very high-quality, balanced study which number of appreciative readers. close to the wind both profession- is sorely needed for this other elu- ally and personally, ‘to be a surpris- sive Welsh politician. And in the Dr J. Graham Jones was formerly Sen- ingly vulnerable man constantly autumn yet another volume on ior Archivist and Head of the Welsh in need of reassurance [which both David Lloyd George is anticipated Political Archive at the National Dame Margaret and Frances Ste- from I. B. Tauris, namely Lloyd Library of Wales, Aberystwyth. venson, in their different, mutually complimentary ways, provided for him] who struggled to reconcile the competing demands of ambi- tion and family’ (publisher’s press release). Travis Crosby’s explana- Home rule and the Liberals tions for his subject’s attitudes and actions are carefully thought out, Pauric Travers and Donal McCartney (eds.), Parnell and wholly reasonable and accept- Reconsidered (University College Dublin Press, 2013) able. Although there is little here that is wholly new to the Lloyd Reviewed by Eugenio F. Biagini George specialist, the overall sur- vey is always perceptively sharp, his is a major reassessment to the field, and are particularly lucid and illuminating. of one of the most influen- welcome to scholars interested in On the whole the author has Ttial leaders in the making Liberalism – whether of the Brit- succeeded in mastering well of modern British and Irish poli- ish or the Irish variety. In the nine- those Welsh aspects which are so tics, and particularly of the Liberal teenth century such a political crucial to Lloyd George’s early Party, which underwent one of its creed was usually associated with life. He understands the central deepest and most dramatic trans- demands for parliamentary reform importance of disestablishing and formations in response to the 1886 and national self-determination, disendowing the church in late- Irish home rule crisis. Charles S. which the British Liberals had pre- nineteenth-century Wales and the Parnell received considerable his- viously supported when demanded centrality of issues like the Llan- torical attention in the run up to the by patriotic movements in Greece, frothen legal case which gave an first centenary of his death (1991), Italy and elsewhere. Would they enormous fillip to Lloyd George’s and since then he has been revisited not accept Ireland’s plea for devo- early career. He gives full atten- by Paul Bew and Patrick Maume lution? And, once a majority sup- tion to prominent Welsh individu- in 2011, but on balance remains – as ported Gladstone in his attempt als like Thomas Edward Ellis and his most recent biographers put it to ‘pacify Ireland’ through home Thomas Gee who are significant in their title – an Enigma. The edi- rule, how solid were the bases of in an understanding of the young tors and contributors to Parnell cooperation between the two par- Lloyd George. Exceptionally grip- Reconsidered have done an excellent ties, apart from the sentimental ping is the account of the courtship job in addressing some of the unre- and emotional factors associated between Lloyd George and Maggie solved questions. These include the with the ‘Union of Hearts’? In leg- Owen and his fraught relationship ‘Meaning of Home Rule’ (McCa- islative terms, McCartney shows with his parents-in-law Rich- rtney, chapter 1), his relationship that there was a stable agreement ard and Mary Owen, Mynydd with Gladstone (D. G. Boyce, chap- on which Liberals and National- Ednyfed Fawr, Criccieth. One ter 2), Anna Parnell as a feminist ists could cooperate. In particular, possible weakness is that he does In legislative (Margaret Ward, chapter 3), Charles although Parnell was disappointed not, it would appear, fully appre- S. Parnell’s attitudes to religion by the 1886 bill because it did not ciate the importance of denomi- terms, McCa- (Travers, chapter 4), to the newspa- offer sufficient autonomy to Dub- nationalism within the politics of per press (Felix Larkin and Myles lin, he soon became a strong advo- north Wales. But, in sharp contrast rtney shows Dungan, respectively chapters 5 cate of the retention of Irish MPs to some historians, Travis Crosby and 6), and his attitude to the drink at Westminster. In other words, pays attention to the Welsh aspects that there interest (Fionnula Waldron, chapter though the Irish leader had declared of Lloyd George’s life even after 7). Chapters 8 and 9 are devoted to that ‘no man [had] a right to fix the sudden collapse of the Cymru was a stable more personal dimensions (with Pat the boundary of the march of a Fydd movement in 1896 and into agreement Power writing about the Parnells’ nation’, McCartney concludes that, the twentieth century. Paris link and McCartney writ- in practice, for Parnell ‘that march A number of gripping, sig- on which ing about sexual scandals). Finally, … could go into several different nificant photographs, carefully in chapter 10 Travers explores the directions’, including a more flex- selected by the author, are included Liberals and ‘ne plus ultra’ speech (in which ible Union, ‘depending on unfold- in the volume and add much to Parnell declared that no one could ing circumstances’ (p. 21). Boyce the interest. I. B. Tauris has pro- National- impose limits to ‘the march of a strengthens this point, showing duced a very attractive volume nation’) and his final manifesto of how Parnell echoed Gladstone in which reflects great credit on its ists could 29 November 1890. identifying the Canadian confed- printers. It is a real pleasure to han- Taken together, these essays rep- eration and Austro-Hungarian dual dle it. Before long the same press cooperate. resent an important contribution monarchy as examples of a stable

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 37 reviews

Parnell’s realisation that Ulster was factors, such as the democratic defi- going to be the Achilles’ heel of the cit afflicting the UK at the time Nationalist movement. Hence the (the House of Lords’ veto powers), importance of assuaging and man- and secondarily by the opposition aging public opinion through the of the Ulster Unionist minority, press. This dimension to his poli- which neither Gladstone nor Par- tics is examined by Felix Larkin in nell did enough to appease. an excellent chapter on the Free- On balance this book helps to man’s Journal and Myles Dungan’s establish the case for a deep and work on United Ireland, which shed multi-layered affinity between new light on areas which deserve Liberalism and Irish Nationalism, further analysis. By contrast, the though with all the differences last two chapters – on the ‘March which derived from each operating of the nation’ speech and the 1890 in a different country with a dis- manifesto – do not add much to tinctive cultural make-up and eco- what we knew already, perhaps nomic and social priorities. That, because the documents under dis- despite the affinities and the moder- cussion do not allow for any new ation of the proposals under discus- in-depth analysis, but also because sion, the two parties failed to secure McCartney yields to the tempta- home rule remains one of the great- tion of a rather sentimental conclu- est political tragedies in the modern sion about what the loss of Parnell history of these isles. meant to Ireland and how his ‘sac- rifice’ was to no avail in terms of Eugenio F. Biagini is Reader in Mod- securing home rule. However, ern History at Cambridge and a Fellow surely the failure of the 1893 Home of Sidney Sussex College. He has pub- Rule Bill was caused primar- lished extensively on the history of Lib- ily by deeper and more complex eralism in Britain, Ireland and Italy. relationship between self-govern- ing units within the same sovereign state (p. 35). First biography of William George Given the importance of Chris- tianity for Victorian liberalism, Peter Rowland, Lloyd George’s Tada – the one father he never the chapter on religion is also very relevant to the interests of knew! (PublishNation, 2014) the present journal. From Trav- Review by Dr J. Graham Jones ers’ account three conclusions emerge. One is the strength of Par- he author, a former civil anniversary of his death in June nell’s Protestantism, which for him servant now retired, is best 1864. Previously the only authors was a source of identity and cul- Tknown to Journal read- to devote any attention to him tural attitudes and mattered more ers as the distinguished author of a were Herbert du Parcq in the first than many historians had previ- massive single-volume biography volume of his multi-volume biog- ously assumed. The second was his of Lloyd George (Barrie and Jen- raphy of Lloyd George published refusal of sectarianism and willing- kins, 1975), a tome whose sheer size in 1912, and, much more recently, ness to accede to Roman Catholic tested the skill of the bookbinder to Dr W. R. P. George in his pio- demands in the field of education its limits, but which has generally neering study The Making of Lloyd (the 1906 Liberal government was stood the test of time as an authori- George (Faber, 1976). to follow his example when they tative, detailed study. He is also the Peter Rowland has certainly granted a charter to the Catho- author of two comprehensive vol- left no stone unturned in tracing lic University of Dublin in 1908). umes on the Liberal governments of the history of his hero, and has And, finally, his commitment to 1905–14 and a host of other works, made widespread use of the Wil- personal liberty, exemplified by fiction and non-fiction alike. liam George (Solicitor) Papers pur- his decision to support Charles Recently Peter Rowland has chased by the National Library Bradlaugh, the atheist MP who applied his investigative skills to of Wales in 1989 and the papers refused to swear by the Bible and perusing and recreating the life of Dr W. R. P. George donated demanded to be allowed to take a and career of William George (d. there by his family after his death secular oath in order to be admit- 1864), Lloyd George’s father, who in 2006. A cause of some puzzle- ted to the House of Commons. died prematurely while his chil- ment, and indeed great concern, By the same token, in the last five dren were still infants and his wife is that some of the valuable source years of his life, Parnell champi- Betsy was pregnant for the fourth materials used by Dr George in oned the religious freedom of the time, and hitherto rather a shad- his researches in the 1970s seem Protestant minority in a future owy, elusive figure in the Lloyd to ‘have apparently disappeared’ home rule Ireland. His responsive- George chronicles. The study has (p. xiii). One hopes that they may ness to their concerns reflected also been published to mark the 150th some day reappear. The story

38 Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 reviews here pieced together from highly reasonably full accounts of Wil- disparate sources, many of these liam George’s ancestry and fam- patchy and incomplete of neces- ily background, sparce details of sity, is amazingly fully recreated his education (very little is actu- and unfailingly interesting. There ally known, but he may well have has been much detective work and attended the Haverfordwest Free some conjecture in recreating the Grammar School), and his early life story of an elusive figure. Con- occupations. The main documen- siderable use has been made of the tary source for this period is ‘a census enumerators’ returns for the Student’s Journal’ in which Wil- nineteenth century. liam George kept various notes One of the author’s scoops in between 1839 and 1842 (see chap- this book is the revelation of the ter 4). Its contents are listed here existence of William George’s first in appendix II (pp. 272–78). In wife, Selina Huntley, a chronic 1840–41 William George was able invalid who died in December to gain admission to an early train- 1855 at the age of only 36 (see pp. ing college at Battersea established 167–70). Her premature death, by pioneering educationalist Dr long anticipated, left her griev- James Kay where he evidently ing husband free to remarry and became ‘the star pupil’ of the day, thus ‘probably changed the his- to such an extent that he then tory of the world’ (p. 170). There secured a teaching appointment are other curious twists in this at the Ealing Grove School run story too. William himself was, by Lady Byron. Here, however, we are told, ‘a heaven-sent replace- he was not, it would seem, ‘abun- ment’ for an older male sibling, also dantly happy’, and, sadly, began called William, who had died at to suffer from the ill health which the age of three in February 1818 plagued him for the rest of his days (see p. 28). History repeated itself. and to brood constantly on the Wakefield and then Pwllheli. His As was known before now, David necessity to acquire a suitable wife. reading matter (of which a great Lloyd George, born 17 January In April 1843 he moved to teach deal is known), always close to his 1863, was also a ‘replacement’ for an at Newbold. This book includes heart, and his evolving religious older David, born to the same par- many valuable observations on views are analysed in some detail ents in September 1860, and who mid nineteenth-century education in this study. Whereas the first wife tragically survived for only twelve and opportunities in Britain. Selina was, it would seem, ‘an intel- hours, dying from ‘Suffocatio’ in William George’s subsequent ligent, resourceful woman, appar- the language of the day, his birth movements and the state of his ently skilled in business techniques’ and death registered at Criccieth in health are chronicled in successive (p. 187), the second, Betsy Lloyd, a single notification by the griev- chapters. After a period of recu- born at Llanystumdwy, near Cric- ing father William (p. 198). Neither peration from recurrent ill health, cieth, in October 1828, was ‘a quiet, Lloyd George nor his brother Wil- he opened his own school at Haver- unobtrusive lady who went about liam ever knew of the existence of fordwest in 1853, and married his her business efficiently but whose their elder brother, but the family first wife, the ill-fated Selina Hunt- remarks … have gone largely unre- researches of Dr W. R. P. George ley, in April 1855, a union destined corded’ (p. 193). Personal details revealed his existence to the world to last for just eight months. Even about her are vague, her early life in 1976. so, William’s grief was intense, enveloped in some uncertainty. All The dogged researches of Peter his loneliness intensified to such Lloyd George enthusiasts are long Rowland have unearthed so much an extent that it propelled him familiar with an oft-published pho- fascinating material. There are into departing for pastures new at tograph of her taken in the 1890s Liberal history quiz 2015 Answers to the questions listed on page 26

1. Leon Brittan 6. Ulbster 12. Russell 18. Asquith 2. Birmingham 7. Solihull 13. Grey 19. Lord Hartington, Duke of Devonshire 3. Rosebery 8. 1966 14. Melbourne 20. Simon Hughes and Chris 4. As a requirement of the will 9. Maclennan 15. Palmerston Huhne of his uncle in 1871 10. The Reformer 16. Gladstone 5. Samuel 11. Thorpe 17. Davies

Journal of Liberal History 89 Winter 2015–16 39 A Liberal Democrat History Group evening meeting EUROPE: THE LIBERAL COMMITMENT How and why did the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats all end up as the strongest supporters of Britain’s membership of the European Economic Community and its successor institutions? Has it helped or hindered the party’s political achievements? Have developments in Europe since the EEC’s founding Treaty of Rome in 1958 reflected the party’s European faith?

In this year of a probable referendum on Britain’s membership of the EU, discuss the historic Liberal commitment and record with Sir Graham Watson (Liberal Democrat MEP 1994–2014) and Lord William Wallace (Liberal Democrat Foreign Office minister in the coalition government, 2010–15). Chair: Baroness Julie Smith.

7.00pm, Monday 1 February 2016 (after the History Group’s AGM at 6.30pm) Lady Violet Room, National Liberal Club, 1 Whitehall Place, London SW1 and ‘showing an elderly lady informative letters now consti- nephew, and bring them home. and discusses its broader histor- in a mop-cap with a tentative tuting a rich source for the his- The rest, as they say, is history. ical significance. It reads almost smile on her lips’, appearing torian and biographer. But, yet Appendixes discuss the like a novel. David Lloyd (like so many of her generation) again, ill health cruelly inter- thorny question of Wil- George did not really remem- much older than her sixty or vened, necessitating retirement liam George’s precise date of ber his father and knew very so years (see p. 188). But do any from teaching and migration birth; cover the contents of little about him, but he profited others exist? to Bulford in Pembrokeshire, his ‘Student’s Journal’ [now considerably from perusing the Ill health compelled Wil- where William George died the William George (Solici- library of books that his father liam to surrender his headship, on 7 June 1864, probably at the tor) Papers 7943 at the NLW]; had collected and left behind. and the married couple made age of 42. ‘Come, Richard’ tel- print the text of J. D. Morell’s If he could have read this book, for Highgate, Llanystumdwy, egraphed his distraught widow appeal, June 1858, on behalf he would have understood where their first child was born Betsy within days to her brother of the British School at Pwll- so much more fully his roots (and died) in 1860. Later desti- Richard Lloyd at Highgate. heli; and provide details of the and his origins and he would nations included Newchurch Although he had previously initial meeting, shrouded in undoubtedly have respected and then, at the express invita- never ventured far from home some secrecy, between Wil- his father’s memory, and possi- tion of J. D. Morell, Manches- and had probably never left liam George and his second bly the teaching profession too, ter, birthplace of David Lloyd Caernarfonshire, the cobbler wife Betsy (or Elizabeth) Lloyd, much more fully. George – at 5 New York Place, of Llanystumdwy wasted no mother of David Lloyd George. Chorlton-upon-Medlock. Dur- time in travelling south to Pem- The story has been lov- Dr J. Graham Jones was for- ing this period, William cor- brokeshire to collect his sister, ingly and painstakingly recre- merly Senior Archivist and Head responded regularly with his pregnant with another son as ated by a master craftsman who of the Welsh Political Archive at brother-in-law Richard Lloyd it turned out (and born the fol- includes every scrap of the evi- the National Library of Wales, at Llanystumdwy, his gossipy, lowing 23 February), niece and dence which he has collected Aberystwyth. Your History Group needs you! The Liberal Democrat History Group was set up in 1988 to promote the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the British Liberal Democrats and its predecessor parties, the Liberal Party and the SDP, and of liberalism more broadly. We publish the Journal of Liberal History and a range of books and booklets, organise regular speaker meetings, maintain a Liberal history website and provide assistance with research. We need new people to help us run the History Group. Several of our current Committee members have served for many years and are now looking forward to a break. In addition, we aim to expand our social media presence and build up a team of bloggers to draw historical analogies to current political developments. The Committee meets about every two to three months, and much work is carried out by sub-groups (for instance on publications or on the website), which can often be done remotely. Please consider putting your name forward for the Committee at our AGM on 1 February (see above) or volunteering for specific tasks. Contact the Chair of the History Group, Tony Little ([email protected]) if you’d like to discuss this further.