Sudan Today: Prospects for Peace and Democracy
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Sudan: Freedom in the World 2020
4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Sudan 12 NOT FREE /100 Political Rights 2 /40 Civil Liberties 10 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 7 /100 Not Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/sudan/freedom-world/2020 1/24 4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House Overview The military leaders and civilian protesters who ousted the repressive regime of Omar al-Bashir and his National Congress Party (NCP) in 2019 are uneasy partners in a transitional government that—if successful—will be replaced by an elected government in 2022. Civic space is slowly opening to individuals and opposition parties, but security personnel associated with the abuses of old regime remain influential, and their commitment to political freedoms and civil liberties is unclear. Key Developments in 2019 President Omar al-Bashir, who came to power in a coup d’état in 1989, was overthrown by the military in April, after a protest movement beginning in December 2018 placed growing pressure on the government. The military initially attempted to rule without the input of civilian protesters, who originally demonstrated against rising commodity prices and pervasive economic hardship before calling for al-Bashir’s resignation as the year opened. Security forces killed 127 protesters in the capital of Khartoum in June, sparking a backlash that forced the short-lived junta to include civilian leaders in a new transitional government as part of a power-sharing agreement reached in August. Al-Bashir was arrested by the military junta and charged with corruption by the succeeding transitional government in August. -
The Eastern Front and the Struggle Against Marginalization
3 The Eastern Front and the Struggle against Marginalization By John Young Copyright The Small Arms Survey Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It serves © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva 2007 as the principal source of public information on all aspects of small arms and First published in May 2007 as a resource centre for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activ- ists. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Depart- permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by ment of Foreign Affairs, and by contributions from the Governments of Bel- law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organi- gium, Canada, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the zation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should United Kingdom. The Survey is also grateful for past and current project-spe- be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. cific support received from Australia, Denmark, and New Zealand. Further Small Arms Survey funding has been provided by the United Nations Development Programme, Graduate Institute of International Studies the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, the Geneva 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland International Academic Network, and the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining. -
Excessive and Deadly the Use of Force, Arbitrary Detention and Torture Against
EXCESSIVE AND DEADLY THE USE OF FORCE, ARBITRARY DETENTION AND TORTURE AGAINST PROTESTERS IN SUDAN Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. ACJPS works to monitor and promote respect for human rights and legal reform in Sudan. ACJPS has a vision of a Sudan where all people can live and prosper free from fear and in a state committed to justice, equality and peace. ACJPS has offices in the US, UK, and Uganda. First published in 2014 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom ©Amnesty International 2014 Index: AFR 54/020/2014 English Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission -
Sudan Brief December 2019
NUMBER 63 SUDAN BRIEF DECEMBER 2019 Sudan’s popular uprising and the demise of Islamism1 In December 2018, a peaceful popular uprising erupted in Sudan which led to the downfall of Omar al-Bashir in April 2019. The thirty-year authoritarian rule by the Islamist National Congress Party (NCP) thereby came to an end. Last month, a new law AUTHOR officially dissolved the NCP which was a key demand of the Munzoul A. M. Assal University of Khartoum popular protest moment. SUDAN BRIEF 2019:03 This Sudan Brief is concerned with the fractionalization of Islamism during Bashir’s rule (1989-2019). It does not focus on the details of Bashir’s brutal rule, rather, it is about the emerging disunity from within which eventually led to the removal of Bashir from power. I analyze factors that led to the Islamists adopting a more pragmatic stand, especially after the main ideologue of the Islamist movement was kicked out into the cold in 1999. The Brief argues that although the Islamists have successfully created a parallel or deep state the last three decades, the political shift of power away from the Islamists which the 2018 popular uprising represent, makes the political future of Islamism bleak. Loss of social sympathy The recent protests were fore fronted by young coming third in the elections and forming part of women and men who were born and raised during the coalition government of Sadiq el-Mahdi. While Islamist authoritarianism. This was in and of the NIF used the transitional period to reinforce itself seen as a crushing defeat of the Islamists’ its position, the multiparty democracy provided ideological project and thus represent a bleak future them with yet another chance to build and further for political Islam in Sudan. -
Sudan: International Dimensions to the State and Its Crisis
crisis states research centre OCCASIONAL PAPERS Occasional Paper no. 3 Sudan: international dimensions to the state and its crisis Alex de Waal Social Science Research Council April 2007 ISSN 1753 3082 (online) Copyright © Alex de Waal, 2007 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Occasional Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Occasional Paper, or any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE 1 Crisis States Research Centre Sudan: International Dimensions to the State and its Crisis Alex de Waal Social Science Research Council Overview This paper follows on from the associated essay, “Sudan: What Kind of State? What Kind of Crisis?”1 which concluded that the two dominant characteristics of the Sudanese state are (a) the extreme economic and political inequality between a hyper-dominant centre and peripheries that are weak and fragmented and (b) the failure of any single group or faction within the centre to exercise effective control over the institutions of the state, but who nonetheless can collectively stay in power because of their disproportionate resources. -
Sudan, Country Information
Sudan, Country Information SUDAN ASSESSMENT April 2003 Country Information and Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III HISTORY IV STATE STRUCTURES V HUMAN RIGHTS HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS ANNEX A - CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B - LIST OF MAIN POLITICAL PARTIES ANNEX C - GLOSSARY ANNEX D - THE POPULAR DEFENCE FORCES ACT 1989 ANNEX E - THE NATIONAL SERVICE ACT 1992 ANNEX F - LIST OF THE MAIN ETHNIC GROUPS OF SUDAN ANNEX G - REFERENCES TO SOURCE DOCUMENTS 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum/human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. These sources have been checked for accuracy, and as far as can be ascertained, remained relevant and up-to-date at the time the document was issued. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. -
Sudan Opposition to the Government, Including
Country Policy and Information Note Sudan: Opposition to the government, including sur place activity Version 2.0 November 2018 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the basis of claim section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis of COI; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Asessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment on whether, in general: x A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm x A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) x A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory x Claims are likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and x If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013. -
Sudan Assessment
SUDAN ASSESSMENT April 2000 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I INTRODUCTION 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.7 The Economy 3.8 - 3.10 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE Political System 4.1 - 4.12 The Judiciary 4.13 - 4.21 The Security Forces 4.22 - 4.24 V HUMAN RIGHTS A Introduction A.1 - A.4 B General Assessment B.1 - B.5 Prison Conditions B.6 Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in B.7 - B.9 Internal Conflicts C Specific Groups Opposition Members C.1 - C.4 Religious Groups C.5 Christians C.6 - C.8 Islamic Sects C.9 - C.13 Ethnicity C.14 - C.18 Women C.19 - C.22 Children C.23 - C.26 Students C.27 - C.30 Conscripts C.31 - C.35 1 D Other Issues Civil War D.1 - D.17 Ceasefire/Peace Negotiations D.18 - D.24 Freedom of Political Association D.25 - D.31 Freedom of Assembly D.32 - D.35 Freedom of Speech and of the Press D.36 - D.45 Freedom of Religion D.46 - D.51 Freedom to Travel/Internal Flight D.52 - D.57 National Service and Popular Defence Forces D.58 - D.62 VI GENERAL ISSUES Foreign Relations 5.1 - 5.16 Attacks on US embassies and US Retaliation 5.17 - 5.23 Bombings 5.24 - 5.26 Assassination Attempts 5.27 Health 5.28 - 5.33 Slavery 5.34 - 5.35 Punishments 5.36 - 5.41 Elections 5.42 - 5.46 Miscellaneous 5.47 - 5.58 VII ANNEXES A MAJOR POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS Pages 45 - 47 B SPLA FACTIONS Pages 48 - 49 C PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST AND PRESENT Pages 50 - 51 D CHRONOLOGY Pages 52 - 67 E BIBLIOGRAPHY Pages 68 - 75 I. -
Socialist Federalism As an Alternative to Nationalism: the Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora
humanities Article Socialist Federalism as an Alternative to Nationalism: The Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora Constantin Katsakioris German Orient Institute, Beirut 11-2988, Lebanon; [email protected] Received: 6 August 2019; Accepted: 17 September 2019; Published: 19 September 2019 Abstract: Scholarship on the impact of Lenin’s thinking and on the Soviet Union’s relationships with Africa has emphasized two dimensions: on the one hand, the ideological imprint on and support provided to nationalist and anti-imperialist movements and, on the other, the emulation of communist techniques of authoritarian rule by many postcolonial governments. This paper highlights the neglected receptions of another major communist idea, namely, the ‘Leninist solution to the national question’, as embodied by the federal political model of the Soviet Union. The paper argues that many actors in different contexts, where the nationalities question had to be tackled with, showed a keen interest in the Leninist solution and in the sui generis federal model of the USSR. These contexts included the post-1945 French Union, as well as postcolonial countries such as Sudan, Nigeria, and Ethiopia. The Leninist alternative to the nation-state and to assimilation assumed a great deal of significance to minority groups. Nevertheless, it was rejected even by Marxist-inspired movements and elites which sought to create a nation-state. The paper uses the approach of cultural transfers to investigate and assess both the appeal and the limits in the reception of the Leninist federalist alternative. Keywords: Africa; national question; Leninism; Soviet Union; socialism; federalism 1. -
Beja Local Conflict, Marginalisation, and the Threat to Regional Security John Young
Beja Local conflict, marginalisation, and the threat to regional security John Young Introduction tens of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees and has led to the destruction of the In a region that has become notorious for its level of economy and infrastructure in the Eritrean-Sudanese armed conflict, Sudan stands out. Armed struggles in border area. But the tragedy of the east lies in its lack of the south broke out months before the country was development, poverty, and the loss of human potential. granted independence on 1 January 1956. In the 1960s By these measurements this region may well be suffering these struggles developed into a full-fledged insurrection the most in Sudan from marginalisation. Moreover, led by Anyanya that only ended in 1972. The conflict because of the strategic position of eastern Sudan, this resumed in 1983 between the Sudan Armed Forces conflict has long been at the centre of tensions between (SAF) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/ Sudan and Eritrea, and to a lesser extent Ethiopia, Army (SPLM/A), which was established which borders the southern portion of in the same year. The second civil war the territory. Because Eritrea and Ethiopia was formally brought to an end with have yet to resolve their outstanding the signing of the Comprehensive Peace border issues, relations between them Agreement (CPA) in Nairobi on 9 January Instability in remain tense and any developments in 2005, although the jury is still out as to eastern Sudan eastern Sudan are bound to have an whether peace will prove sustainable. -
Comrades-In-Arms: the Chinese Communist Party's Relations With
Cold War History ISSN: 1468-2745 (Print) 1743-7962 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fcwh20 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman To cite this article: Joshua Eisenman (2018): Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76, Cold War History To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Published online: 20 Mar 2018. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fcwh20 COLD WAR HISTORY, 2018 https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman LBJ School of Public Affairs, the University of Texas at Austin, Austin, United States ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This study examines the evolution of the Chinese Communist China; Africa; Communism; Party’s (CCP) motives, objectives, and methods vis-à-vis its African Mao; Soviet Union counterparts during the Mao era, 1949–76. Beginning in the mid- 1950s, to oppose colonialism and US imperialism, the CCP created front groups to administer its political outreach in Africa. In the 1960s and 1970s, this strategy evolved to combat Soviet hegemony. Although these policy shifts are distinguished by changes in CCP methods and objectives towards Africa, they were motivated primarily by life-or- death intraparty struggles among rival political factions in Beijing and the party’s pursuit of external sources of regime legitimacy. -
Nº091 Salah M
Nº091 Salah M. Hassan 100 Notes – 100 Thoughts / 100 Notizen – 100 Gedanken | Nº091 Salah M. Hassan How to Liberate Marx from His Eurocentrism: Notes on African/Black Marxism / Wie man Marx von seinem Eurozentrismus befreit: Anmerkungen zum afrikanischen/ schwarzen Marxismus Salah M. Hassan How to Liberate Marx from His Eurocentrism: Notes on African/Black Marxism / Wie man Marx von seinem Eurozentrismus befreit: Anmerkungen zum afrikanischen/ schwarzen Poster for the First Con gress of Black Writers and Artists, organized by Présence Africain, 1956 / Marxismus Plakat des Ersten Kongres ses schwarzer Schriftsteller und Künstler, organisiert von Présence Africain, 1956 just a postEnlightenment Western project. This made possible the 1 | Présence Africaine is a critique of Western modernity and facilitated the move toward less Parisbased, PanAfrican quarterly journal that Salah M. Hassan Eurocentric modes of thinking in the humanities and social sciences focuses on culture, poli within and outside the academy. Today, it is impossible to think about tics, and literature. It was the midtwentieth century and decolonization without remembering founded in 1947 by Alioune Diop (1910–1980), a How to Liberate gatherings such as the First Congress of Black Writers and Artists in Senegalese writer and major 1956 in Paris or the Second Congress in 1959 in Rome. Organized figure in anticolonial and by the Parisbased quarterly Présence Africaine,1 these two meetings PanAfrican struggles. The journal expanded in 1949 to hosted discussions of issues ranging from decolonization to slavery become a publishing house Marx from His and signaled the rise of new schools of thoughts and movements such and a bookstore in the Latin as Négritude, PanAfricanism, and African Socialism.2 Quarter in Paris and has been a highly influential In all these events, the specter of Karl Marx loomed large.