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The President: Lightning Rod Or King? I
CALABRESI FORMATTED_08-27-06 9/25/2006 11:59:51 PM Steven G. Calabresi and James Lindgren† The President: Lightning Rod or King? i. the powers of a king? There is an idea current in the land today that presidential power has grown to the point where it is a threat to democracy. The New York Times editorial page writers and leading Democrats regularly accuse President George W. Bush of acting like a king or seeking kingly powers.1 In the academic community, Professor Bruce Ackerman has written powerfully about what he sees as the danger that presidential power poses to democracy itself.2 In this Symposium Issue, Professors Bill Marshall3 and Jenny Martinez4 argue that the presidency has become too powerful. Marshall goes so far as to argue for reducing presidential power by separately electing the Attorney General. In this Commentary, we suggest that when political power is examined more broadly, Presidents and their parties generally have less power in the † Professors of Law, Northwestern University. We would like to extend a special thanks to Daniel Lev who was our research assistant on this piece and who did a spectacular job, including preparing and collecting data for the first drafts of Figures 3 and 4. For helpful suggestions, we would also like to thank Andrew Koppelman, Lee Epstein, Gary Lawson, John McGinnis, Jide Nzelibe, and participants at a Northwestern University School of Law faculty workshop. We thank the Julius Rosenthal Fund for financial support. 1. See, e.g., Maureen Dowd, Op-Ed., A Plague of Toadies, N.Y. TIMES, Nov. -
League of Women Voters of Maine Study Report on Citizens' Initiatives
League of Women Voters of Maine Study Report on Citizens’ Initiatives and People’s Veto Referenda Study Committee Members: Beth Basham Barbara Kaufman Valerie Kelly Kim Peaslee Judy Whiting Contents List of Tables ........................................................................................................................................... ii List of Figures .......................................................................................................................................... ii List of Appendices (see separate document) ............................................................................................ ii Acknowledgments .................................................................................................................................. iii List of Acronyms and Abbreviations ........................................................................................................ iv 1. Origin and Goals of the Study........................................................................................................... 1 2. “Participatory” (or “Direct”) Democracy within Representative Government ................................... 3 3. Maine Citizens’ Initiatives and People’s Veto Referenda: 1908–2018 ............................................... 8 A. How Many CI/PVR Have Maine Citizens Introduced? .................................................................... 8 B. What Are the Issues and Outcomes Associated with Maine’s CIs/PVRs? ....................................... 8 C. -
Presidential Elections and the Nationalization of Political Parties in Federal Countries: Comparing Parties and Institutions in Brazil and Argentina
Presidential elections and the nationalization of political parties in federal countries: comparing parties and institutions in Brazil and Argentina André Borges Universidade de Brasília Lucía Burtnik Universidade de Brasília Área temática: Espacio Alacip Trabajo preparado para su presentación en el VIII Congreso Latinoamericano de Ciencia Política, organizado por la Asociación Latinoamericana de Ciencia Política (ALACIP). Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima 22 al 24 de julio de 2015 Introduction Past research on party nationalization has argued that the direct election of the national executive is likely to nationalize party systems. Presidential elections shape the legislative party system whenever there is a coattails effect in that the presidential candidate pulls with him other candidates from the same party label competing at lower level elections. The coattail effect occurs mainly because the presidency is the major political prize in the context of separation of powers and, for that reason, legislative candidates have strong incentives to organize their campaigns around their party's presidential candidate (Samuels, 2003). Specifically, as the number of effective presidential candidates approximates two and presidential and legislative elections are held concurrently, a "Darwinian" effect should follow, selecting those parties most successful in competing for the presidency and mobilizing a national constituency. (Golder, 2006; Shugart, 1995; Shugart and Carey, 1992). According to this reasoning, parties unable to present viable candidates to the presidency are unlikely to survive unless they coalesce around one of the two major contenders in the presidential race. As a consequence, district-level party systems come to resemble each other as well as the national party system, fostering party nationalization (Hickens and Stoll, 2011). -
Running Ahead Or Falling Behind: the Coattail Effect and Divided Government
Running Ahead or Falling Behind: The Coattail Effect And Divided Government Research Project Submitted by: Latisha Younger Western Illinois University American Government, Masters Program [email protected] Abstract In review of the 2000 and 2004 election results, it is abundantly clear that divided government is not a constant, and possibly not mandate of the voting public. Given the recent rise of unified government, it seems that there are several topics in Political Science that should be reconsidered to determine their applicability to this phenomenon and their validity in explaining its continued value as useful research. Understanding this point, the coattail effect and divided government can easily produce a number of questions to utilize for research; however, there are some specific issues to review that relate to the following questions: What has changed about American politics and government that would increase the frequency of unified government? Why has the presence of the coattail effect dwindled in recent years and what is the cause of the decline? Clearly, the study of the coattail effect and divided government may easily produce a great variety of research questions and findings. For this reason, an examination of these questions and the validity of the associated predominant variables are necessary in a time where changes have occurred in relation to culture and politics. Understanding that there are a number of questions still lingering about this area of political study, the following research design focuses on the following question: Do factors like incumbency and the status of the government, as either unified or divided, play a role in decreasing the frequency of the presidential coattail effect? Considering this question, the author of the following research design hypothesizes that within presidential-congressional elections the issue of incumbency and unified government combined will most affect the pulling power of a presidential candidate to win seats for his fellow congressional candidates. -
Quasi-Experimental Evidence from Concurrent Executive and Legislative Elections
Electoral Studies 70 (2021) 102264 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Electoral Studies journal homepage: http://www.elsevier.com/locate/electstud Coattails and spillover-effects: Quasi-experimental evidence from concurrent executive and legislative elections Lukas Rudolph a,b,*, Arndt Leininger c a LMU Munich, Germany b ETH Zurich, Switzerland c Freie Universitat¨ Berlin, Germany ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: Concurrent elections are widely used to increase turnout. We theorize and show empirically how concurrency Concurrency affects electoral outcomes. First, concurrency increases turnout and thereby the participation of peripheral Turnout voters. Second, in combined elections, one electoral arena affects the other. In our case of majoritarian executive Electoral outcomes elections concurrent to proportional representation (PR) legislative elections, the centripetal tendency of Election timing majoritarian elections colors off to the concurrent PR race. Third, concurrency also entails spillovers of the in Second-order elections Quasi-experiment cumbency advantage of executive officeholders to the concurrent legislative race. Drawing on quasi-random variation in local election timing in Germany, we show that concurrency increases turnout as well as council votes for the incumbent mayor’s party and centrist parties more generally, with slightly more pronounced gains for the political left. As a consequence, concurrent elections consolidate party systems and political power by leading to less fragmented municipal councils and more unified local governments. 1. Introduction The classical view is that electoral participation rates are high among socio-economically advantaged and low among disadvantaged citizens. Concurrent elections are a widely used tool to make electoral From this, we could expect that a stimulus to turnout relates to relative participation more convenient and efficientfor citizens. -
A Regression Discontinuity Test of Strategic Voting and Duverger's
Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 2011, 6: 197–233 A Regression Discontinuity Test of Strategic Voting and Duverger’s Law∗ Thomas Fujiwara Department of Economics, Princeton University, USA; [email protected]. ABSTRACT This paper uses exogenous variation in electoral rules to test the pre- dictions of strategic voting models and the causal validity of Duverger’s Law. Exploiting a regression discontinuity design in the assignment of single-ballot and dual-ballot (runoff) plurality systems in Brazilian mayoral races, the results indicate that single-ballot plurality rule causes voters to desert third placed candidates and vote for the top two vote getters. The effects are stronger in close elections and cannot be explained by differences in the number of candidates, as well as their party affiliation and observable characteristics. Political scientists and economists have long been interested in the question of whether citizens vote sincerely or strategically. How voting decisions take place is not only fundamental to the understanding of the demo- cratic process, but also has important implications for the formulation of ∗ The author would like to thank Siwan Anderson, Matilde Bombardini, Laurent Bouton, Nicole Fortin, Patrick Francois, Thomas Lemieux, Benjamin Nyblade, Francesco Trebbi, the editors, two anonymous referees, and participants at the 2009 North American and European Sum- mer Meetings of the Econometric Society for their helpful comments. Financial support from SSHRC, the Province of British Columbia, and CLSRN is gratefully acknowledged. Supplementary Material available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00010037 supp MS submitted 18 May 2010 ; final version received 14 September 2011 ISSN 1554-0626; DOI 10.1561/100.00010037 c 2011 T. -
Theory and Evidence from Entry and Exit of Senators∗
Information Contagion in Coelection Environments: Theory and Evidence from Entry and Exit of Senators∗ Yosh Halberstam† B. Pablo Montagnes‡ September 22, 2010 Abstract It is well-known that the electorate in midterm elections is more ideologically ex- treme than the electorate in presidential elections; yet, surprisingly, we find that United States senators that are elected in midterm elections are consistently more ideologi- cally moderate than those first elected in presidential elections. Furthermore, senators who are ousted or retire from office around presidential elections are significantly more ideologically moderate than those who exit around midterm elections. We propose a theory in which the presence of party labels enables voters to rationally update their beliefs about candidates across contemporaneous races for office. Wide support for a candidate in one race aids marginal candidates from the same party in other races. Our model generates predictions that are consistent with our new findings as well as a broad set of phenomena from the literature and suggests that unbiased public signals, such as party labels, may have unexpected effects on the aggregation of private information and preferences. Our empirical findings illustrate that simple elements of institutional design may not be outcome-neutral and may profoundly impact the extent to which duly-elected representatives reflect their constituents’ preferences. ∗We thank David Austen-Smith, Timothy Feddersen, Thomas Hubbard and William Rogerson, as well as Dan Bernhardt, Mattias Doepke, Ben Jones, Kei Kawai, John Patty, Alessandro Pavan, Erik Snowberg, Francesco Trebbi, Yasutora Watanabe and numerous seminar and conference participants. †Department of Economics, University of Toronto, [email protected] ‡Harris School of Public Policy Studies, University of Chicago, [email protected] 1 1 Introduction The laws governing the timing of races for public office vary across electoral systems. -
Constitution Of
MAINE STATE LEGISLATURE The following document is provided by the LAW AND LEGISLATIVE DIGITAL LIBRARY at the Maine State Law and Legislative Reference Library http://legislature.maine.gov/lawlib Reproduced from scanned originals with text recognition applied (searchable text may contain some errors and/or omissions) ,.,.... .... DOCUMENTS J'RINTE]) BY DIRECTION OF THE GOVERNOR, AND BY ORDER OF THE LEGISL!TURE, !'OB TBE YEAB. A. D. 1839. VOL. 1 . .ll.UGUST.11.: SMITH & ROBINSON1 PRINTERS TO THE STATE. 1839. RULES AND ORDERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, OF THE ST ATE OF MAINE. I - - - -~ ------------ -- aunusta: SMITH & ROBINSON, ........ PRINTERS. 1839. HousE OF REPRESENTATIVES,~ January 7, 1839. S ORDERED, That the Clerk of this House, cause eight hun~ dred copies of the Rules and Orders, together with the Con atitution of the United States, and of this State ; the names of the members of the House, and the number of their seats ; the names of the members of the Senate ; of the several officers of each House ; of the Governor and Council, and of the officers of the several Departments of the State Government ; with a list of tl1e Standing Committees of each House, and of the Joint Standing Committees, to be printed for the use of th~ House. [Extract from the Journal.] ATTEliiT: CHARLES WATERHOUSE, Cleric. OF THE UNITED ST ATES. WE, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquil lity, provide for the common defence, promote the general wel fare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. -
Constitution of Maine
MAINE STATE LEGISLATURE The following document is provided by the LAW AND LEGISLATIVE DIGITAL LIBRARY at the Maine State Law and Legislative Reference Library http://legislature.maine.gov/lawlib Reproduced from scanned originals with text recognition applied (searchable text may contain some errors and/or omissions) DOCUMENTS PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE LEGISJ~.A.TURE, OF TH:E STATE OF MAINE, JlUIUNG ITS StSSION A. :0. 1940. • JlU GUST.fl: WM. R. SMITH & CO., PRINTERS TO THE STA TE. 1840. RULES AND ORDERS OF THl!: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE STATE OF MAINE . •JUGUST.Jl: S:\IITH & ROBINSON, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, 1840, STATE OF MAINE. HousE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 1 January 7, 1840. 5 ORDERED, That the Clerk of this House, cause eight hundred copies of the Rules and Orders, together with the Constitution of the United States, and of this Stafe; the names of the members of the House, and the number of their seats ; the names of the members of the Senate; of the several officers of each House; of the Governor and Council, ahd of the officers of the several Departments of the State Government; with a list of the Standing Committees of each House, and of the Joint Standing Commit• tees, to be printed for the use of the House. [Extract from the Journal.] ATTEST: ELBRIDGE GERRY, Clerk OF THE .UNITED STATES. WE, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquili ty, provide for the common defence, promote the general wel fare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. -
Constitution of Maine
MAINE STATE LEGISLATURE The following document is provided by the LAW AND LEGISLATIVE DIGITAL LIBRARY at the Maine State Law and Legislative Reference Library http://legislature.maine.gov/lawlib Reproduced from scanned originals with text recognition applied (searchable text may contain some errors and/or omissions) DOClU~IENTS PRL"i'.TED BY ORDER OF THE JLEGrISLA11 URE OF TUE STATE OF MAINE, DCitDiG ITS SESSION A. D. 1856. PART FIRST. §lttgnstn: FULLER&:: FULLER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE. 1 8 5 G. RULEiS AND ORDERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE STATE OF MAINE, 18 5 6. FULLER & FULLER, PRINTERS. 18 5 6. JQSIAH ~: LITT~~' Rortlan4, SP1;:.A.1rn~ [ill®(!!J~~ ®lf 00[.g[f)rfil@~@~u IA uawrn~~ PA YJD DJJNN, f,0Ja11iJ1 WH.,liUl\! L,. !'UTNJ CLER!j:, A~sISTAMT Cua ,.;.,,· .. 'r"---- -" ~ ... c:: 12 11 10 9 8 7 JOHN C. TALBOT, JR., I SAMUEL S. DAKIN, WM. S. COCHRAN, KOAH BARKER, JOHN W. COFFIN, JOHN N. SWAZEY, Lubec. Carmel, Waldo borough. Exeter. Chenyfie!d. Bucksport. i Rep"'"' J 28 27 25 25 24 23 22 21 20 JEREMIAH FOSTER,\ THOS. PATTERSON, JOSEPH IRISH, DANCEL HOWES, EDMUND DA)TA, ISAAC W. BRITTON, SAMUEL S. VYING, P. P. BURLEIGH, C. C. CUSH!v East Machias. Madison. Union. New Sharon. vViscasset. VFinslow. Brunswick. Linneus. Hebron. I ~~ ~~~I~~ 44 43 42 41 40 39 38 37 36 H. W. JOHNSON, THOS . .l\f. MORROW, JOHN m:;:vrn, JAMES TRICKEY, ALBERT MOORE, THOiWAS OWEN, E. PEARSON, Ja., ISAAC HOBART, JOHN R. SW Bluebill. Searsmont. Robbinston. Cape Elizabeth. North Anson. Leeds. Machias. Edmunds. -
History of Maine - History Index - MHS Kathy Amoroso
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Maine History Documents Special Collections 2019 History of Maine - History Index - MHS Kathy Amoroso Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/mainehistory Part of the History Commons Repository Citation Amoroso, Kathy, "History of Maine - History Index - MHS" (2019). Maine History Documents. 220. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/mainehistory/220 This Other is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maine History Documents by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Index to Maine History publication Vol. 9 - 12 Maine Historical Society Newsletter 13 - 33 Maine Historical Society Quarterly 34 – present Maine History Vol. 9 – 51.1 1969 - 2017 1 A a' Becket, Maria, J.C., landscape painter, 45:203–231 Abandonment of settlement Besse Farm, Kennebec County, 44:77–102 and reforestation on Long Island, Maine (case study), 44:50–76 Schoodic Point, 45:97–122 The Abenaki, by Calloway (rev.), 30:21–23 Abenakis. see under Native Americans Abolitionists/abolitionism in Maine, 17:188–194 antislavery movement, 1833-1855 (book review), 10:84–87 Liberty Party, 1840-1848, politics of antislavery, 19:135–176 Maine Antislavery Society, 9:33–38 view of the South, antislavery newspapers (1838-1855), 25:2–21 Abortion, in rural communities, 1904-1931, 51:5–28 Above the Gravel Bar: The Indian Canoe Routes of Maine, by Cook (rev.), 25:183–185 Academy for Educational development (AED), and development of UMaine system, 50(Summer 2016):32–41, 45–46 Acadia book reviews, 21:227–229, 30:11–13, 36:57–58, 41:183–185 farming in St. -
Supreme Court W Cover
No. 13-1314 In The Supreme Court Of The United States ARIZONA STATE LEGISLATURE, APPELLANT, v. ARIZONA INDEPENDENT REDISTRICTING COMMISSION, ET AL., RESPONDENTS. ON APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF ARIZONA AMICUS BRIEF OF THE STATES OF WASHINGTON, CALIFORNIA, COLORADO, CONNECTICUT, HAWAII, IDAHO, MASSACHUSETTS, MISSISSIPPI, NEW MEXICO, NEW YORK, OREGON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND VIRGINIA IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS ROBERT W. FERGUSON Attorney General NOAH G. PURCELL Solicitor General REBECCA RIPOLI GLASGOW Deputy Solicitor General Counsel of Record JAY D. GECK Deputy Solicitor General 1125 Washington Street SE Olympia, WA 98504-0100 360-664-3027 [email protected] i TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ....................................................... 1 INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE ................................ 2 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .................................... 4 ARGUMENT ............................................................... 5 A. The States, As Sovereigns, Are Entitled To Structure Their Lawmaking Processes As They See Fit .................................. 5 B. The Elections Clause Does Not Disturb The States’ Sovereign Authority To Allocate Lawmaking Power To Entities Other Than The Legislature .............................. 8 C. The Arizona Legislature’s Argument Threatens States’ Diverse Redistricting Systems, Which Often And For Good Reason Place Significant Power Outside The Legislature ................................................ 10 1. Some States Give Their Courts Authority To Redistrict