Northumbria Research Link Citation: Hugman, Joan (1993) Joseph Cowen of Newcastle and Radical Liberalism. Doctoral thesis, University of Northumbria at Newcastle. This version was downloaded from Northumbria Research Link: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/15712/ Northumbria University has developed Northumbria Research Link (NRL) to enable users to access the University’s research output. Copyright © and moral rights for items on NRL are retained by the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. Single copies of full items can be reproduced, displayed or performed, and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided the authors, title and full bibliographic details are given, as well as a hyperlink and/or URL to the original metadata page. The content must not be changed in any way. 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JOSEPH COWENOF NEWCASTLEAND RADICAL LIBERALISM JOAN HUGMAN A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTSOF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHUMBRIAAT NEWCASTLE FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOROF PHILOSOPHY JULY 1993 University of Northumbria at Newcastle in collaboration with the University of Leicester JOSEPH COWENOF NEWCASTLEAND RADICAL LIBERALISM This thesis emanated from a conviction that major gaps in our knowledge of Liberal history remain, especially in the realm of regional politics. The research aims to challenge the widely held view that Tyneside was a bastion of Liberalism for the greater part of the nineteenth century. Summary electoral statistics are shown to be wholly unreliable as a description of the prevailing political ethos. The dynastic dominance of the Cowen family and, in particular, the salutary influence of Jose ph Cowen Jnr. (1829-1900) ensured that Tyneside retained its strong radical tradition.. - The work begins by identifying the powerful agrarian and international roots of local politics and hiqhlighting the pivotal role of Thomas Spence-Tyneside was demonstrably in the vanguard of early nineteenth century movements, notably the 1832 Reform Act campaiqn and Chartism. In 1848, Cowen redirected radical energies -into the cause of European nationalism and subsequently regenerated electoral reform through the formation of the Northern Reform Union. Politically ambitious, he sought to to win the confidence and loyalty of the working classes by involving himself in a plethora of 'improving' orgýjnisations. He actively encouraged mechanics institutes to adopt a democratic structure and was responsible for introducing Cooperation into the region in 1859. Under his proprietorship, the Newcastle Chronicle became a powerful - medium for the dissemination of radical ideas, thus extending his influence far beyond the immediate locality. By_ 187,3-"9 Cowen's charismatic leadership was a reckonable forceg uniquely strengthening his bargaining position -and making him powerbroker of the Radical/Liberal alliance. The Irish dimension of Tyneside politics, it is argued, was extremely important. Elsewhere, the Irish vote proved to be,, notoriously unpredictable. His staunch defence of Irish interests9 and close friendship with prominent Irish nationalists ensured that all the available Irish votes were pledged in his favour. The thesis concludes by appraising Cowen's- apparent conversion to an imperialist foreign policy, and considers how far this constituted a compromise of his patriotic radical principles. f CONTENTS Acknowledgments Introduction 1 1. THE EARLY LIFE OF JOSEPH COWEN: ORIGINS AND INFLUENCES 17 2. TYNESIDE RADICALISM: TRADITION AND PROGRESS1775-1862 - 35 3. THE MAKING OF A RADICAL CITADEL 1847-1873 84 4. THE IRISH DIMENSION OF TYNESIDE POLITICS 143 5. JOSEPH COWENAND THE RADICAULIBERAL ALLIANCE 1873-1886 186 6. JOSEPH COWEN:FROM RADICALISM TO IMPERIALISM? 233 7. CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES ON JOSEPH COWENAND RADICAL LIBERALISM 265 Bibliography 297 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS in the I should like to record my thanks for all the help I have received course of this research from the staff of numerous libraries and archives. I am particularly grateful to those at the University Library of Northumbria at Newcastle, the Robinson Library, and Whitley Bay Library who have efficiently his responded to my countless requests for books and theses. Richard Potts and staff at the Tyne and Wear Archives provided expert advice and assistanceg as to well as making the Search Room a comfortable and friendly place in which work. Peter Carnell, at Sheffield University, greatly facilitated my search through the Mundella/Wilson/Leader Papers, and helped me to find comfortable accommodation in the city. The staff at the Local Studies Department of Newcaýtle City Library, at great inconvenience to themselvest indulged my due preference for handling manuscript volumes of newspapers. Thanks are also Keith to Mrs M. Harris who allowed me to read the manuscript of the late Harris. I would also like to thank the following people who have offered advice and Tony Barrow; comments, and supported my endeavours: Jo Alberti; Owen R. Ashton; Ray Challinor; Sandra M. Chilton; Hilary & Ian East; Monica & John Hallam; Archie Potts; Stephen P. Regan ; Stephen Roberts; Harvey Taylor; Nigel Todd and all the staff at the Department of Historical & Critical Studiesq University of Northumbria at Newcastle. Finally, I would like to pay tribute to both Dr-Bill Lancaster and Dr. Robert Colls who have supervised the research. Dr. Colls offered sound advice and invaluable structural suggestionsg as well as cheerfully correcting the grammatical idiosyncrasies that regularly crept into the text. Any remaining errors areq of course, my own responsibility. With unfailing good humour and an indomitable enthusiasm Dr. Lancaster provided expert guidance. Words of encouragement and gentle criticism were offered in equal measure, and he allowed me to pillage his stock of books and supply of coffee without complaint. INTRODUCTION At the end of the 1850's the Liberal Party which emerged was a loose alliance of divergent opinions. Generally speaking, the party was dominated by a large Whig section, a wealthy, right wing group of landowners who monopolised most of the key political posts, and a much smaller radical group who represented the-nonconformist9manufacturing interests of the new industrial constituencies. Throughout the nineteenth century the Liberals were able to consistently appeal to a broad cross section of the British public, and elicit massive popular support. For many years historians have been preoccupied with the problem of explaining the phenomenon of popular Liberalism. The profferred explanations appraised working class political allegiances in all their complexity and were appropriately wide ranging and diverse. And yet, notwith- standing the inevitable differences of interpretation, most evinced a common tendency to regard popular Liberalism as a point of departure from earlier 1 political traditions. In short, in order to positively establish the decline of revolutionary fervour and the concomitant harmonization of class relations there was a perceived requirement to demonstrate that radicalism was a moribund, or at least decaying, force in 1848.2 Even though there is now a much broader consensus in favour of a more gradualist approachg the prevalent 3 emphasis upon discontinuity still attracts a number of adherents. More recently however, significant revisionary work has posed a serious challenge to the existing orthodoxy. A number of important biographical and local studies have presented a compelling argument in favour of investing radicalism with far greater resilience and longevity than had previously been 4 considered possible. As early as 1967, a study of the life of Robert Lowery the noted detectable 'compatibility of Chartist aims and mid-Victorian Liberal 1 6, ideology' Subsequently, Kate Tiller's late Halifax Chartism .5 survey of and 7, Bill Lancaster's meticulous analysis of Leicester Radicalism pursued a similar theme and concluded that in areas where Chartism had been vigorous a radical strain of Liberalism was much more likely to emerge. Both works highlight the valuable insights that local studies can, and do, offer. If, as Kate Tiller has observed, the 1850's and 1860's were Icharacterised by 8, increasingly localised responses to differing conditions' any serious attempt to advance our understanding of popular Liberalism and radicalism must 4- begin with a closer scrutiny of individual localities. A new collection of studies, Currents of Radicalism (1991), which draws on a substantial body of local material, has added scholarly weight to the view that popular radicalism had a significant impact upon the Gladstonian 9 Liberal Party and nascent socialism. E. Biagini and A. Reid not only eschew 10 the but materialist interpretation epitomised by the work of Eric Hobsbawm , also distance themselves from the essentially 'irrational'