The New Religion
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Business and Environmental Policy American and Comparative Environmental Policy Sheldon Kamieniecki and Michael E
Business and Environmental Policy American and Comparative Environmental Policy Sheldon Kamieniecki and Michael E. Kraft, series editors Russell J. Dalton, Paula Garb, Nicholas P. Lovrich, John C. Pierce, and John M. Whiteley, Critical Masses: Citizens, Nuclear Weapons Production, and Environmental Destruction in the United States and Russia Daniel A. Mazmanian and Michael E. Kraft, editors, Toward Sustainable Communities: Transition and Transformations in Environmental Policy Elizabeth R. DeSombre, Domestic Sources of International Environmental Policy: Industry, Environmentalists, and U.S. Power Kate O’Neill, Waste Trading among Rich Nations: Building a New Theory of Environmental Regulation Joachim Blatter and Helen Ingram, editors, Reflections on Water: New Approaches to Transboundary Conflicts and Cooperation Paul F. Steinberg, Environmental Leadership in Developing Countries: Transnational Relations and Biodiversity Policy in Costa Rica and Bolivia Uday Desai, editor, Environmental Politics and Policy in Industrialized Countries Kent Portney, Taking Sustainable Cities Seriously: Economic Development, the Environment, and Quality of Life in American Cities Edward P. Weber, Bringing Society Back In: Grassroots Ecosystem Management, Accountability, and Sustainable Communities Norman J. Vig and Michael G. Faure, eds., Green Giants? Environmental Policies of the United States and the European Union Robert F. Durant, Daniel J. Fiorino, and Rosemary O’Leary, eds., Environmental Governance Reconsidered: Challenges, Choices, and Opportunities Paul A. Sabatier, Will Focht, Mark Lubell, Zev Trachtenberg, Arnold Vedlitz, and Marty Matlock, eds., Swimming Upstream: Collaborative Approaches to Watershed Management Sally K. Fairfax, Lauren Gwin, Mary Ann King, Leigh S. Raymond, and Laura Watt, Buying Nature: The Limits of Land Acquisition as a Conservation Strategy, 1780–2004 Steven Cohen, Sheldon Kamieniecki, and Matthew A. -
Inclusion, Accommodation, and Recognition: Accounting for Differences Based on Religion and Sexual Orientation
INCLUSION, ACCOMMODATION, AND RECOGNITION: ACCOUNTING FOR DIFFERENCES BASED ON RELIGION AND SEXUAL ORIENTATION DOUGLAS NEJAIME* This Article analyzes the rights claims and theoreticalframeworks deployed by Christian Right and gay rights cause lawyers in the context of gay-inclusive school programming to show how two movements with conflicting normative positions are using similar representational and rhetorical strategies. Lawyers from both movements cast constituents as vulnerable minorities in a pluralis- tic society, yet they do so to harness the homogenizing power of curriculum and thereby entrench a particularnormative view. Ex- ploring how both sets of lawyers construct distinct and often in- compatible models of pluralism as they attempt to influence schools' state-sponsored messages, this Article exposes the strengths as well as the limitations of both movements' strategies. Christian Right lawyers'free speech strategy-articulatingrelig- ious freedom claims through the secular language of free speech doctrine-operates within an inclusion model of pluralism. This model stresses public participationand engagement with differ- ence. After making significant advances over the past several years, lawyers have begun to employ the inclusion model with some success in the school programming domain, despite signfi- * Sears Law Teaching Fellow, The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law; Associ- ate Professor, Loyola Law School (Los Angeles) (beginning Summer 2009). J.D., Harvard Law School, A.B., Brown University. I am indebted to the -
Fewer Hands, More Mercy: a Plea for a Better Federal Clemency System
FEWER HANDS, MORE MERCY: A PLEA FOR A BETTER FEDERAL CLEMENCY SYSTEM Mark Osler*† INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................... 465 I. A SWAMP OF UNNECESSARY PROCESS .................................................. 470 A. From Simplicity to Complexity ....................................................... 470 B. The Clemency System Today .......................................................... 477 1. The Basic Process ......................................................................... 477 a. The Pardon Attorney’s Staff ..................................................... 478 b. The Pardon Attorney ................................................................ 479 c. The Staff of the Deputy Attorney General ................................. 481 d. The Deputy Attorney General ................................................... 481 e. The White House Counsel Staff ................................................ 483 f. The White House Counsel ......................................................... 484 g. The President ............................................................................ 484 2. Clemency Project 2014 ................................................................ 485 C. The Effect of a Bias in Favor of Negative Decisions ...................... 489 II. BETTER EXAMPLES: STATE AND FEDERAL .......................................... 491 A. State Systems ................................................................................... 491 1. A Diversity -
Justice John Paul Stevens Retires from the Bench
VOLUME XXXII NUMBER 2, 2010 JUSTICE JOHN PAUL STEVENS RETIRES FROM THE BENCH On Monday, June 29, 2010, Justice John Paul Stevens Justice Stevens was raised in Chicago by an influential sat in a formal session of Court for the last time as an active family that operated the Stevens Hotel. At the time, that hotel member of the Supreme Court of the United States. He an- was the largest in the world, boasting 3,000 rooms. nounced on April 9, 2010 his intention to resign in a letter Justice Stevens attended the University of Chicago and to the President. Justice Stevens wrote: “Having concluded then the Northwestern University School of Law. As with that it would be in the best interests of the Court to have my many of his generation, his education was interrupted by successor appointed and confirmed well in advance of the service in the Navy during World War II. When speaking of commencement of the Court’s Photo credit—Photo by Steve Petteway his military experience, Ste- Next Term, I shall retire from vens is fond of reporting that regular active service as an he joined the Navy on Dec. Associate Justice . effec- 6, 1941. “I’m sure you know tive the next day after the how the enemy responded Court rises for the summer the following day,” he quips, recess this year.” His resigna- alluding to the attack at Pearl tion had been anticipated for Harbor that took place on some time following unof- December 7, 1941. Like his ficial comments he made and previous colleague Lewis F. -
Some Means of Compulsion Are Essential To
ªSome Means of Compulsion are Essential to Obtain What is Neededº: Reviving Congress's Oversight Authority of the Executive Branch by Imposing Fines for Non-Compliance with Congressional Subpoenas MAX G. LESSER* INTRODUCTION Congressional oversight has played a critical role in uncovering wrongdoing in the executive branch, from the historic corruption of the Teapot Dome Scandal to the presidential abuses of power in Watergate. Underpinning these investigations has been the Supreme Court's long-standing recognition of the broad oversight authority possessed by Congress, which empowers the body to compel testimony and documentation.1 Possessing investigative power allows Congress to ful®ll several critical responsibilities. First, Congress can oversee whether the laws it passes are being faithfully executed, in terms of how ªeffectively, ef®ciently, and frugally the executive branch is carrying out congressional mandates.º2 Second, Congress can identify any executive misconduct, such as ªpoor administration, arbitrary and capricious behavior, abuse, waste, dishonesty, and fraud.º3 Third, Congress can utilize the information gained from investigative oversight to address issues through appropriate legislation, the body's core constitutional function. For these reasons, the Supreme Court has described congressional over- sight as ªessentialº4 for the Article I branch of our government. When congressional oversight faces resistance, the contempt power provides Congress a tool for coercing compliance and punishing those who obstruct its investigations.5 The power has generally been utilized to address non-compliance with a congressionally issued subpoena, and has historically been enforced by the * J.D., Georgetown University Law Center (expected May 2022); M.S.Ed., Hunter College of The City University of New York - Graduate School of Education (2016); B.A., The George Washington University (2014). -
Conversations with Bill Kristol
Conversations with Bill Kristol Guest: Adam J. White Research Scholar, American Enterprise Institute Executive Director, George Mason Law School’s C. Boyden Gray Center Taped September 11, 2019 Table of Contents I. On the Supreme Court Today (0:15 – 44:19) II: The Conservative Legal Movement (44:19 – 1:21:17) I. On the Supreme Court Today (0:15 – 44:19) KRISTOL: Hi, I’m Bill Kristol. Welcome to CONVERSATIONS. I’m joined by my friend, Adam White, who has recently moved from The Hoover Institution to The American Enterprise Institute, where you’re – what’s your distinguished title there? Visiting? Resident Scholar? WHITE: Resident Scholar. KRISTOL: Did you have the same high title at Hoover, or was it just a visiting scholar? You were a resident scholar there. [Laughter] WHITE: I felt appreciated at Hoover too. KRISTOL: That’s good, yes. Anyway AEI has a new program in Social, Cultural and Constitutional Studies, which is great and you’re going to be a key part of that. You’ve obviously been a very – a lawyer and a commentator on all matters legal, judicial, the courts and the administrative state for The Weekly Standard and many other journals. And we had a conversation previously about the courts and the administrative state, before the Trump administration began I guess, I think – right? WHITE: Yeah. KRISTOL: But today we’re going to talk about the Judiciary. Kind of an important topic, a key talking point of Trump supporters, and maybe legitimately so. And I guess I’d like to begin with sort of 30,000 feet. -
Immunity of the Director of the Office of Political Strategy and Outreach from Congressional Subpoena
Immunity of the Director of the Office of Political Strategy and Outreach from Congressional Subpoena The Assistant to the President and Director of the Office of Political Strategy and Out- reach (“OPSO”) is immune from the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform’s subpoena to compel him to testify about matters concerning his service to the President in the OPSO. July 15, 2014 MEMORANDUM OPINION FOR THE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT You have asked whether Assistant to the President and Director of the Office of Political Strategy and Outreach (“OPSO”) David Simas is legally required to appear to testify at a congressional hearing scheduled for July 16, 2014, in response to a subpoena issued to Mr. Simas by the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform on July 10, 2014. We understand that the Committee seeks testimony about “whether the White House is taking adequate steps to ensure that political activity by Administration officials complies with relevant statutes, including the Hatch Act,” and about “the role and function of the White House Office of Political Strategy and Outreach.” Letter for David Simas from Darrell Issa, Chairman, Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, House of Representatives (July 3, 2014) (“Invitation Letter”). For the reasons set forth below, we believe that Mr. Simas is immune from compulsion to testify before the Committee on these matters, and therefore is not re- quired to appear to testify in response to this subpoena. I. A. The Executive Branch’s longstanding position, reaffirmed by numer- ous administrations of both political parties, is that the President’s im- mediate advisers are absolutely immune from congressional testimonial process. -
Inventory to the Richard Land Papers AR
1 Inventory to the Richard Land Papers AR 933 Dr. Richard Land commencing his work at the SBC Christian Life Commission, 1988 Southern Baptist Historical Library and Archives November, 2014 2 Inventory to the Richard Land Papers AR 933 Summary Main Entry: Richard D. Land Papers Date Span: 1953 – 2014 Abstract: Materials documenting the work and ministry of Dr. Richard Land, president of the Southern Baptist Convention Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission, 1988-2013. Includes administrative files, correspondence, news stories (including blog archives, Commission press releases, Land interviews, and news clippings), photographs, subject files, United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) files, writings and addresses, and recordings. Size: 104 linear ft. (208 document boxes) Collection #: AR 933 Biographical Sketch A sixth-generation Texan, Richard Dale Land was born November 6, 1946 in Houston, Texas. He spent his childhood and teenage years in Houston and was baptized in 1953 at South Park Baptist Church and was licensed to preach (1965) and later ordained (1969) at Townwood Baptist Church, both in Houston. Land graduated from Princeton University (A.B., 1969), New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary (Th.M., 1972), and Oxford University (D.Phil., 1980). Upon completing his doctoral studies Land served as vice president for academic affairs at Criswell College in Dallas (1980-1988) and as administrative assistant to Governor Bill Clements of Texas (1987-1988). He served as president of the SBC Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission from 1988 to 2013. Dr. Land moved the Commission to more conservative positions on social issues such as sanctity of life and homosexuality. -
Playing for the Rules: How and Why New Christian Right Public Interest Law Firms Invest in Secular Litigation
Playing for the Rules: How and Why New Christian Right Public Interest Law Firms Invest in Secular Litigation AMANDA HOLLIS-BRUSKY and JOSHUA C. WILSON This article catalogues and analyzes the litigating behavior of four of the leading New Christian Right Public Interest Law Firms (NCR PILFs). Consistent with the finding from judicial politics that all PILFs seek first and foremost to have policy influence, we find that most of the litigation these PILFs invest in is either explicitly or implicitly religious or mission driven. However, we also observe a trend of increased participation in secular cases by the two largest NCR PILFs in our study. Through in-depth, qualitative content analysis of the briefs submitted in these secular cases, we show that while some of this behavior can be attributed to organizational maintenance or coalitional goals, most of this secular participation appears motivated by a desire to influence the legal rules rather than the outcome of the particular case. In doing so, this article shows how PILFs engage with an increasingly complex legal and political landscape. INTRODUCTION In 2007, Christian Advocates Serving Evangelism, doing business as the American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ), filed an amicus curiae brief vigorously defending an individ- ual’s constitutional right to keep and bear arms, in what would become the most impor- tant Second Amendment Supreme Court decision in half a century—District of Columbia v Heller (2008). A few years later, the largest and most well-funded New Christian Right Public Interest Law Firm (NCR PILF), Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF), filed an amicus curiae brief in the landmark case of Citizens United v FEC (2010), urging the Supreme Court to strike down key provisions of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act for violating the First Amendment’s political expression protections. -
Take Two Tablets and Do Not Call for Judicial Review Until Our Heads Clear: the Supreme Court Prepares to Demolish the "Wall of Separation" Between Church and State
Valparaiso University Law Review Volume 43 Number 2 Winter 2009 pp.595-670 Winter 2009 Take Two Tablets and Do Not Call for Judicial Review Until Our Heads Clear: The Supreme Court Prepares To Demolish the "Wall of Separation" Between Church and State Terence J. Lau William A. Wines Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Terence J. Lau and William A. Wines, Take Two Tablets and Do Not Call for Judicial Review Until Our Heads Clear: The Supreme Court Prepares To Demolish the "Wall of Separation" Between Church and State, 43 Val. U. L. Rev. 595 (2009). Available at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr/vol43/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Valparaiso University Law School at ValpoScholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Valparaiso University Law Review by an authorized administrator of ValpoScholar. For more information, please contact a ValpoScholar staff member at [email protected]. Lau and Wines: Take Two Tablets and Do Not Call for Judicial Review Until Our He TAKE TWO TABLETS AND DO NOT CALL FOR JUDICIAL REVIEW UNTIL OUR HEADS CLEAR: THE SUPREME COURT PREPARES TO DEMOLISH THE “WALL OF SEPARATION” BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE Terence J. Lau∗ William A. Wines** I. INTRODUCTION “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof[] . ” 1 “I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should make no law respecting an establishment of religion, nor prohibiting the free exercise thereof, thus building a wall of separation between church and state.”2 “At a time when we see around the world the violent consequences of the assumption of religious authority by government, Americans may count themselves fortunate: Our regard for constitutional boundaries has protected us from similar travails, while allowing private religious exercise to flourish. -
Transparency in the First 100 Days: a Report Card
transparency i n t h e first 100 days: a report card Liberty & National Security Project Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................. 1 A NOTE ON METHODOLOGY .......................................................................................................... 2 THE FIRST 100 DAYS.......................................................................................................................... 3 I. OPEN GOVERNMENT.................................................................................................................... 3 1. “Day One” emphasis on transparency............................................................................. 3 2. Restoration of presumption of disclosure under FOIA................................................ 4 3. Approach to public participation in policy-making ....................................................... 5 4. Support for the media’s right to report............................................................................ 6 II. PRESIDENTIAL RECORDS AND COMMUNICATIONS ............................................................. 8 5. Initiation of settlement talks in White House e-mails litigation................................... 8 6. Settlement in litigation over White House aides’ congressional testimony..............10 7. Executive order limiting former presidents’ ability to withhold records..................11 -
The U.S. Supreme Court Here’S How the Team Breaks Down: Chief Justice of the U.S
VOLUME TEN NUMBER 1 When the Minority Needs to Be Heard by Roberta K. Glassner, Esq. Imagine you are on your town’s baseball team of 20 players. The mayor of the town has just named someone to be your new coach. In this made-up situation, your team gets to vote on whether or not it wants the mayor’s choice. To get the job, the coach needs to get a “yes” vote from a majority of the team, in this case at least 11 of the 20 players. FALL2005 The U.S. SuprSupremeeme Court and the Road to Becoming a Justice by Roberta K. Glassner, Esq. justices should sit on the Court. The U.S. Congress makes that determination. John G. Roberts Jr. was recently sworn in as the 17th The number of justices on the U.S. Supreme Court Here’s how the team breaks down: chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. As chief justice, has changed six times. The first Court, under President the majority of the team, 12 players, Roberts, along with the other eight justices of the Court Washington, consisted of six justices. Between 1807 are all for the mayor’s choice. Eight will interpret the law based on the rights, freedoms and 1837, three more justices were added, bringing players are dead-set against him. and protections set forth in the U.S. Constitution. the total to nine. In 1863, during the Civil War, under The eight players, who do not want How did Chief Justice Roberts get to his place President Abraham Lincoln, Congress voted to increase the mayor’s candidate, know that on the Court? Let’s take a look at how the U.S.