DOCSLIB.ORG

The 'Iron Fist Policy'

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The 'Iron Fist Policy' THE ‘IRON FIST POLICY’: Criminalization of peaceful dissent in Kuwait 2 THE ‘IRON FIST POLICY’: CRIMINALIZATION OF PEACEFUL DISSENT IN KUWAIT Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. We reach almost every country in the world and have more than 2 million members and supporters who drive forward our fight for rights, as well as more than 5 million activists who strengthen our calls for justice. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2015 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom © Amnesty International 2015 Index: MDE 17/2987/2015 Original Language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo: Kuwaitis rally in front of the national assembly to demand the release of opposition leader Musallam al-Barrak on 9 March 9 2015, in Kuwait City. © Getty Images. amnesty.org AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL DECEMBER 2015, INDEX: MDE 17/2987/2015 THE ‘IRON FIST POLICY’: CRIMINALIZATION OF PEACEFUL DISSENT IN KUWAIT 3 CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 METHODOLOGY 7 1. THE WEB OF LAWS THROTTLING FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN KUWAIT 8 Lack of protection for freedom of expression under Kuwait’s constitution 8 Laws restricting freedom of expression 8 “Insult” and defamation laws 8 National security laws 11 Offending religion 13 2016: The Cybercrimes law 14 2. THE TARGETING OF OPPOSITION ACTIVISTS, HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS AND JOURNALISTS FOR “CRIMES” OF EXPRESSION 17 Imprisoned for insulting the Amir and other officials 18 Officials criticizing foreign states and rulers, offending religion 23 Restrictions on media freedom 26 3. REVOCATION OF CITIZENSHIP AND DEPORTATION 28 Kuwait’s nationality law and international human rights law 30 4. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 32 Recommendations 32 AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL DECEMBER 2015, INDEX: MDE 17/2987/2015 4 THE ‘IRON FIST POLICY’: CRIMINALIZATION OF PEACEFUL DISSENT IN KUWAIT to have little impact in Kuwait. This changed in 2012, however, when popular opposition to a new EXECUTIVE SUMMARY electoral law and concern over corruption in government saw thousands repeatedly take to the streets of the capital, Kuwait City in a series of rallies entitled Karamat Watan (“Nation’s Dignity”). “… there is no doubt that men are free by nature to have their thoughts and opinions, to The controversial electoral changes and the come and go, individually or congregationally, government’s reaction to the Nation’s Dignity rallies, no matter their number, so long as they do not which included the forcible dispersal of peaceful harm others. The freedoms and rights of human protests, opened up divisions in Kuwaiti society beings have become an integral part of global which the government exacerbated by reacting with consciousness and have defined what it means increasing sensitivity to and intolerance of criticism to be human.” and dissent. In July 2014, in response to opposition Excerpt from a 2006 ruling by Kuwait’s Constitutional protests, the cabinet pledged “an iron fist policy and Court a decisive and firm confrontation with whatever could undermine the state, its institutions and constitution”. Since the 1960s Kuwait has gained a reputation within the Gulf for granting its citizens greater political The government has used existing laws and adopted freedoms than their counterparts in other countries new ones to target its critics, including human rights in the region. defenders and political opponents, and ultimately close down space for dissent. Judicial authorities The press has been able to operate with a degree have ordered the suspension or closure of newspapers of freedom relative to neighbouring countries, and and other media platforms. The government has citizens have generally been able to speak, write, invoked the country’s nationality law to strip some comment and even criticize the government without of its critics of their citizenship, sending a stark fear of arrest. Kuwaiti women face legal and other warning to others of the consequences of speaking discrimination, but have also enjoyed greater rights out. Members of Kuwait’s Bidun community, who are to political participation than in most other Gulf denied Kuwaiti nationality, have been among those states, including rights to vote and stand as arrested and imprisoned for peacefully exercising candidates in elections to parliament. There are still their right to freedom of expression. very serious human rights concerns – not least entrenched discrimination against residents of Kuwait not considered citizens, known as the Bidun, and the exploitation and abuse of foreign migrant workers – but holders of Kuwaiti citizenship, at least, have enjoyed freedoms that remain all too rare elsewhere in the Gulf. But since 2011, in the face of increased criticism and amidst a volatile regional context, the authorities have taken a series of steps which have seriously eroded human rights, with the right to freedom of expression among the main casualties. A demonstration outside Kuwait Central Prison, calling for the release of Initially, the popular protests that broke out across opposition politician Musallam Al-Barrak, Kuwait, 31 October 2012. the Middle East and North Africa in 2011 appeared © Private AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL DECEMBER 2015, INDEX: MDE 17/2987/2015 THE ‘IRON FIST POLICY’: CRIMINALIZATION OF PEACEFUL DISSENT IN KUWAIT 5 Amnesty International has visited Kuwait three Musallam al-Barrak, for many years one of the times in the last four years, interviewing dozens of government’s most trenchant critics, speaking out individuals, including people facing prosecution on against a perceived lack of government transparency charges related to their peaceful exercise of rights and criticizing the Amir and the judiciary, was facing to freedom of expression, human rights defenders, 94 ongoing separate criminal prosecutions. He is journalists and lawyers. Researchers have analysed currently serving a two-year jail sentence. Hamad al- relevant international and Kuwaiti laws, reviewed Naqi, meanwhile, is serving a 10-year jail sentence for UN reports relating to Kuwait and closely monitored posting comments on Twitter criticizing the leaders of media coverage of court cases and other developments Bahrain and Saudi Arabia and for making comments affecting the right to freedom of expression. The considered derogatory to the Prophet Mohammad organization met a senior state prosecutor, members and other religious figures. of parliament, and senior members of the Kuwaiti government, including the Prime Minister, and A web of laws is used to prosecute critics and subsequently invited the government to respond to opponents of the government. These include articles its findings in an April 2015 memorandum. At the of the Penal Code and other laws that criminalize time of finalizing this report, the authorities have not expression deemed to insult the Amir or undermine responded to this memorandum. his authority or that of the government or judiciary, or which threaten Kuwait’s national security or relations Based on this research, this report documents the with other states, such as criticism of leaders of deepening erosion of the right to freedom of expression other Arab states. that has occurred in Kuwait during the past four years. It details the authorities’ arrest, prosecution Other laws target online critics of the government – and imprisonment of peaceful online and other critics some 75% of Kuwait’s population use the internet. or commentators using laws that breach Kuwait’s Critics can face prosecution under laws that can make obligations under international law. Amnesty it an offence to use modern communications technology International considers a number of those prosecuted – such as mobile phones and the internet – to transmit to be prisoners of conscience, jailed solely for the and disseminate perceived criticism of the Amir, peaceful exercise of their right to freedom of expression. members of the judiciary or public officials. The authorities have used vague and sweeping criminal Such laws undermine the government’s obligations defamation laws to punish and deter criticism of to respect, protect, promote and fulfil the right to the Amir, other state officials and their policies or freedom of expression. Any restriction that governments conduct, and also to target those who openly criticize place on these rights must be shown to be the least leaders of other Arab states with which the government restrictive means of doing so possible, and must be maintains close relations. The use of such laws has demonstrably necessary and proportionate for one
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Kuwait Submission to the United Nations Human Rights Committee
    KUWAIT SUBMISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE 117TH SESSION, 20 JUNE- 15 JULY 2016 Amnesty International Publications First published in 2016 by Amnesty International Publications International Secretariat Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom www.amnesty.org © Amnesty International Publications 2016 Index: MDE 17/4145/2016 Original Language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. accompan CONTENTS INTRODUCTION
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights Obligations in Military Occupation Noam Lubell Noam Lubell Is Reader in Law at the School of Law, University of Essex, UK
    Volume 94 Number 885 Spring 2012 Human rights obligations in military occupation Noam Lubell Noam Lubell is Reader in Law at the School of Law, University of Essex, UK. Abstract This article examines the applicability of international human rights law in situations of military occupation. Proceeding from the position that human rights obligations can exist in these circumstances, the article provides an analysis of the precise modalities of application. It examines the tests for the determination of human rights applicability, and how these are linked to the concept of occupation. Finally, it recognizes the practical and legal challenges to the implementation of human rights obligations, and argues for a contextual approach that provides for human rights protection while recognizing the realities of military occupation. Keywords: military occupation, human rights obligations, applicability, occupying power, territorial control, contextual approach, economic, social and cultural rights. This article examines the applicability of international human rights law in situations of military occupation. That human rights obligations exist in some form in these circumstances should, by now, be firmly established and have wide support. Nonetheless, there remains room for further analysis of the precise modalities of application, questioning how far the human rights obligations stretch, and how this notion might be affected by practical and legal challenges to implementation. The article begins with an examination of the tests for deter- mination of applicability of human rights law, and the link between the established authority of an Occupying Power and the notion of territorial control required for human rights law obligations. Recognizing the possible impediments to total fulfilment of all rights, an analysis is provided, suggesting the need for a contextual doi:10.1017/S1816383112000367 317 N.
    [Show full text]
  • Violations of the Right of Ngos to Funding: from Harassment to Criminalisation
    2013 “The topic of this year’s report is most pertinent as lately we have witnessed increased stigmatization and undue restrictions in relation to access to funding and resources for civil society organizations, in REPORT ANNUAL an attempt to stifle any forms of criticism, especially calls for democratic change or accountability for human rights violations. [...] I am particularly dismayed about laws or policies stigmatizing recipients due to their sources of funding, which have been adopted in the past months or are under consideration, Violations of the right in several countries across the world”. “I am confident that the Observatory report and my work in this field will be complementary and of NGOs to funding: mutually beneficial. I hope our joint efforts will succeed and will pave the way for better respect of the right to freedom of association, especially its core component, the access to funding and resources, in all parts of the world. It is ultimately the obligation of Member States to fully protect this right, OMCTFIDH - from harassment which shall be enjoyed by everyone”. Maina Kiai, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association. to criminalisation The Annual Report 2013 of the Observatory provides a global review of the violations of the right of NGOs to funding. It provides a detailed picture of this as yet little studied problem, the growing Foreword by Maina Kiai dimension of which is a worrying concern. This picture is illustrated with around thirty country situations affecting human rights organisations. While recalling the legal basis of this right, as well as its organic relationship with the right to freedom of association and the embryonic jurisprudence on this subject, the report stimulates deep reflection on the negative impacts of these restrictive measures and makes concrete recommendations to all relevant stakeholders (beneficiaries, donors, governments and intergovernmental organisations).
    [Show full text]
  • Corporate Governance Practice in the GCC: Kuwait As a Case Study
    Corporate Governance Practice In the GCC: Kuwait As A Case Study Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Mohammad E. Al-Wasmi LLB, LLM School of Law Brunel University December 2011 Abstract Corporate governance practice has recently become an important topic around the world and specifically within the emerging stock markets in order to avoid expropriation by corporate management at the expense of minority shareholders. Although corporate governance is considered to be tremendously important in many countries, whether developed or developing, corporate governance does not exist in Kuwait as a mean of shareholder protection. This thesis intends to provide a regulatory analysis to laws and regulations that should be implemented to regulate corporate governance practice in Kuwait in private companies and in the State-Owned Enterprises. The second chapter draws a theoretical framework of corporate governance. These theories must be discussed, because this thesis is the first to address corporate governance from a legal perspective and will help Kuwaiti practitioners and those involved in corporate governance practice to gain a better and more comprehensive understanding of and appreciation for effective corporate governance. The third chapter provides an overview of the corporate governance practice in the emerging markets. The fourth chapter presents the characteristics of a corporate culture to lay the groundwork for adopting corporate governance that will fit within the Kuwaiti culture. The fifth chapter offers an assessment of the institutional settings necessary to establish a sound corporate governance system in Kuwait, including legal and political institutions. The sixth chapter will examine corporate governance practice in the State-Owned Enterprises in Kuwait.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    Bibliography AJIL (1912) ‘The Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China’, American Journal of International Law, 6, 3, 149–54. Akita, G (1967) Foundations of Constitutional Government in Modern Japan, 1868–1900 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press). Albrow, M (1970) Bureaucracy (London: Pall Mall). Amnesty International (2012) ‘China: Annual Report 2012’, http:// www.amnesty.org, date accessed 14 January 2013. Angle, S (2002) Human Rights & Chinese Thought: A Cross Cultural Inquiry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Angle, S and Svensson, M (eds) (2001) The Chinese Human Rights Reader: Documents and Commentary, 1900–2000 (New York: M.E. Sharpe). Anon (1963a) ‘Quanli Pian’ (On Rights) in Zhang Nan and Wang Renzhi (eds) Xinhai Gemingqian Shinian Jianshi Lun Xuanji (Collected Works from the Ten Year Period Before the Xinhai Revolution) Vol. 1 (Beijing: Sanlian Chubanshe). Anon (1963b) ‘Shuo Guomin’ (On Citizens) in Zhang Nan and Wang Renzhi (eds) Xinhai Gemingqian Shinian Jianshi Lun Xuanji (Collected Works from the Ten Year Period Before the Xinhai Revolution) Vol. 1 (Beijing: Sanlian Chubanshe). Ayers, W (1971) Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press). Baker, H (1979) Chinese Family and Kinship (New York: Columbia University Press). Bao Jialin (1979a) ‘Xinhai Geming Shiqi de Funu Sixiang’ (Women’s Thought at the Time of the 1911 Revolution) in Bao Jialin (ed.) Zhongguo Funushi Lunji (Materials on the History of Chinese Women) (Taibei: Mutong Chubanshe). Bao Jialin (1979b) ‘Qiu Jin yu Qingmo Funu Yundong’ (Qiu Jin and the Women’s Movement in the Late Qing) in Bao Jialin (ed.) Zhongguo Funushi Lunji (Materials on the History of Chinese Women) (Taibei: Mutong Chubanshe).
    [Show full text]
  • Kuwait UPR Submission 21St Session (Jan-Feb 2015)
    Kuwait UPR Submission 21st session (Jan-Feb 2015) 20 May 2014 The Kuwaiti Association of the Basic Evaluators of Human Rights (KABEHR) participates keenly in international activities related to the situation of human rights in Kuwait, especially after having attained consultative status to the United Nations Social and Economic Council, and works from the belief that protection and strengthening of human rights can not be achieved without joining concerted national efforts on both governmental and non-governmental levels. KABEHR is interested in the following: list its main observations and recommendations to Kuwait concerning the extent of implementation of its voluntary pledges and the observations and recommendations that it received before the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) mechanism in its eighth session, so to achieve complete implementation of its international commitments and pledges. 1. Need to establish an independent national body for human rights, whose work is fully consistent with the principles relating to the status of national institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights (Paris Principles). 2. Need to develop a national strategic plan for the protection and promotion of human rights. 3. Kuwait continues to lag in pursuing social, civil, and humanitarian regularization of stateless persons. 4. Need to enact a law regulating labor conditions for domestic workers, ensure their rights and codify their responsibilities vis-a-vis business owners. 5. Need to enact a comprehensive law for the rights of the child, in accordance with the provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and its protocols ratified by Kuwait. 6. Importance of expediting the enactment of a law to establish a Family Court.
    [Show full text]
  • Nation, State and Society in Literature
    Nation, State and Society in Literature: Representation in Contemporary Kuwaiti Novels MA Dissertation Middle Eastern Studies Arabic Studies Matija Miličić Student number: s2183145 Supervisor: Dr. P. A. Webb Content Introduction …………………………………………….…………….……………… 3. 1. Nation, State and Literature ………………………….……………………………… 9. 1.0. The concepts of nation, nationalism and nation-state …………………………….9. 1.1. Emergence of nations, nation-states and nationalisms and their relation to literature……………………………..………………………………………….. 10. 1.2. Nation, nationalism and state in Arab Literatures ……………………………… 14. 2. The State of Kuwait and its Political and Social Reality…….. …………...…..…….. 18. 2.0. Democracy, tribalism and kinship ties…………. ….……….…………..……… 18. 2.1. Different forms of citizenship and ‘being Kuwaiti’ ……………………………. 20. 2.2. The Government, nationalism and human rights………… ………...………….. 24. 3. Authority, Oppression and Lack of Freedom: Representation in the Kuwaiti Novel …………………………………………………………………………………….... 29. 4. Different Forms of Citizenship and National Identity: Representation in the Kuwaiti Novel …...………………………………………………..…………………………. 37. Conclusion ………………...……………………………………………………….. 45. Bibliography ………………………………………………………………...……... 48. 2 Introduction There has been a strong link between literature, on the one hand, and the state and concepts of nation, national identity and nationalism, since their emergence, on the other. This link is especially vigorous and active in the nation-building process, where the literature plays a significant, sometimes even a crucial role. The history of any national literature fuses with the history of its nation. Thus, it is not challenging to propose an assumption that a large portion of world’s literature revolves around or contain the ideas of nation, “nation-ness”1, national identity and the sense of belonging to a nation. Moreover, it is important to point out the social role of literature.
    [Show full text]
  • 20Th EU – NGO Human Rights Forum FIDH Member Organisations
    20th EU – NGO Human Rights Forum Defending universality – Making Human Rights a Reality Brussels, 20-22 November 2018 FIDH member organisations AFRICA BOTSWANA Alice MOGWE DITSHWANELO - The Botswana Centre for Human Rights Director of DITSHWANELO - The Botswana Centre for Human Rights, Secretary General of FIDH (the International Federation for Human Rights), Board Member of the International Service for Human Rights, Board Member of The Other Foundation and Board Member of the International Center for Not-For-Profit Law. Alice Mogwe has been a human rights activist since 1990 when she began work with indigenous peoples in Botswana and later in South Africa; refugees and asylum seekers; abolition of the death penalty; children's rights; HIV/AIDS; domestic workers; and growing civil society space through seeding and growing civil society groupings and mentoring youth activists about value-based leadership. DITSHWANELO - The Botswana Centre for Human Rights DITSHWANELO is an advocacy organisation with a key role in the promotion and protection of human rights in Botswana society. DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO Dismas KITENGE SENGA FIDH Vice President, President of LOTUS Group Dismas Kitenge is the president and co-founder of the LOTUS Group, a human rights organisation based in Kisangani in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). This organisation aims to promote peace, the values and principles of democracy, and the defence of all human beings. For more than 20 years, Dismas Kitenge has been fighting for freedom of speech and opinion, and fighting against the impunity of perpetrators of the most serious human rights violations. Because of his activities, he has been and is still subjected to strong pressure from former armed groups and the authorities.
    [Show full text]
  • Statistics of the Repression Against Human Rights Defenders*
    S TATISTICS TYPOLOGY AND STATISTICS OF THE REPRESSION AGAINST HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS* Arbitrary Assassinations Searches, Reprisals at Enforced Physical Arrests detentions** Sentencing Obstacles to Releases End of / Ill-treatment, Death Judicial Harass- break-ins, Defama- work (abusive Number of STATES disappea- attacks / without freedom of judicial Assassination torture threats proceedings ment illegal seizure tion layoff, forced defenders rances Assaults detention movement proceedings attempts House (office or home) dismissal...) Tempo- Defi- Prison Prison Fine arrest rary nitive AFRICA Angola . 2 . 2 . 1 . 1 1 1 . 2 Botswana . 1 . 1 Burundi . 1 1 2 . 6 . 4 1 . 3 . 1 . 1 3 1 10 Cameroon . 1 2 1 . 2 7 . 7 1 . 5 . 2 5 3 3 18 Centr. African Rep. ....2......52......7 Chad . 1 . 2 . 3 . 1 . 1 . 3 . 3 . 6 Congo-Brazzaville. ........22222.2.2..2 Côte d’Ivoire . 1 . 1 . 1 Djibouti . 4 4 . 4 . 3 2 1 2 1 4 . 6 Dem. Rep. 1 . 4 11 5 6 . 8 . 15 4 9 . 4 2 . 38 of Congo Eritrea . 3 . 3 Ethiopia . 1 2 . 1 10 . 10 . 1 . 1 3 2 . 15 Gambia . 2 . 1 . 2 . 3 Guinea ....3......1.......3 Liberia . 1 . 1 Mauritania . 3 . 3 Niger . ..1...... .1 ..123 Nigeria . 1 . 1 Senegal . 1 3 . 4 . 4 Somalia . 1 . 1 . 1 South Africa . 4 . 4 . 4 4 Sudan 1 1 . 10 5 . 5 . 8 1 . 2 4 . 24 Tanzania . 2 . 2 Zimbabwe . 2 2 1 11 15 . 33 . 5 6 . 2 18 36 Sub total 2 3 9 9 25 38 64 0 85 4 2 54 18 15 5 7 23 23 28 194 AMERICAS Argentina .
    [Show full text]
  • Final Declaration of the Regional Meeting for Asia of the World
    FINAL DECLARATION OF THE REGIONAL MEETING FOR ASIA OF THE WORLD CONFERENCE ON HUMAN RIGHTS The Ministers and representatives of Asian States, meeting at Bangkok from 29 March to 2 April 1993, pursuant to General Assembly resolution 46/116 of 17 December 1991 in the context of preparations for the World Conference on Human rights, adopt this Declaration, to be known as "The Bangkok Declaration", which contains the aspirations and commitments of the Asian region: BANGKOK DECLARATION Emphasizing the significance of the World Conference on Human Rights, which provides an invaluable opportunity to review all aspects of human rights and ensure a just and balanced approach thereto, Recognizing the contribution that can be made to the World Conference by Asian countries with their diverse and rich cultures and traditions, Welcoming the increased attention being paid to human rights in the international community, Reaffirming their commitment to principles contained in the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, Recalling that in the Charter of the United Nations the question of universal observance and promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms has been rightly placed within the context of international cooperation, Noting the progress made in the codification of human rights instruments, and in the establishment of international human rights mechanisms, while expressing concern that these mechanisms relate mainly to one category of rights, Emphasizing that ratification of international human rights
    [Show full text]
  • The Bidoon in Kuwait, History at a Glance
    The Bidoon in Kuwait, History at a Glance October 2020 Report prepared by Andreas Bjorklund 1 Table of Contents Front matter ............................................................................................................................... 3 Objective ........................................................................................................................................................ 3 A note on transliteration ................................................................................................................................ 3 Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 3 Historical background ........................................................................................................ 5 Why are there stateless persons in Kuwait today? ...................................................................... 5 The political significance of strict nationality laws ......................................................................................... 5 Limitations to the naturalisation process 1959-1965 .................................................................................... 6 Why has the problem not been resolved since 1965? ................................................................. 7 1. Continued intra-elite contestation has left the Bidoon vulnerable to exploitation ................................... 7 2. Disputing narratives ................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • OMORUYI-THESIS.Pdf (1.375Mb)
    TAKING SUFFERING SERIOUSLY: A ROBUST APPROACH TO ENFORCING THE RIGHT TO NATIONALITY OF STATELESS PEOPLE A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Laws In the College of Law University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By Benjamin Aiwehia Omoruyi © Copyright Benjamin Omoruyi, December 2013. All rights reserved. PERMISSION TO USE In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Masters of Laws degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of the University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the Dean of the College of Law. It is understood that any copying or publication or use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis. Requests for permission to copy or to make other use of material in this thesis in whole or part should be addressed to: Dean of the College of Law University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, S7N 5A6 Canada i ABSTRACT This thesis interrogates the continued statelessness of more than 12 million stateless people around the world, in the face of Article 15 of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which provides that everyone has a right to a nationality.
    [Show full text]