OPENING THE BLACK BOX: AN ANALYSIS OF THE DECISION-MAKING PROCESS OF SCHIPHOL’S HOLLAND BOULEVARD

MASTER’S THESIS

XANDER STEGE 11363029

URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING (MSc) GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM

21 AUGUST 2017 SUPERVISOR: DR. D.V.H. EVERS SECOND READER: MS. C.W. YANG

(source cover photo: www.skitterphoto.com)

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ABSTRACT

Airports have developed significantly in the past decades, particularly due to deregulation and liberalization of the aviation industry itself. Nation branding projects have appeared at many transfer terminals. The result is a semi-public space with a mix of travel, consumerism, entertainment, recreational and cultural activities where private actors seem to have a substantial influence in an otherwise very regulated environment. From an urban planning point of view issues of public interest are at stake as long as the decision-making process is not transparent. This in-depth case study gives an exploratory analysis of the dynamics between main actors in the decision-making process concerning a nation branding development - Holland Boulevard - in the departure lounge of Amsterdam Airport Schiphol. The research focuses on the negotiations between the multitude of actors and the power mechanisms that are at play in this practice. The study discovered that the most opposing objectives and motives in the decision-making process are not between key actors but several departments within the organization of the airport operator. Furthermore, the decision-making process of Holland Boulevard underperforms on the democratic values of participation and representation since the involvement of the public is indirect and restricted to passenger surveys. The research concludes that the emphasis on Dutch identity at Schiphol - as it is magnified and concentrated at Holland Boulevard - is more typical of the airport operator’s marketing approach than it is a top-down nation branding strategy of multi-levels of governance.

Key words: nation branding, non-place, social justice, public interest, sense of place decision-making process, stakeholders.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost, I would like to express my genuine gratitude to my thesis supervisor Dr. David Evers for his expertise, words of direction and motivation during the different stages of the research. His guidance and assistance have been invaluable.

I also wish to thank the various respondents who - despite their busy schedules - agreed to be interviewed and share their stories and experiences. My research would simply not have been possible without their participation.

Finally, I am forever grateful to my sister for her love and support, and my friends for their encouragement and words of advice this past year.

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Introduction ······································································ 1 1.1. Problem Statement ··························································· 1 1.2. Structure of the Study ························································ 3 2. Literature Review ································································ 4 2.1. Airports as Non-places ······················································· 4 2.2. Sense of Place at Airports ···················································· 5 2.3. Branding ······································································· 8 2.3.1 Nation Branding ······················································ 8 2.3.2 Nation or Place Branding? ··········································· 9 2.3.3 Airport Branding ···················································· 10 2.4. Social Justice – The Just City ·············································· 11 2.5. Stakeholder Identification / Analysis ····································· 13 3. Methodology ···································································· 14 3.1. Research Question ·························································· 14 3.2. Research Design ···························································· 14 3.2.1 Case study selection ················································· 15 3.2.2 Data collection Method ············································· 16 3.3. Data Analysis ································································ 17 3.4. Unit of Analysis ····························································· 18 4. Results ·········································································· 21 4.1 Background & Context ····················································· 21 4.2 Schiphol Group ····························································· 23 4.2.1 Objectives ························································· 23 4.2.2 Nation Branding ················································· 24 4.2.3 Participation ······················································ 25 4.3 Commercial parties ·························································· 27 4.3.1 Objectives ························································· 27 4.3.2 Nation Branding ················································· 30 4.3.3 Participation ······················································ 32 4.4 Cultural parties ······························································ 33 4.4.1 Objectives ························································· 33 4.4.2 Nation Branding ················································· 35 4.4.3 Participation ······················································ 36 4.5 Architects / Designers ······················································ 37 4.5.1 Objectives ························································· 37 4.5.2 Nation Branding ················································· 39 4.5.3 Participation ······················································ 41 5. Synthesis ········································································ 45 5.1. Key Actors and Nation Branding ········································· 45 5.2. Public Participation ························································· 48 5.3. Power Relationships ························································ 55

vi 5.4. Key Actor’s Objectives ···················································· 60 5.5. Schiphol – a Public Space?················································· 66 6. Conclusion ····································································· 69 6.1. Revisiting Research Question ············································· 69 6.2. Discussion ··································································· 73 6.3. Research Limitations ······················································· 75 References ········································································· 76 Appendix ·········································································· 81

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1. Introduction

The days the airport’s function was purely to facilitate a smooth and efficient transportation of arriving and departing passengers are long behind us. At its core certainly remains the functional infrastructure for the traditional, aeronautical activities but as a result of the deregulation and liberalization of the aviation industry since the early 90’s we have seen a shift towards an increased importance of revenue from non-aeronautical services – retail, food&beverage and entertainment (Fuerst, Gross, & Klose, 2011).

The comparison with the urban shopping mall is easily made, not the least because of their generic, universal architecture. And while most of us aim to make our stay at the airport as short as possible when catching a plane, airport authorities increasingly are putting efforts in turning the airport into a destination in its own right. In order to create an overall more appealing airport product, airport operators are acutely aware of the potential of emphasizing the identity and symbolism of the host city/nation’s within the airport terminal. Similarly cities, regions and nations have started to realize that airports can be transformed into spaces with a sense of place - with opportunities for marketing and place branding (Elliott & Radford, 2015).

Through place branding or nation branding practices, new cultural and recreational facilities i.e. a museum, a library are added to the existing mix of commerce, hospitality and entertainment in the terminal. The airport as the face of the nation; a visual business card to greet the international traveler. Question remains, who decides over the content of how the nation and the identity of its citizens is portrayed? Is it solely the mix of public and private actors directly involved - each with their own objectives and responsibilities? And how does the airport operator deal with issues of public interest in the nation branding process when their motive is to optimize profits of these non-aeronautical activities? Not surprisingly, the process of nation branding is often referred to as deeply anti-democratic with low levels of public participation (Jansen, 2008, p.121). These issues will be addressed and reflected on in this qualitative research.

1.1 Problem statement

One could argue that through the process of nation branding airport authorities turn the airport from a non-place, as it is traditionally often referred too, into a place. Apart from the fact whether it is done tastefully and effectively, there are certain issues at hand that arise. Not the least since nation branding is a public issue. It’s about the promotion of the nation; how it is portrayed, including its citizens, to the rest of the world. A certain image of a nation is constructed but who is making the decisions? Who gives the orders to shape the reputation of the citizen? Does it come

1 from the airport operator or is nation branding imposed on the airport? Does the public have a say in it? How strong is the role of private actors on one hand and how are public interests taken on-board in the decision making process on the other hand? Since the process is non-transparent, one doesn’t know how these are taken care of. If at all.

In this thesis I’m presenting Amsterdam Airport Schiphol1, a mostly state-owned airport2, yet it is run like a modern private company. At Schiphol we see a clear example of place branding / nation branding where a section of the departure terminal (airside) in the transit area was designed for this purpose in 2010. At this so-called Holland Boulevard3 we see how nation branding simultaneously is applied as a tool for marketing and promotion as well as commercial reasons.

Since the level of public participation in this development appears questionably low, I intend to look critically at the power relations between the key actors in this practice and aim to provide some clarity in this privatized, non-transparent decision-making process. How do the ideas of the actors on nation branding compare to one another? What are the objectives, goals and positions of the key actors? The outcome of the decision-making process concerning nation branding is evidently visible in the departure lounge at Schiphol but the process itself is a ‘black box’. Getting clarity on this process and the dynamics between the actors will not only reveal whether they regard Schiphol as an important space to promote Holland to the international traveller but also expose the democratic level of participation (social justice) in this nation branding practice. The social relevance of this research lies exactly here.

Although there has been numerous scientific research done about the tensions between parties in public-private partnerships where the position of the public was at stake, this research is however different since the focus is on this niche airport development. Getting insights in the decision-making process and the transformation of a non-place into a place will hopefully be of scientific relevance and contribute to the literature building process.

1 In this thesis Amsterdam Airport Schiphol is abbreviated to ‘Schiphol’.

2 Schiphol Group had until 2007 been fully in public hands. The state of the Netherlands, the City of Amsterdam and the City of Rotterdam owned together 100%. On 1st December 2008 an agreement was signed with Aeroports de Paris whereby 8% of shares were transferred to the new owner. Schiphol Group acquired 8% of the shares in Aeroports de Paris in return.

3 From its inception in 2010 till major reconstruction works in 2015 the Holland Boulevard comprised a miniature exhibition of the Rijksmuseum (National Museum), the Airport Library, Dutch Kitchen& Bar, The Bols Genever experience, Holland Casino, a Dutch flower stand and other airport retailers. Furthermore, throughout the area there were ‘Dutch living rooms’ or seating/ waiting areas with furniture by prominent Dutch designers (Marcel Wanders and Studio Linse), a large Delftware themed artwork by Hugo Kaagman and other references to traditional Delfts Blue pottery. After the recent reconstruction works, which saw a total rearrangement of the area, most elements remained, albeit in a new form and others were added, i.e. a miniature exhibition of NEMO Science Museum.

2 While Schiphol-Group proudly presents Dutch culture and merchandise to the world traveller in the form of Holland Boulevard, I intend with my research to open the “black box” of decision-making at Schiphol for a better understanding of the nation branding processes and its consequences.

1.2 Structure of the Study

This thesis will examine the decision-making process of an apparent nation branding project at Schiphol. First, the key concepts will be discussed in a literature review in chapter 2. In the next section, chapter 3, the main research question, sub-questions, research design, case study selection, data collection method and data analysis will be presented. Next, the thesis will show the case of Schiphol in detail in the study results in chapter 4. In the synthesis, chapter 5, theory will be reintroduced for a comparative analysis. Finally, in chapter 6 the research question will be readdressed followed by a discussion and reflection on the methodology.

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2. Literature Review

2.1 AIRPORTS AS NON-PLACES

Contributions to the academic literature on the distinction between ‘places’ and ‘non-places’ can be found in the works of i.e. the American urbanist Melvin Webber, who published several papers on the subject in the 1960’s and also by the French historian Michel de Certeau in - Practice of the Everyday Life – Vol. 1 (1974). And while the concept of non-place was also analyzed by Levebre, Foucault and Bauman, it was especially through the work of anthropologist Marc Augé that the concept of ‘non-places’ – as transitional places - attracted wider attention.

In his book ‘Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity’ (1992), anthropologist Marc Augé, sets out how the concepts of places and non-places differ. According to Augé non-places are symbolically empty as opposed to what he calls ‘anthropological places’ which are charged with emotion and memory. He describes the non-place as “a space which cannot be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity” (Augé, 1995, p.77).

The space of a non-place doesn’t create relations; on the contrary, it is devoid of local identity and might have been erected anywhere in the modern world. Augé mentions: “Spaces of non-places create neither singular identity nor relations; only solitude and similitude” (ibid, p.103).

Gebauer et al. (2015) state how Auge�’s non-places are mostly “transitional places facilitating the accessibility to all the places and social functions, which in the traditional organization of the city are situated close to each other. In the modern and super-modern society, these functions are increasingly fragmented in space and time, and, in this perspective, many of Auge�’s non-places might be regarded as kind of fill-ins between places” (Gebauer et al., 2015, p.10 ).

Auge�’s non-places can be categorized as places of a) traffic circulation, b) consumerism and c) communication (Augé, 1995, p.79). Non-places include motorways, airports, railway stations, shopping malls, fast food restaurants and international hotel chains - often identical elsewhere in the world. Unlike conventional anthropological places, non-places separate people from their identity, creating mass-groups such as commuters, passengers, shoppers and consumers.

Auge�’s non-places lack references to earlier instances and as such are places with an increased level of anonymity. The airport as a no man’s land of passengers as total strangers? Whether one has mainly negative association with the airport as a place

4 or also positive ones, it is not surprisingly regarded as “the epitome of non-places” (Kavaratzis, Warnaby, & Ashworth, 2015, p.102).

Or as Cresswell (2006) would describe them as “sites where particular histories and traditions are not (allegedly) relevant—unrooted places marked by mobility and travel. The non-place is essentially the space of travelers” (Cresswell, 2006, p.44). He would also label the airport as ‘machines for mobility’ referring to the heavy emphasis at airports on structure and process rather than on identity and location (ibid, p.247). Airports are places of transition; by design one is encouraged to move through them, not to linger endlessly. Any serious hold-up or congestion jeopardizes a smooth operation. For that same reason clear airport signage is added to the architecture of the terminal building to increase uniformity of the place (ibid, p.244).

It is evident in the architecture of airports with its priority on mobility and functionality how any person is subjected to a meticulous process of screening to be transformed into the standard unit of air traveler. Creswell refers to the security arrangements at airports when he writes “there are few sites on earth where the individual motions of human bodies are so consistently monitored and micromanaged” (Cresswell, 2006, p.237).

What characterizes non-places profoundly, as hinted on earlier, is their “sameness or homogeneity” and as such non-places are typical products of expanding forces of globalization (Gebauer et al., 2015, p.141). While a more global world is often referred to as a more connected world - one in which airports are important nodes - it seems that Augé above all is rather negative. Fearful for “the erosion of local places and a standardization of space” in general (ibid, p.8).

2.2 SENSE OF PLACE AT AIRPORTS

In the previous section the theory of non-place has been employed to explain certain characteristics of the airport, especially the conventional, generic and identical type of airport terminal we all seem so familiar with around the world. More recent developments at airports actually seem to go in the opposite direction in a quest to instill an identity on the airport. The theory of sense of place is a good focus point in order to examine this development. Not surprisingly then sense of place is generally regarded as a countermovement to non-place (Halbertsma, Van Stipriaan, & Van Ulzen, 2011, p.99).

The origin of the concept of sense of place can be traced back to classical methodology and it is regarded as a dubious translation of the Latin term genius loci. In those days it didn’t refer so much “to the place itself as the guardian divinity of the place” (Jackson, 1994, p.157). In other words, a protective spirit or ‘spirit of place’ as often mentioned in the literature. The meaning of genius loci has changed over the course

5 of two centuries. Worth mentioning is how Norwegian architect and theorist Norberg-Schulz (1980) focussed with genius loci mainly on the topographic, cosmological and natural conditions of a place.

Due to its interdisciplinary nature, there is a lack of a universal definition of sense of place. However, the phenomenon is widely used by urban planners and geographers in studying a) the interpretive perspective on places; and (b) the emotional attachment to place (Ng, 2013, p.76). In this study I’ll apply the latter.

While the concept of sense of place had previously been studied among others by Heidegger and Foucault, it is Yi-Fu Tuan who is generally credited for reviving the interest in the topic with the publication of his book ‘Topophilia’ in 1974. He defined the term sense of place quite loosely as to include “all emotional connections between physical environment and human beings" (Tuan, 1974, p.2). In an article published a year later, Tuan states how sense of place is constructed by a set of experiences in a place; through our senses and developed over time (Tuan, 1975)

Numerous authors in various disciplines expanded on the phenomenon of sense of place and how people become attached to places. The literature demonstrates strongly related concepts such as ‘place identity’ (Proshansky, Fabian, & Kaminoff, 1983) and ‘place attachment’ (Altman & Low, 1992). While each concept has a different emphasis, they are often used interchangeably.

Brown, Altman & Werner (2012) summarize the concept of sense of place by stating how it "involves place meanings, attachment, and satisfaction that derive from social construction as well as place properties” (Brown, Altman, & Werner, 2012, p.183). In the absence of one absolute definition of sense of place – due to its multi-disciplinary nature, one might consider the concept to embody people’s attachment and relationships to places obtained in social practice in combination with the spatial and physical settings.

For the purpose of this study we’ll take a closer look now how the concept of sense of place has been applied to the airport and specifically the airport terminal. Departing from the understanding that the airport of the 20th century as a non-place is highly functional, but void of a clear identity, airport operators, architects and designers have increasingly been making efforts to instill a certain uniqueness to the airport terminal. In doing so they attempt to create more sense of place in the terminal building.

Kassarda & Appold (2011) distinguish a three strategies in this process. The first strategy is to rename the airport. For example, ‘Liverpool airport’ was changed to ‘Liverpool John Lennon airport’ in 2001. The idea is that a new name “creates ties to people and history and thus identity” (Kasarda & Appold, 2011, p.14). The second strategy implies the introduction of restaurants and shops to the airport terminal which serve/sell local food, beverages and products of

6 national/regional carft. In offering the local cuisine and local products the passenger can make a connection to the airport’s region which he/she is normally devoid of at chain / fast-food restaurants within the terminal (ibid). The third strategy to enhance sense of place is through public art programs, especially art from the airport’s region or nation. An example of such a cultural experience is a gallery of master paintings of the Rijksmuseum at Schiphol airport (and part of this research subject). These strategies combined increase “the identity and uniqueness to counter airport mass uniformity” (ibid. p.16). While Kassarda & Appold (2011) place the terminal design within the third and last category, it wouldn’t be unthinkable to have a separate category for the architecture and interior design of the airport terminal. Even though it is exceptional to see that the overall architecture of the terminal portrays a sense of place, it is not exactly what you would call a public art program. An example of sense of place through the architecture of the terminal building is Denver airport where the tent-like roof design symbolizes the original inhabitants’ architecture - the tepees of the Native Americans.

What is evident from the above-mentioned strategies is that sense of place as a phenomenon has a sensory element to it. The elements of sense of place one can encounter at the airport are part of the overall airport experience the airport operators are trying to improve. A more sensory experience fits in this idea of the airport with an increased identity and symbolism (Kasarda & Appold, 2011). Elliot & Radford (2015) who describe sense of place as “a more culturally sensitive and authentic experience tied to the location” (p.1072), argue that the reasoning for delivering the total sensory experience to airline passengers is twofold. First, to provide good “customer service and second to accomplish a positive memory of the specific airport to those who pass through” (Elliott & Radford, 2015, p.1074). The positive experience and the memory of it will make it more likely for those passengers to return again and also to encourage people in their social network to travel through the same airport (ibid). To provide the modern traveler with a wide variety of options and atmospheres to choose from while waiting for their flight to depart will make them want to dwell for longer in the departure lounge and ultimately result in an increased spending in airport retail sales, food & beverage and various forms of leisure and entertainment (ibid, p.1075). In a market in which airports are competing for the passengers to come through their terminal, airport operators utilize sense of place strategies to offer the passenger an improved, positive experience to reinforce their market position and consequently secure airport profits of their non-aeronautical activities now and in the future. What sets sense of place strategies apart from the conventional facilities and services available at the modern airport is the fact that they have a clear link to local heritage and the geographical location of the airport.

The discussion whether the concept of sense of place is applied as a branding and marketing strategy for the airport operator will be discussed in more detail in the

7 next section on nation branding.

2.3 BRANDING

2.3.1 NATION BRANDING

The application of branding techniques to nations is a relatively new phenomenon and the concept of nation branding is generally accredited to brand consultant Simon Anholt who started applying it in the late 1990’s, although related concepts of destination branding and place branding had been used for some time already (Jansen, 2008). According to Bolin & Stahlberg (2010), nation branding can be defined as ”the phenomenon by which governments engage in self-conscious activities aimed at producing a certain image of the nation state” (Bolin & Stahlberg, 2010, p.82). As such nation branding strategies tend to adopt a top-down approach. The term nation branding was rapidly associated with the market dynamics, which shows when Wally Olins (2002), who is considered the second founding father of nation branding, asserted that even though nations are more complex than products, the techniques to brand a company and a nation are similar. As a consequence of globalization, nations increasingly compete against each other on the world stage and therefore tend to apply their country branding for the following three main purposes: “a) in order to stimulate inward investment, b) attract tourists, and c) boost exports” for their own national product” (Dinnie, 2008, p.17).

“Much of nation branding strategy constitutes an effort to embrace both the past heritage and present living culture, so that outdated images do not obscure consumer perceptions from what may be vibrant modern societies” (Griffin, cited in Dinnie 2008; p.138). Thus, while in nation branding processes the history and heritage of the host country are frequently at the core of the concept, more recent or present time associations can equally play a dominant role.

In that respect, nation branding relies heavily on the use of national stereotypes and some argue that “instead of fighting stereotypes nation branding reproduces and enhances them” (Widler, 2007, p.148). So how do nation branders make sure that they are not blinded by stereotypes themselves? Nation branding is supposed “…to do whatever is possible to ensure that the country’s reputation is a fair, balanced and useful reflection of its real assets, competencies and offerings, and not merely an outdated or unjustly biased cliché, informed by long-past events or ignorant assumptions (Anhold, 2005, p.119).

The fact that in a large part of the literature on nation branding, nations are regarded as commercial goods, which can be subjected to branding and marketing, does raise important questions about power, decision-making and issues of representation. Who decides over who? (Jordan, 2014b). “If the nation can be understood as a public

8 space, then using marketing techniques from the private sphere, such as branding, to promote a particular image of the nation is a provocative undertaking” (Jordan, 2014a, p.285). Freestone & Baker also refer to this ambiguous aspect of place branding / nation branding in relation to public space: “Airports, along with shopping malls and museums are one of the definitive ‘public’ spaces of the contemporary city and have become design, economic growth, and city branding hotspots, albeit not without considerable controversy” (Freestone & Baker, 2011, p.263).

Dinnie (2008) takes a similar critical stance towards this aspect of nation branding. He argues that “when applying the concept of a brand to nations rather than to mere products, there is an ethical obligation to do so in an honest, respectful manner and to acknowledge the limits of how appropriate it is to treat nations as brands” (Dinnie, 2008, p.15). He then continues: “A nation brand should derive from the culture of the country, rather than merely taking the form of a superficial advertising logo or campaign. Nations do not belong to brand managers or corporations. Indeed, if they ‘belong’ to anyone, it is to the nation’s entire citizenry” (ibid).

Frequently, residents and the local community are left out of the branding process. To make a judgement on whether citizens’ participation is appropriate and required, it is according to Widler (2007), essential to determine the scope of nation branding. “Nation branding could very well be a mere technique that facilitates and to some extend professionalises what is so far called country promotion. But if nation branding is meant to be a strategy on national level – as promoted by experts – if it is meant to be a point of reference for everyone inside and outside the nation, a magnet-like vision built on aspirations and intensions, then there is no way around citizens’ participation in the branding process”(Widler, 2007, p.148).

The fact that nation branding projects are often largely funded with public money (Jansen, 2008) adds an extra dimension to this discussion. In order to have an informed opinion on this issue, I first needed to disclose the situation on the funding of Holland Boulevard in this study. Please see chapter 2.3.1 for the result.

2.3.2 NATION BRANDING OR PLACE BRANDING?

Nation branding is a diffuse concept and as briefly mentioned in the previous chapter there has been a discussion in academic literature about the use of the term nation branding compared to the related concepts of place-branding and destination branding. While all are used to refer to the same concept there seems to be an understanding now that place branding is the umbrella concept which as such represents a number of sub groups. For a chronological representation – see Fig. 1. Not only nation branding, but also region, city, destination and even retail center branding can therefore be considered as different geographical entities of place branding (Kavaratzis et al., 2015).

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Fig. 1 The development of place branding - a timeline (source: Hankinson, in Rethinking Place Branding, 2015, p.20).

At the start of the research I was debating, when referring to Holland Boulevard, whether to apply the more general umbrella term place branding or the more specific term nation branding throughout this study. At that time, it wasn’t clear to me yet which parties were involved nor the level of governance – local, regional, national or none? Getting clarity on that matter was going to be part of the research process. Solely for the reason of Schiphol being a national airport, a gateway to the world with large national interests at play, I decided to refer – at least at the start of the study - to Holland Boulevard, and the practice of branding taking place here, as one of nation branding. The indicator fetched by Bolin & Stahlberg (2010) in their definition of nation branding where they mention the involvement of the government, was an element I aimed to investigate in this study. In chapter 5.1 I will elaborate on my findings.

2.3.3 AIRPORT BRANDING

The commercialization of the airport industry worldwide in the 1970s and 1980s and the wave of airport privatization in the 1990s have led to a more market-oriented airport industry. Many airport operators started to developed airport brands to set themselves apart from competing airports (Castro & Lohmann, 2014).

According to Paternoster (2008), airports that are regarded as the best in world4 generally have a strong brand identity. Offering excellent customer service is pivotal and should be maintained at all times but on top of that the airport’s management needs to have a vision in which it wants to differentiate itself from other airports (Paternoster, 2008). She then continues by writing: “All airports are in the same

4 by benchmarking surveys such as the ACI (Airport Service Quality Program) and Skytrax.

10 business, but some see themselves as comparable with a public utility which they believe defies branding. This is why customers at these airports often find it difficult to discern the city in which their destination airport is located as these airports look like any other” (ibid, p.121). What sets the top airports in the world apart from the rest is the fact that these airports offer unique customer experiences not found elsewhere. As such airport operators aim to satisfy the needs and expectations of the customer and as a result cultivate a strong airport brand which they come to be associated with by the passengers (ibid).

Paternoster’s comment about the airport being “a public utility which they (=some airport authorities) believe defies branding” is in itself rather interesting, and hints on the wider discussion in this study of what kind of a place the airport is and how one choses to manage it.

2.4 SOCIAL JUSTICE - THE JUST CITY

The term the ‘Just City’ refers to a body of work that develops a modern theory of urban justice but it’s origin is in the (Social) Justice Theory which dates back to ancient Greece (Plato). Among the many great thinkers who have since then contributed to it is John Rawl, a contemporary political philosopher who is considered a leading figure for the justice theory in the second part of the 20th century. In his book A Theory of Justice (1971), Rawl provides a theory of social distribution. In the realm of urban planning it is Susan Fainstein who, influenced by Rawl among others, further develops the social justice theory in her book The Just City (2010) and applies it to the modern cities of the 21st century. Scholar of urban planning, Fainstein has dedicated much of her work since the mid-1990’s to answer the question - What makes a city a ‘just city’? She distinguishes in her book three hallmarks of social justice: democracy, diversity, and equity (Fainstein, 2010). For my research on participation of the public in the decision making the component of democracy is the most applicable one, and even though the emphasis in the book is on equity, The Just City is a well-respected study and exploration on the concept of Social Justice also beyond the notion of equity/material equality.

In The Just City (2010), Fainstein analyzes the concept of social justice in planning and she states that the practice too frequently is oriented around one single remedy for all issues, “a more open, more democratic process” (Fainstein, 2010, p.24). She argues that this inclination of seeking justice mainly through public involvement (as the democratic process) is inadequate, as it “over idealizes open communication and neglects the substance of debate” (ibid, p.23).

Fainstein critiques the process of urban planning in part by doing an analysis of the communicative / collaborative model. She states the following:

11 “My criticism of the proceduralist emphasis in planning theory is not directed at its extension of democracy beyond electoral participation but rather at a faith in the efficacy of open communication that ignores the reality of structural inequality and hierarchies of power” (ibid, p.30). According to Bontje (2011), Fainstein criticizes in The Just City the communicative / collaborative model for overemphasizing the possibilities of participatory democracy while diminishing its limitations. Bontje argues that Fainstein is quite pragmatic in the sense that she is “not dismissing capitalism as an inherently unjust political-economic system. Her ‘just city’, instead, would be realized within that capitalist system, which she believes can become much more just than it is now” (Bontje, 2011, p.595).

When Fainstein writes: “The ideal that everyone’s opinion should be respectfully heard and that no particular group should be privileged in an interchange is an important normative argument but not a sufficient one.” – she implies that the communicative planning theory doesn’t deal properly with the ‘tougher issues’ of democracy simply by “passing over them in its reliance on goodwill” (S. Fainstein, 2005, p.125).

In short, Fainstein ideas on “policies supporting democracy include a) the use of advocates to represent groups that do not participate directly in decision-making, b) consultation of target populations in areas to be redeveloped, and c) broad consultation for areas that are not yet developed but are under development pressure” (Fainstein, 2014, p.12). Moreover, Fainstein also pleads that in order to come to “a more redistributional and just outcome” of the decision-making process there should be a strong role of disadvantaged groups in policy decisions (ibid, p.8). She does stress though that “if the aim is justice, the purpose of inclusion in decision- making is to have interests fairly represented, not to value participation in and of itself. This further value may well underlie a vision of the good city, but it is not necessary for my definition of the just city” (ibid, p.12).

Steil & Connoly (2017) mention how the ’Just City’ taps into a “longstanding tension in urban theory between an emphasis on justice as process, rooted in communicative rationality, and an emphasis on justice as outcome, rooted in an analysis of political economy” (Steil & Connolly, 2017, p.1) where the latter implies that in order for there to be true democratic participation there needs to be a more material equality first(Steil & Connolly, 2017, p.2).

The last paragraph illustrates a certain issue I came across while studying the academic literature on Fainstein’s ‘Just City’ which is that while her ideas on participation and representation seem applicable to my study, it needs to be said that Fainstein’s particular concern was with planning decisions made at the city level. My focus is however obviously on the airports governance level and in chapter 5, Synthese, I’ll reflect on this issue in more detail.

12 2.5 STAKEHOLDER IDENTIFICATION / ANALYSIS

The stakeholder theory is often used in fields such as management and corporate governance and deals with determining which stakeholders are involved in corporate businesses and organizations in general. Who is a stakeholder? In his influential book Strategic Management: A Stakeholder Approach, Freeman first proposed the theory and defined a stakeholder as “any group or individual who can affect or is affected by the achievement of the organization’s objectives” (Freeman, 1984, p.46)

In this study a stakeholder analysis will consist of two phases. First, at the start of the research a stakeholder identification will take place. For this purpose, the stakeholder model by Donaldson & Preston (1995) will be applied – see the diagram below - Fig.2. Please note their model is based on a firm whereas the object of my study is the modern airport.

Fig. 2 Stakeholder Model - by Donaldson & Preston (1995) Therefore, in chapter 4 Results, I will present my adaptation of their model to the airport operator as central party.

Later in the research another tool will be applied for the second part of the analysis concerning to determine the potential influence of the stakeholder. For this purpose the Mendelow Matrix introduced – see Fig. 3. The Mendelow’s Power/Interest Grid (Mendelow, 1991) looks at two dimensions – the level of interest the group has in the organization, and the level of power or influence they have to affect the organization.

Fig. 3 Mendelow’s matrix (1991)

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3. Methodology

3.1 Research Question

With the purpose to examine the decision-making process of nation branding at Schiphol, the main research question that is guiding this study is:

How did the objectives of different categories of actors affect the process of nation branding at Schiphol?

The research will be focused on the negotiations between the multitude of actors and the power mechanisms that have been at play since the inception of the Holland Boulevard in 2010.

My aim is to obtain an in-depth understanding of how the concept of nation branding was approached, decided on and executed by the airport operator - Schiphol Group - in relation to key actors.

In order to answer the above main research question the following sub-research questions will be investigated: 1. Who are the main actors and who are the stakeholders in this practice? To what extent is the public (passengers / members of the Dutch society) involved as stakeholder or actor? 2. Which elements comprise nation branding at Schiphol? 3. What are the objectives, goals and positions of the key actors? 4. What are the most important factors in the decision-making process concerning nation branding at Schiphol?

3.2 Research Design

In order to answer the research question in the best possible way a qualitative research design has been chosen. This type of research is often used when dealing with complex situations where existing knowledge is not sufficient (Bryman, 2008). Since the research question is attempting to generate exploratory knowledge, a qualitative approach was felt to be the best method by which to uncover the decision-making process involving different types of stakeholders with various agendas. As such the research approach has an inductive character allowing the researcher to contribute in the theory building process.

The independent variable is nation branding while the development and design of Holland Boulevard is the dependent variable. 3.2.1 Case Study Selection

This research is an empirical single case study and therefore entails a detailed and an in-depth analysis of one case. As a research design, the single case study is defined as “an empirical enquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon in depth and within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident” (Yin, 2009, p.18). According to Bhattacherje a case research can help “derive richer, more contextualized, and more authentic interpretation of the phenomenon of interest than most other research methods by virtue of its ability to capture a rich array of contextual data” (Bhattacherjee, 2012, p.93).

Moreover, the purpose of my research is to be explorative and case studies are a suitable methodology for such research; it being “the preferred method for when ‘how’ and ‘why’ questions are being posed and the investigator has little control over the events” (Yin, 2009, p.2). The exploratory type of research is used to study those situations “in which the intervention being evaluated has no clear, single set of outcomes” (ibid, p.20).

After noticing the interesting phenomenon of nation branding, a case selection was made for this in-depth study. While nation branding or place branding can be seen at a large number of airports in Europe and the rest of the world, it has a specific strong presence at Schiphol, especially at the airport’s Holland Boulevard, which made the choice for this specific case a more obvious one. Pragmatic reasons and the proximity of Schiphol airport surely played a role in the selection of the research topic as well as the case itself.

In the early stages of my research I did consider a multiple case study as a possibility to study how the Amsterdam case would compare to nation branding at other (competing) airports. To report on the similarities and differences between multiple cases would undoubtedly have been an interesting exercise. However, the fact that due to constraints in time and also constrains in proximity to airports in other countries such a comparative research would have been considerably less in-depth, made me decide for a single case research. The benefit of focusing entirely on the single case allowed me to study the Schiphol case more closely with considerable more attention for the group dynamics. This way I was able to schedule interviews with a large group of stakeholders (12 in total) which enriched the research data and produced more in-depth knowledge than I would have been able to do in a multiple case study in the same time span with the same means.

When it comes to the selection of interviewees from the companies and organizations involved in the nation/place branding practice, all efforts were made to make the selection as inclusive as possible. First an inventory was made of all the

15 actors who were either operating from - or had otherwise been actively involved in the inception of - the Holland Boulevard at Schiphol. This process is also defined as ‘purposive sampling’ (Bryman, 2012, p.422). Respondents were selected based on the information they potentially could provide in order to contribute to answering the main research question or various sub-questions. Some stakeholders I expected to have played an active role turned out to have had a marginal part in the decision- making process, or not at all. After having established a list of confirmed actors I then proceeded in contacting them. Getting access to the most important actor, Schiphol Group, seemed difficult for a long time. Fortunately, one of my respondents was willing to provide me with a few of his contacts within the Schiphol Group. This so-called ‘snowball sampling’ approach proved rather valuable (ibid, p.425). The critique on snowball sampling focusses on it not necessarily being representative of the population, however “concerns about external validity and the ability to generalize do not loom as large within a qualitative research strategy as they do in a quantitative research one” (ibid, p.203).

3.2.2 Data Collection Method

First and foremost, literature review has been conducted to come to a more thorough understanding of the main theoretical perspectives and concepts in this thesis – non-place, sense of place, place/nation branding, and social justice/just city.

Subsequently, the next step was to determine the methods of generating data in order to answer the research question. A mixture of secondary and primary data was consulted in addressing the research sub questions.

The answer to sub question number 2 was obtained mostly through secondary research i.e. annual reports and online documents, while the answers to sub questions number 1, 3 and 4 came from a combination of primary research - data distilled from the interviews – and secondary research. With the answers of these questions, the thesis can identify how the objectives of different categories of actors affect the process of nation branding.

Interviews as a means of primary data collection are considered most suitable for revealing individual opinions, meanings or experiences of the respondent. Furthermore, as a method it is useful when the interviewee has to feel appreciated in order to give the right information (Hay, 2000).

In order to analyse a complex process thoroughly one needs to include the perspectives of a large number of parties involved. For this reason a total of 12 interviews have been conducted with a multitude of actors. The interviews were carried out between April and June 2017 and lasted between 45 and 100 minutes. For a complete list of all the interviewees see Appendix 1.

16 Prior to the interviews, issues of anonymity and confidentially were discussed with each participant. The researcher’s suggestion to not disclose any personal names but to allow company names and job titles to be used, was met with consent by all participants. Furthermore, all interviewees gave permission for the interview to be recorded.

The interviews were semi-structured thus in preparation for the interviews a list of general questions (re: their involvement, perspective on nation branding, public participation, etc.) were formulated while keeping sufficient space for a more spontaneous conversation with the respondent. As a result, one obtains more detailed and contextual in-depth information, especially when compared to the more rigid style of a questionnaire (Bryman, 2012). Furthermore, semi-structured interviews allow the researcher to combine subjects, change the sequence of the questions and also ask follow-up questions when issues are raised the interviewer deems of further interest (ibid).

In order to gain insightful results from the interviews with the diverse group of interviewees I learned early on that the list of general questions needed tweaking with every interview. The majority of my respondents were in senior or higher managerial positions which was about the only trait they had in common and with the exception of two interviews held with respondent of Schiphol Group, the other interviewees were all representing different companies or organisations. Although I was extremely pleased with this diversity of respondents willing to participate, it didn’t allow me to develop a certain template of interview questions since each respondent required a certain level of tailor-made questions. It therefore became standard practice that in preparation for an interview I would adjust the list of questions specifically to the respondent I was going to meet next. This style of modifying the interview questions did allow me to be more precise and most importantly, when a respondent would provide me with new information I could then also incorporate it in the next interview and ultimately come to an enriched data collection.

On top of the literature review and in-depth interviews, a third method was applied as well - content analysis of annual reports of a number of key actors. Schiphol Group and the three cultural organizations included in this study publish annual reports, which were studies for statements on their objectives. The content analysis of the annual reports was put next the findings of the other methods.

3.3 Data Analysis

The interviews were first transcribed after which ‘thematic coding’ was applied. The coding process was done by labelling parts of the transcription. The interview

17 content was structured in common threads and themes related to one of the key concepts of the research questions. Repetitions within the data often indicated a theme or sub-theme. The coding process was only started after all interviews had been conducted and transcribed completely. To further ensure a consistency of coding, all interviews were coded within a week’s time. It was decided on not to use one of the software programs (i.e CAQDAS) to analyze the interviews since the number of interviews was still relatively small and the use of the software would not necessarily increase the quality of the research.

The following classification was drafted in order to operationalize the analysis of the primary and secondary data of this study.

Concept Theory Indicator Sources Place Branding • Sense of Place 1. Name / Rename • Interviews 2. Food / Commerce • Online sources 3. Culture 4. Architecture / Design

• Nation Branding Theory 1. Governmental bodies Social Justice Just City - Fainstein 1. Participation • Interviews 2. Representation • Annual Report Schiphol Group • Online sources Stakeholder’s Stakeholder 1. Financial Gain* • Interviews Objectives Power/Interest Matrix 2. Publicity* • Annual Report 3. Agreement* Probiblio 4. Loyalty* • Annual Report Rijksmuseum • Annual Report Schiphol Group • Annual Report Nemo Science museum • Online sources *Note: no. 4,5,6 and 7 are non-literature based

3.4 Unit of analysis

In this research I will make a differentiation between main actors involved in the decision-making process concerning the Holland Boulevard and stakeholders. They are not necessarily the same; the defining difference is that actors are actively involved in the decision making process while stakeholders are affected by it but don’t have a role in the process itself. For example, the passengers at Schiphol are stakeholders since Holland Boulevard was designed for the purpose of their visit but when it becomes apparent in the study that they have had no influence on the decision-

18 making process of it, then I won’t classify the passengers as actors. Similarly, for the Dutch population at large, if there has been some sort of participation in the decision-making process i.e. in the form of focus groups then they can be identified as an actor but otherwise they are solely stakeholder.

Classification of Actors – a Conceptual Framework

Fig.4 Conceptual framework (source: made by author)

After differentiating actors from stakeholders first, I then continued and made subdivisions of main actors based on the nature of their activity or business at the Holland Boulevard. The categories are a) the airport operator – Schiphol Group, b) commercial parties, c) cultural parties and d) architects / designers. In chapter 4 these categories will be further specified.

In the conceptual framework, Fig. 4, the various lines represent the relationships between the actors. Even though so far I have been able to establish who the main actors of the Holland Boulevard are, I’m at this point not aware yet of the nature of their relationships with the airport operator, Schiphol Group, hence the question marks next to the lines. Furthermore, the dashed lines between the main actors represent the power relations between them. At the end of the study I wish to reflect on these and point out whether there was a neutral relationship or one of synergy or competition.

19 During the in-depth interviews with the various main actors I expect to get informed on these relationships which should allow me to gradually draw up a more detailed picture. Please see 5.3 - Power Relationships - for the result.

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4. Results

4.1 BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT HOLLAND BOULEVARD / SCHIPHOL

Schiphol has over the years been holding onto a single-terminal concept, which means that even though the airport is comprised of multiple buildings and piers they are all internally connected. The part of the terminal where the Holland Boulevard is located dates back to 1967 and was despite its assuming name for many decades merely a connecting corridor between terminal building 2 and terminal building 3. In 1995 a branch of state-licensed Holland Casino opened its doors at the Holland Boulevard but it wasn’t until 2002 when the national Rijksmuseum established an annex next to the casino that the Holland Boulevard became more significant. (Rijksmuseum Schiphol being the first airport museum in the world). In 2010 Schiphol Group decided to intensify its terminal activities at the Holland Boulevard and to provide passengers with a variety of shops, services and relax areas in this air- side transit area of the airport. Its location between the Schengen and non-Schengen area of the airport makes it an attractive area for transit passengers to wait for their connecting flight.

Between 2010 and 2015 the area comprised, besides the casino and Rijksmuseum Schiphol as mentioned above, an Airport Library (also a world’s first), the Dutch Kitchen&Bar (offering typical Dutch food), The Bols Genever Experience (where travelers could customize their own Fig. 5 Map Schiphol airport with location of Holland Boulevard / source: www.schiphol.nl genever-based cocktail), a Dutch flower stand and some other airport vendors. Furthermore, throughout the area there were ‘Dutch living rooms’ or seating/ waiting areas with furniture by prominent Dutch designers (Marcel Wanders and Studio Linse), a large Delftware themed artwork by Hugo Kaagman and other references to traditional Delfts Blue pottery. After recent reconstruction works to the terminal (between 2015-2017) a miniature exhibition of NEMO Science Museum was added to the area as well as well as some general art / installation pieces. Furthermore, Holland Casino ceased its operation in 2017, and The Bols Genever Experience had previously closed in 2015. While a few new general / non-

21 themed airport shops (Swatch Watches and Rituals Cosmetics) have also been allowed to the Holland Boulevard, the overall emphasis remains on Dutch products and services. Moreover, the main attraction of the Holland Boulevard, Rijksmuseum Schiphol, was completely redesigned and moved to the new extension of the Holland Boulevard. Last but not least, a new KLM transfer desk was also incorporated in the latest lay-out of the area.

Schiphol Group Ownership and Business Areas

Schiphol Group is mostly publicly-owned (92%) yet run like a modern private enterprise. It’s core business is aviation but none-aviation activities generated 42% of revenue in 2016 (Schiphol Group Annual Report, 2016, p.66). Three out of four business areas of Schiphol Group are non-aviation based: a) Commercial Services&Media, b) Real Estate and c) Alliances Participations. Please see Appendix 2 for more details on revenue and profit results for Schiphol Group’s non-aviation activities.

Fig. 6 - Schiphol Group Shareholders & Business Areas (source: made by author)

22 Important: The structure of the rest of this chapter and therefore the analysis of the interviews, is presented here in four categories of key actors involved in Holland Boulevard :

a. Schiphol Group department of Commercial Services & Media department of Passenger Services

b. Commercial Parties: 1. HMS Host 2. Aviflora

c. Cultural Parties 1. Rijksmuseum 2. Probibio (Airport Library) 3. NEMO Science Museum

d. Architects / Designers: 1. NACO 2. Next Architects 3. MV Architects 4. Creneau International

Furthermore, in order to later answer the research questions, the results of the analysis have been divided in three main categories or concepts : 1. Actor’s Objectives 2. Nation Branding 3. Public Participation

4.2 SCHIPHOL GROUP

4.2.1 Objectives (Schiphol Group)

At the start of a new project, a program of requirements gets drawn up with multiple departments within Schiphol Group while a project manager gets appointed to monitor and check the process. When the architect/designer submits a new design it gets compared to the program of requirements. In general, there are several rounds during the review period whereby all stakeholders review the design before the final approval.

The architects Schiphol Group hires for their terminal projects are definitely given substantial creative freedom, however designing anything for Schiphol Group

23 implies multiple restrictions. First there is a clear briefing in which a framework is set out with well-defined core values (*these were not further specified by my respondent). Furthermore, Schiphol Group as the initiator of the concept, in general pre-develops the idea before the architects get their hands on it. Then there are strict fire and safety regulations and other restrictions when it comes to the flow of passengers.

Differences in goals and objectives are plentiful between the multiple departments within Schiphol Group. Especially on one side the department Passenger Services and at the other side the department Commercial Services & Media. The main responsibility of the department Passenger Services is with the logistic processes, the flow of passengers and the seating capacity while the department Commercial Services & Media serves in short all commercial interests for the terminals. The relationship between the department Passenger Services and the merchants in the airport’s terminals gets put to the test from time to time; the conflict is mainly about the merchants having to stay within the exact boundaries of their stand in order not to disturb the flow.

4.2.2 Nation Branding (Schiphol Group)

When I asked my first respondent (Res. I) from Schiphol Group why you would introduce transit passengers to Dutch culture in the first place, she mentioned how travelling can feel like a disconnecting experience and therefore it is important to inform passengers where they have just landed: “You arrive at Schiphol, the Netherlands, and you notice the airport is not an anonymous, grim place. To offer them ‘something Dutch’ and possibly the next time they’ll book a flight they might choose to fly via Amsterdam again. And perhaps even visit the country since they’ve had a welcoming experience the previous time.”

When I discus the concept of nation branding with my second respondent (Res. C) from Schiphol Group she mentions how within the company in general they use the concept of Sense of Place instead. She carries on by saying: “Schiphol was the first to be really good at that! We were ahead of our competitors….Singapore always did a great job at it as well. Nowadays every airport imaginable is using Sence of Place”.

My first respondent (Res. I) from Schiphol Group also mentions how with the recent reconstruction of the Holland Boulevard the concept has developed from ‘a Sense of Place’ into a ‘Sence of Spirit’ 5.

5 ‘Sense of Spirit’ is not a term generally used in the academic literature, which makes me wonder whether within Schiphol Group they have developed their own terminology or my respondent meant ‘Spirit of Place’. However, the term ‘Spirit of Place’ refers to Genius Loci, which is regarded as the forerunner of ‘Sense of Place’ not the result of it.

24 She explains: “Where before the emphasis was on the Dutch icons and stereotypes, it has shifted now towards culture and services. It is less in your face”.

“’Sense of Spirit’ is actually an expansion of Sence of Place. Whereby Sence of Place is rather one dimensional, ‘Sense of Spirit’ has more depth; it’s about the feeling people get of a space which in this case represents the Dutch spirit”.

She makes references to modern Dutch design and art installations which have been added to the recent refurbished airport departure Lounges including the Holland Boulevard.

According to my respondent (Res. I) this shift with Schiphol Group is an effect of the changing needs of the passenger who demand a wider array of choices in services and wellbeing. The same passenger is no longer satisfied with the usual airport stores one can also find on the high street store, but would rather see artisan shops at the airport nowadays instead.

There is certainly the element of competition with other large airports which is an incentive for Schiphol to keep developing its terminal concept, but according to both my respondent within Schiphol Group, changes and improvements to the terminal are also constantly made to reduce the perceived feelings of stress most passengers experience while making their way through the airport. The airport operator is acutely aware of the importance of creating a friendly, warm and welcoming atmosphere as is evident in the added facilities at Holland Boulevard.

4.2.3 Participation (Schiphol Group)

Anyone remotely familiar with Schiphol Group knows how much efforts the airport operator puts in their passengers’ surveys. Benchmarks performance tests are done in the form of questionnaires with passengers in the airport terminals. For this purpose Schiphol Group has a specialized in-house survey department called Market Research Intelligence (MRI). Some surveys are conducted by an external company as well as. My respondents from Schiphol Group mentioned how the surveys are employed for process optimization, customer satisfaction and passengers’ needs in general.

At the beginning of any new project the concept development team uses data from the surveys to confirm or invalidate any pre-existing ideas they might have already. My respondents argue that for a new product or new to-be-built area to be successful one absolutely needs to be well informed of the passenger’s needs and quality requirements in general. Worth mentioning though is that there didn’t seem to be much of an awareness towards checking the opinions of passengers from a perspective of moral obligation

25 as reasons of representation related to Fainstein’s Just City, which will be discussed in chapter 5 - Synthese.

26 4.3 COMMERCIAL PARTIES

4.3.1 Objectives (Commercial Parties)

HMSHost

When asked about the inception of the Holland Boulevard back in 2010 my respondent (Res. K) mentioned that for large projects at the airport the initiator in general is the airport authority (Schiphol Group) and HMSHost as the main food&beverage provider follows the strategy of Schiphol Group. How it works in general is that after the initial contact with Schiphol Group about any project in the pipeline, HMSHost then sets up a design brief in which the concept is clearly described and the direction is set out. HMSHost will then have the design brief approved by Schiphol Group after which they can start developing the concept with an architect.

HMSHost realises that in order to be successful in the hectic setting of the airport their food&beverage outlets need to be easily recognizable from quite a distance since it’s not uncommon for passengers to be disoriented in such an environment. According to my respondent that’s why popular brands (e.g. Starbucks) do particularly well at airports, and the same applies to extreme design similar to that of the Dutch Kitchen&Bar. My respondent (Res. K) also mentioned how HMSHost had given the designers (Creneau International) extensive creative freedom to develop this project. The respondent argues that hiring expensive designers is an investment and a certain level of trust is required for it to pay off in the end.

Fig. 7 - Dutch Kitchen&Bar by HMSHost at Holland Boulevard (source: www.autogrill.com - airport F&B)

From the interview I could establish that prior to the redevelopment of the Holland Boulevard (in 2015) there had been meetings about the imminent changes between HMSHost on one hand and Schiphol Group and/or the architect responsible for the area (Next architects) on the other hand. The intention of the architect was that with the refurbishment of the Holland Boulevard the ‘Dutch identity’ would be pushed into a new direction; effectively there would be less use of old icons and historical references. My respondent (Res. K) mentioned in the interview that HMSHost was nonetheless convinced that their old concept was still very much relevant, they wished to continue using it and thus didn’t quite want to go along in the new direction Schiphol Group had in mind. Despite the fact that it wasn’t explicitly mentioned, I strongly got the impression there had been a disagreement between the parties. So much is obvious from the following extract from the interview when my respondent from HMSHost makes a small reference to legal actions - even though he also contradicts himself: “Yes it has been discussed and we (=HMSHost) have expressed our preference for the old concept and they (=Schiphol Group) at least agreed with us on it. Apart from the fact that they can’t force us to just change the concept, but that’s more a legal issue”.

In hindsight I realized how my respondent (Res.G) at Next architects, the firm responsible for the overall design of the recent redevelopment of the Holland Boulevard, had indeed hinted at this conflict of interest. In the interview with my respondent from Next the architects explained how Dutch Kitchen&Bar had indeed been excluded from the recent refurbishment plans but he stated firmly: ”...that’s also in development, it will go”.

Fig. 8 - Dutch Kitchen&Bar by HMSHost. (source:www.creneau.com - designers)

My respondent (Res. I) from the department Commercial Services & Media at Schiphol Group also mentioned the inevitable refurbishment of Dutch Kitchen&Bar in the future: “The area including Dutch Kitchen&Bar will be redeveloped in the future. It wasn’t included in the recent redevelopment plan of Holland Boulevard but it will absolutely happen.”

28

It seems HMSHost is not easily going to let go of their Dutch-themed restaurant Dutch Kitchen&Bar even though it has been granted permission by Schiphol Group to continue with it for a some time.

When asked whether HMSHost welcomes the idea of an increase in non- commercial, cultural-related activities at the Holland Boulevard i.e. Rijksmuseum, the Airport Library and NEMO, my respondent argued that as a food&beverage company you first and foremost need to make a difference yourself. He believes in what he calls a ‘total experience’ thus one doesn’t exclude the other; and furthermore a distinctive restaurant attracts customers more easily anyway. (He does however worry more about the recent problems with the airport’s central security system and how it effects the passengers’ time management in the process.

AVIFLORA

My respondent at Aviflora (Res. H) informed me she is used to the strict restrictions Schiphol Group imposes on them when it comes to the physical properties of their shops at the airport. On top of the usual restrictions on building materials, fire safety regulations and rules on the proper display of their merchandize in the airport terminal, some additional restrictions concerning the maximum height of the shop furniture (max 1.60 meter) applied at the Holland Boulevard. Quite a long list of restrictions but Aviflora proves to be a flexible partner in regards to this matter.

When asked about her opinion on the increase of cultural services on offer at Schiphol in the form of Rijksmuseum Schiphol, Airport Library and NEMO Schiphol my respondent mentioned how as a commercial enterprise she competes with these cultural services for the passengers’ time. Her initial reaction was: “When passengers spend time ‘doing culture’ it goes at the expense of any commercial focus. People don’t do both, they don’t have time for that.” She does however also acknowledge that the modern passenger yearns for a combination of culture, entertainment and commerce so facilities like the Rijksmuseum Schiphol might result in the passenger choosing a transit at Schiphol a next time again.

My respondent regrets the fact that with the recent reconstruction of the Holland Boulevard the overall display of Dutch icons has been reduced. Regardless of her disappointment she is quite accepting bordering complacent: “…a new generation has arrived, a new vision so you have to be flexible. Whether you think it is the right or wrong way, that doesn’t matter; it’s a movement you can’t ignore….and furthermore nobody asks what my opinion on it is anyway.”

29 4.3.2 Nation Branding (Commercial Parties)

HMSHost

According to the respondent (Res. K) it is HMSHost’s standard strategy to show some Dutch identity in their airport outlets wherever suitable. As the largest food and beverage company at Schiphol airport it is mainly expressed through their menu card options. However, in 2010 HMSHost developed an entirely Dutch concept, simply called Dutch Kitchen&Bar for the then to open Holland Boulevard on behalf of the Schiphol Group. Not only does the menu contain mostly typical Dutch dishes, also the interior and the grand scheme of the establishment are exceptionally thematic. The restaurant is aimed specifically at families, similar to what you’d expect at a theme park and my respondent confirmed that there were references to Alice in Wonderland and Miffy (Neintje). Stereotypical Dutch style elements can be distinguished in the design of the restaurant in the shape of life-size tea cups with Delftware print. The crockery is designed by Royal Delft (De Porceleynen Fles) of which there is also a display of exeptional Delfts pottery for the public to see. Even the uniform of the staff is in a traditional style. The bar of the restaurant was initially a collaboration with Dutch genever brand Bols. In this so called ‘Bols Experience’ guests could compose their own cocktail through a sensory experience. The Bols Experience as an added on feature however ceased to exist in 2015. (At the bar they’ve continued to serve regular Bols genever though)

My respondent (Res. K) underlined the importance for HMSHost to establish a distinctive and remarkable restaurant which relates to the wishes of the guests whom, according to the respondent, seek for ‘emotional drivers similar to those in well- known brands. Brand Holland here perhaps.

The respondent (Res. K) mentioned that the restaurant had turned out to be a succesful concept for HMSHost despite some serious considerations at the beginning: “For us it was one of the first locations where we pushed the concept to such an extreem that it adds value in the end….I remember thinking back then: Guys, guys, guys hang on – Royal Delft, Douwe Egberts coffee, stroopwafels, poffertjes, Miffy design – is it not too much, way over the top? But I must admit, the way it turned out, it’s a job well done”.

AVIFLORA

Aviflora has shops on multiple locations at Schiphol; landside as well as airside. On airside they are the sole merchant of flowers and bulbs with shops in each of the Lounges and on Holland Boulevard as well. With the latest refurbishment of Holland Boulevard Aviflora’s new shop resembles a greenhouse which seems quite fitting for

30 a florist. Worth mentioning in regard to place branding is that their most distinctive outlet at Schiphol is at the nearby Lounge 3. The so-called ‘House of Tulips’ has the distinctive shape of a traditional Dutch canal house – see Fig. 9.

Fig. 9 - ‘House of Tulips’ by Aviflora in Lounge 3 (source: www.tjelp.com - designers)

My respondent (Res. H) has witnessed how over the years Schiphol turned the Holland Boulevard, which in the years before 2010 was mainly a corridor between Lounge 2 and 3 with a few facilities, into an area with a heavy emphasis on Dutch icons aimed at transit passagers to experience Dutch identity more. My respondent’s business is in Dutch flowers and tulips so her ‘iconic product’, as she calls it herself, fitted in well with other parties present at Holland Boulevard. Especially the giant tulips in the interior of Dutch Kitchen&Bar for obvious reasons resonated well with her. Having a stand in their proximity had been an aim for Aviflora.

Much to the disappointment of my respondent (Res. H) the ‘Dutch identity’ of the Holland Boulevard has been in decline as a result of major reconstruction works of the area that has taken place since 2015. Ideally she would like to see the newly introduced modern examples of Dutch design, which recently have been introduced to the Holland Boulevard, coexist with the old icons. Together they would create a stronger image is her opinion.

31 4.3.3 Participation (Commercial Parties)

HMSHost

HMSHost not only makes use of the results of the numerous surveys about passenger satisfaction and services of the Schiphol Group but they also conduct their own surveys. These so-called ‘tribe-studies’ are according to my respondent different from the classic demographic market survey since they are more guest- centric. Similar to Schiphol Group’s surveys they are ultimately employed to boost commercial value for the company – not e.g. to increase levels of public participation because of a moral obligation or any other reason other than commerce.

AVIFLORA

As with most parties taking part in the day-to-day airport operation, Schiphol Group also shares the outcomes of relevant surveys with Aviflora. Apart from getting informed of the survey’s results there is no further involvement in the process, much to the discontentment of Aviflora.

32 4.4 CULTURAL PARTIES

4.4.1 Objectives (Cultural Parties)

When asked about the objectives of the Rijksmuseum to open an exhibition space at the airport, my respondent (Res. J) referred to the fact that the main Rijksmuseum in the centre of Amsterdam back in 2002 was scheduled to be partially closed for a long period of time due to major reconstruction works. For this reason the museum had been pushed by politicians in the Hague to explore alternative locations to keep the collection visible to the public during the closure of the main museum. The term my respondent used was ‘musea extramural’, thus actively bringing the art closer to the people, preferably public spaces with a large audience. Furthermore, there had been a personal bond between the museum director of the Rijksmuseum (Ronald de Leeuw), the CEO of the Schiphol Group (Gerlach Cerfontaine) and the State Secretary for Education, Culture and Science (Rick van der Ploeg) at that time. According to my respondent (Res.J) they had a vision to open a permanent exhibition at Schiphol and it was because of this triangular relationship that Rijksmuseum Schiphol eventually was materialized.

Probiblio’s strategy behind the Airport Library, similar to the Rijksmuseum, was to actively reach out to the public. Probiblio changed their initial concept for the Airport Library which was aimed at Dutch library members to one that is focussed primarily on transit passengers – to offer them printed and visual material of Dutch culture (historic and modern) hoping it would make their stay at the airport more enjoyable and meaningful. My respondent (Res. A) said the following about it: “The essence was to arrange ‘meetings’ between people and Dutch culture.”

Fig. 10 - Airport Library at Holland Boulevard (source: photo book by Probiblio)

33

Fig. 11 - Airport Library at Holland Boulevard (source: Public Radio International –www.pri.org)

In contrast to the airport’s extremely strict fire and safety regulations as well as the stringent building material restrictions, which all three parties (Probiblio, Rijksmuseum and NEMO) experienced as somehow obstructive, all also mentioned how Schiphol Group had given them virtually total creative freedom when it comes to the content of their exhibitions.

According to my respondent at Probiblio (Res. A) there had been a noticeable contrast between the commercial approach of the Schiphol Group on one hand and the non-commercial approach of Probiblio on the other hand, which took both parties some time to get used to in the beginning of the collaboration. The amount of publicity the Airport Library received was quite substantial, most likely due to the fact it was the first of such a facility at an airport in the world. It was awarded ‘Best new airport amenity 2010/2011’ by Monocle magazine and the publicity it generated was beyond the expectations of both parties, according to my respondent at Probiblio. The fact that the Schiphol Group as the airport authority received most of the credit for the joined project didn’t go unnoticed with Probiblio but their aim and objective to portrait an image of themselves as an innovative umbrella organisation of Dutch libraries was fulfilled either way.

When it comes to the added value of publicity, the same applies to NEMO. Having an exhibition space at Schiphol generates a certain amount of publicity in the media and online, which in combination with some additional free exposure at the airport itself in the form of advertisement in the arrival area, is regarded as beneficial according to my respondent at NEMO (Res. E).

The Rijksmuseum Schiphol in general was considered by all parties involved as most successful. My respondent at het Rijksmuseum recalled the CEO of Schiphol Group,

34 then Gerlach Cerfontaine, describing it at the time as ‘the crown on the AirportCity concept’. Similar to NEMO, the Rijksmuseum Schiphol benefitted from a substantial amount of free advertisement in the airport terminals in return.

The Rijksmuseum Schiphol was in comparison to the Airport Library and NEMO Schiphol an extraordinary project in size, complexity and costs. The formula of having an exhibition space combined with a museum shop was decided on as a formula to generate money or as my respondent would call it ‘a cultural enterprise’. ING Bank is the exclusive sponsor of Rijksmuseum Schiphol.

When it comes to securing sufficient means for a continuation of its existence at the airport, Probiblio considered at one point the sponsoring of the multi-media equipment in the Airport Library by external companies but the plan was never actually executed.

4.4.2 Nation Branding (Cultural Parties)

When it comes to nation branding and how it was manifested at Schiphol by the cultural parties, we see that for the Rijksmuseum the concept was embodied in such a way that the Dutch identity was exhibited at ‘the highest level’. Not the stereotypes but culture and art as a source of the Dutch identity. To quote my respondent: “…thus about the topic of Dutch identity, there is no need to explicitly define it but let’s show it, those iconic images at the source – show it in the arts. At the highest level right. Show Rembrandt, Vermeer, Pieter de Hooch, Frans Hals.”

Fig. 12 - Rijksmuseum Schiphol at Holland Boulevard (source: www.benthemcrouwel.com - architects)

35 For Probiblio we see how nation branding was demonstrated in the way the Airport Library presented and promoted Dutch culture. To introduce people to Dutch culture in a broad sense; literature as well as the visual arts (design, architecture, photography); through printed material as well as video. There was a selection of books in 30 languages.

When it comes to expressions of nation branding at NEMO’s exhibition space at Schiphol we see a rather subtle reference to Dutch identity, which could actually easily be missed if one wasn’t aware of it. When NEMO moved internally within the airport form the Airport Park to the Holland Boulevard in 2016 the airport authorities put forward a request with NEMO to somehow express the Dutch identity in one or more of their exhibits. According to my respondent (Res. E), NEMO complied with their request but wasn’t too keen on the idea of any heavy emphasis so they chose to put a model size KLM plane (KLM being the national airline) in one of their exhibits on the science of the wings of a plane.

Or as my respondent voiced it: “A subtle reference is nice but we rather didn’t want to turn it into a Kingsday’s exhibition.” Just before he had mentioned satirically:”…when you look at the entire area the stereotypical Dutch character is definitely there; I’m not so sure it needs any more of the same.”

4.4.3 Participation (Cultural Parties)

In the interviews with the three respondents in this cultural group the role of the public was mainly discussed by addressing the number of visitors each could welcome to their exhibition / library space at the airport on a yearly basis. For obvious reasons having a large number of visitors was regarded by my respondents as a success, even though one realized how in open spaced like the Airport Library and NEMO, it is hard to come to an accurate number. Unfortunately the issue of participation was only linked to the surveys of the MRI department of Schiphol Group. My respondent from the Airport Library mentioned how shortly after the opening of the Airport Library on the Holland Boulvard, surveys were conducted among passengers about their opinion on the new library service. One recommendation from the survey was that the Airport Library scored low on recognition at that point. Probiblio, who manages the Airport Library then arranged for additional signs as well as clear instructions on the use off the library to be put up. Furthermore, on their own initiative the Airport Library would periodically organize activities on themes related to reading, which required anticipation and participation of passengers who happened to visit the airport and the Airport Library that day. One such activity was a painting session.

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Fig. 13 - Delftware inspired wall art by Hugo Kaagman (source: www.kaagman.nl)

4.5 ARCHITECTS / DESIGNERS

4.5.1 Objectives (Architects / Designers)

From the total of interviews in this research it is actually much more obvious what the objectives of the commercial and cultural parties are than those of the group of architects and designers. Apart from the fact that architects and designers take on and execute projects for their own financial gain one also gets this sense of them not only wanting to please the client but also to be of service to the wider public. I would imagine especially with project as grand as a national airport. The architects and designers also seem to have a keen understanding of the objectives and motives of the parties involved in the various projects which will be the emphasis in this chapter since the information was shared so freely with me.

Three out of the four architectural / designer offices I included in my research were simultaneously dealing with two clients for the Schiphol projects; Schiphol Group on one side and an external party, as in Rijksmuseum or Probiblio on the other side. Creneau International officially had only one client (HMSHost) but in practice Schiphol Group wasn’t completely absent. At the beginning of a project the architects are presented with the ‘program of requirements’ which lists all the demands of their client. Schiphol Group and also The Rijksmuseum both have very strict fire and safety regulations which obviously complicates the designing process for the architect/designers.

37 Of all the parties with their array of motives and objectives present at the airport the architects mention frequently the differences in objectives between the departments within Schiphol Group itself. Objectives concerning functionality versus passenger experience are most prevalent. Differences in objectives translate in power struggles. Next architects (Res. G): “How are the power mechanisms at Schiphol?….That’s evidently the different departments within Schiphol Group. You find them all at the discussion table; on the one side there are the people with the strict safety and maintenance requirements. They rather limit all materials to the most durable and resistant. And on the other side there are the people who on the contrary want to create an ‘experience’ which can’t be done with just tiles and steel. As an architect you manoeuvre in this realm”.

Essentially the main function of an airport remains at all times the efficient facilitation of the transport of passengers, which requires the contribution of multiple departments. At the same time we see how the wellbeing of the passengers is increasingly taken in consideration as well. My respondent (Res. G) at Next architects formulated it as follows: “Within Schiphol you see quite a few different objectives. There are parties (departments) who consider the airport as an ‘experience’ for the passenger, hence his or her visit needs to be arranged well; not the least since it generates revenue as well. Then there are other parties who view Schiphol primarily as a traffic machine – they have certain objectives too. And all use the same space though.”

The quote above shows at the same time how the perception and experience of the passenger is linked to commerce. From the interviews with the architects it became quite apparent how strong the influence of the commerce is at Schiphol.

Next architects (Res. G): “Every meter, well every centimetre at Schiphol costs money. So anyone who takes an interest, will have to pay. And the rest belongs to Schiphol Group…. These various parties are effectively guests at Schiphol and do not have much influence. They can simply rent an X amount of meters of space and therefore need to comply with certain requirements.”

Other commercial activities like advertisement and parking facilities have also increasingly become an important source of income for Schiphol Group. My respondent (Res. F) from NACO architects actually summed up the developments in general of recent decennia as follows: “In the ’60, ’70 en ’80 the emphasis was primarily on the operations so the building itself was much more sterile. Then gradually more and more money was generated since shops were popping up everywhere. And now you see how things are calming down; there is more of a balance.”

However not every architect deems the profit-making, commercial activities at the airport of most substantial interest. Two out of the four architects in my research population mentioned how they are much more inclined to approach a project at the airport from the perspective of the user group: “How can we first and foremost improve the passenger’s experience at the terminal?” Their focus is on the passenger’s needs and how to increase the wellbeing and comfort of the traveller; to make their stay at the

38 airport a comfortable experience. The fact that it also has a positive effect on the spending of the passenger in return is a bonus but not their starting point. The following quote from the respondent (Res. G) from Next architects shows how commerce and the passenger’s experience or perception are intertwined: “You not only make money from the flights but also when the passengers spend time at the airport so you need to provide a certain level of entertainment, to make it a pleasant experience. A comfortable terminal invites you to stay, be curious at the same time and spend your money.” My respondent from MV architects (Res. B) mentioned how through clever differentiation Schiphol can increase its competitive position towards other transfer hubs. It’s fairly apparent how in in the end the visions of the architects are supportive of the strategies of Schiphol Group, in particular those of the department Commercial Services & Media.

4.5.2 Nation Branding (Architects / Designers)

All four respondents of the different architectural / design offices (3 architects, 1 managing director) explicitly mentioned how Schiphol Group in the individual project briefs clearly stated how throughout the Holland Boulevard the Dutch identity was expected to be displayed; to showcase Holland to the international travellers.

The respondent from NACO (Res. F) - former supervisor architect for the entire airport - informed me how for Schiphol, as a hub airport with a large percentage of transfer passengers, the ‘Dutch theme’ has been a prominent factor for a long time already – not just at the Holland Boulevard but the airport as a whole. “It is just fundamentally important for the airport, it is inherent, …Schiphol group wants to emphasize its uniqueness.” According to my respondent commercial objectives are certainly at the core of this strategy.

The architectural offices each interpreted the Dutch identity in different ways in their projects ranging from Dutch cultural icons to high culture, depending on their client’s main product or activity. Creneau International designed the Dutch Kitchen&Bar for their client HMSHost and linked the Dutch concept from the design brief to the iconic Delftware of which they integrated references in the seating area (furniture) of the restaurant in the form of oversized Delft pottery tea cups as furniture. Furthermore, they incorporated oversized cutlery and giant tulips in the design, which according to my respondent (Res. D) is a reference and a literal interpretation of the Dutch saying “waar een klein land groot in kan zijn”. (I personally consider it more a clever marketing trick to attract the attention of customers.)

The design of the Rijksmuseum Schiphol and the Airport Library are quite in contrast with the Dutch Kitchen&Bar which is rather understandable since their main ‘product’ - Dutch art/design and cultural heritage – is of a completely different

39 nature. The designs are therefore much more subdued which allows the visitor’s attention to go the paintings of Dutch Masters and books about Dutch history / culture.

The architect at Next (Res. G) explicitly mentioned that with all the design adjustments made at Schiphol they attempt to depart as much as possible from the idea of ‘non-place’ which applied more to airports of the previous century. Next architects are the head architects supervising the redevelopment of the Holland Boulevard, which started in 2015, while also designing the new Rijksmuseum Schiphol and the Airport Library. For the new to be developed Holland Boulevard Schiphol Group had given Next architects certain design requirements which were actually rather similar to the original Holland Boulevard: it ought to have references to Dutch culture and represent the Netherlands at large. According to my respondent of Next architects (Res. G) his vision was to provide a new interpretation of ‘Dutch identity’ with a greater degree of diversity. In practice it would translate into less use of the old icons and historic references. Most references to Delftware were replaced with work of young Dutch artists (i.e. a textile print by Samira Boon and tactile sculptures by Florentijn Hofman) and more emphasis on abstract design in combination with modern Dutch characteristics of innovation and ‘manufacturability’ (translated from Dutch: maakbaarheid).

My respondent (Res. G) from Next architects: “I would imagine this image to be much more useful in the world than a prosperous history.” The addition of an annex of NEMO Science Museum fits in with this renewed concept of the Holland Boulevard. The living room style (‘huiskamers’) seating area dating back from 2010 were replaced with more modern looking seating arrangements which have references to the straight lines of Dutch ‘polders’ and its typical landscape /low horizon lines. Fig. 14 - Living room style searing area at Holland Boulevard between 2010-2015). (source: www.lensvelt.nl - designers)

Nation branding and emphasizing the Dutch identity has become a way in which Schiphol attempts to differentiate itself, but it doesn’t also mean that all parties involved have on one and the same goal. My architect respondents seem to agree that especially within the Schiphol Group there seems to be conflicting interests between the departments.

40

4.5.3 Participation (Architects / Designers)

It is quite remarkable how within the group of architects/designers I interviewed there doesn’t seem to be a consensus on the question whether the airport is a public or a non-public space. My respondent (Res. B) from MV Architects firmly emphasized how she considers it to be a public space. Public although commercial. The fact that in her opinion the airport is a public space seems to contribute to a certain heightened designer’s responsibility of creating a space which ties in best with the multiple requirements and demands of a large group of users (passengers). My respondent (Res. G) from Next Architects had a completely different perspective on the public/non-public issue. His main argument to not regard Schiphol as a public space was the extreme security restrictions one encounters at the airport which prevent general access to all. He considers the airport as “an extremely conditional space…High-control, much more than the shopping mall, which still allows you to visit and stay, albeit within certain behavioural codes. At Schiphol you don’t even have access if you don’t meet certain conditions which is severe.” My respondent (Res. F) from NACO had a similar argumentation: “If public space is defined as freely accessible for all then the airport is certainly not a public space.” He claimed it be accessible for all but nonetheless not freely; there are conditions in the form of holding an airline ticket.

On the subject of participation of the public the discussion unfortunately didn’t go beyond the employment of passenger surveys as executed by the airport operator. Nonetheless two of the architects participating in this study mentioned the professionalism and dedication of the special research department, Market Research &Intelligence (MRI), within Schiphol Group to thoroughly seek to understand the needs, preferences and opinions of the passenger. The architects in turn might then be inclined to incorporate some of the information provided by MRI in their design proposals. They might – since it’s optional, non-compulsory. My respondent (Res. F) from NACO made the following remark on the use of surveys:

“Surely sometimes the survey results make you think: - Should we follow up on that? Can they (=passengers) decide over that? But in general it is ever so important to understand the user’s perspective on the building. And to listen to it, albeit with a certain filter.”

Not wanting to dismiss a certain level of participation of the public in this example, the fact that the actors who genuinely decide over projects get the pick and choose from the suggestions made by the public shows its ambiguous character.

My respondent (Res. B) from MV Architects mentioned how she experienced how the results of passenger surveys as provided by the department of MRI were complemented with the opinions and the practical advice of airport employees for a

41 certain project. Her architectural office was responsible for the redevelopment of the airport’s toilet facilities and due to the large annual cleaning costs there was the idea to consult the airport cleaners to see how they imagined savings could be made through a more efficient cleaning (i.e. improved shapes or certain materials). Schiphol Group agreed for the employees to participate and according to my respondent the opinions of the cleaners were then, were applicable, incorporated in the design process. The last example shows that ‘participation’ is not entirely limited to the airport passengers and how in very specific cases the voices of airport employees have been heard as well.

While this is an example of a noble exercise, in the end it served a commercial purpose for the airport operator. Unfortunately, no examples of participation serving large public interests were given during the interviews.

42 STAKEHOLDER MODEL Below the Donaldson & Preston stakeholder model (Fig. 15) based on a firm has first been adjusted to the general level of the airport - see Fig. 16, after which is has been further specified to the specific case of Holland Boulevard at Schiphol with the multitude of key actors involved – see Fig. 17.

Fig. 15 - The Stakeholder Model - by Donaldson & Preston (1995) (Source: Donaldson and Preston, 1995)

GENERAL AIRPORT

Fig. 16 - Airport Stakeholder diagram - based on the general stakeholder model by Donaldson & Preston (source: made by author)

HOLLAND BOULEVARD / SCHIPHOL

Fig. 17 - Holland Boulevard Actor diagram (source: made by author)

43 Please note how in Holland Boulevard Actor diagram (Fig. 17) passengers are included as key actors. Even though their involvement is indirect and at a low level - through surveys only - it is some involvement. The dashed line going form Passengers to Schiphol Group reflects this relationship. Please also note there is a dotted line going from KLM to Architects but no direct lines from KLM to Schiphol Group. KLM can not be considered a key actor in relation to Holland Boulevard since they have not directly been involved in the decision-making process, although since 2017 they opened a new Transfer Desk in the Holland Boulevard area and therefore their design needs and requirements are taken in consideration by the architect of the redeveloped Holland Boulevard and the transfer desk itself - Next architects.

44 5. Synthesis

The division in main concepts as was proposed in the previous chapter will be continued in this chapter - 5 Synthesis. The main concepts evaluated are: a) nation branding, b) public participation and c) the objectives of the key actors. In another subchapter special attention will be directed to the power relations between the actors involved at Holland Boulevard. The final subchapter is dedicated to the opinions of the respondents on the notion of the airport as a public space with a link back to academic literature.

5.1 KEY ACTORS AND NATION BRANDING

5.1.1 Nation Branding – Schiphol Group

The airport is often regarded as the face of the nation; truly the first and last impression the traveller gets of the host city/nation. In that respect, labelling Holland Boulevard as a nation branding project seems rather justifiable, especially when you imagine how unsuspecting international passengers on arrival at Schiphol are confronted with various forms of Dutch culture while making their way through the terminal. Quite a significant place, also from a branding point of view. Forty percent of all passengers passing through the terminal at Schiphol are transit passengers, for whom Holland Boulevard is a popular area while waiting for their connecting flight. Since they won’t leave the airport the sole impression of the Netherlands they get is that of the airport. The services and facilities Schiphol Group has added to Holland Boulevard over time have strong links to Dutch culture and are a showcase of what Holland has to over. Passengers surely interpret these efforts as promotion for the city of Amsterdam and the Netherlands in general and one can’t blame them; after all it is a deliberate marketing attempt of all parties present at Holland Boulevard to communicate an image of the host city/nation to an international audience. Admittedly, Holland Boulevard is a relatively small area in the terminal and doesn’t directly interfere with the operations of the airport, nevertheless the key actors involved in the project are trying to portray an image of the nation at a very strategic place and in doing so Holland Boulevard represents the entire country and its citizens. This small group of actors make these decisions on behalf of many, which makes Holland Boulevard less innocent than it seems.

Multiple respondents (i.e. NACO, HMSHost, Aviflora) who have a longstanding relation with Schiphol Group, informed me in the interviews how the airport operator has had this specific strategy of carrying a ‘Dutch theme’ for some decades. Passengers passing through the airport have been shown elements of Holland, ranging from subtle cultural references to Dutch stereotypes since the early 90’s. So when Schiphol Group opened a specific Dutch-themed area, Holland Boulevard in 2010, it wasn’t its first effort in nation branding but certainly its most profound.

45

Nation branding is a diffuse concept and the literature on the topic is far from homogenous. Nevertheless, in order for me to make a deliberate judgement on the nature of Holland Boulevard, I introduced the definition of nation branding by Bolin & Stahlberg6 (2010) in chapter 2.3.1 - literature review. In their definition I find the engagement of governmental bodies an important indicator for the phenomenon. So as mentioned before I would investigate the involvement of key actors which in turn would help me to establish how Holland Boulevard scores on the level of governance – local, regional or national.

To have all the cultural and non-cultural facilities with Dutch identity located at Holland Boulevard was certainly a very conscious decision of Schiphol Group, which was planned and executed over a long period of time in an extremely professional manner, however in my research I find it doesn’t score high on ‘engagement of governmental bodies’ as an indicator of nation branding as seen with Bolin & Stahlberg (2010).

My argument is that Holland Boulevard is not a coordinated, joined marketing activity at a higher level of governance other than the corporate structure of Schiphol Group - not on a national level nor on the level of local municipalities as indicated by Bolin & Stahlberg (2010). Through enquiry at the marketing department of the municipality of Amsterdam as well as the national organization of NBTC/Holland Marketing7 - a foundation subsidized by the Dutch Ministry of Economic Affairs - I learned there is no formal collaboration or consultation between Schiphol Group with either one of them in relation to Holland Boulevard. The marketing department of the municipality of Amsterdam and NBTC have both certainly been partners of Schiphol Group in various other projects in the past – and continue to be - but not specifically concerning Holland Boulevard.

While on the subject, there are undoubtedly links between Holland Boulevard and governmental bodies - in the presence of the cultural parties themselves – Rijksmuseum Schiphol, Airport Library and NEMO Schiphol. All three are projects of public institutions, which in turn are subsidized, by the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science. Thus when it comes to funding there are ties to the government, however, at no point in the interviews with my respondents of the cultural parties, nor with Schiphol Group, were there any indications on representation or direct involvement of the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science in the actual decision-making process of Holland Boulevard. Where nation branding strategies usually adopt a top-down approach, this seems absence at

6 According to Bolin & Stahlberg (2010) nation branding can be defined as ”the phenomenon by which governments engage in self-conscious activities aimed at producing a certain image of the nation state” (Bolin & Stahlberg, 2010, p.82) 7 NBTC - Nederlands Bureau voor Toerisme & Congressen NBTC / Holland Marketing is responsible for the marketing of the Netherlands, abroad as well as domestically. NBTC / Holland Marketing is subsidized by the Ministry of Economic Affairs.

46 Holland Boulevard and is the influence of governmental bodies therefore limited to funding of public institutions.

In the end, one needs to realize how Holland Boulevard and the way Schiphol Group taps into the ‘Dutch theme’ in general, are for the airport operator first and foremost a commercial strategy. They tend to pick and choose from the strong ‘Holland brand’ to enhance their own airport product as were it country promotion for corporate branding purposes. Surely there is the opposite effect of Schiphol airport being perceived as a great ambassador for the Netherlands - for as long as the airport runs smoothly and the passengers’ ratings are up – but as such it is not a joined nation branding practice of Schiphol Group and governmental bodies.

One more comment on the topic of funding. In chapter 2.3.1 on Nation Branding I mentioned how nation branding projects are frequently funded with public money, and the ethical obligations it implies. However, the situation at Schiphol in this matter is unambiguous. In my interviews I was able to confirm with my respondent (Res. C) of Schiphol Group that construction works to the airport terminal are financed with revenue generated from Schiphol’s airport charges8 . Since Schiphol Group does not rely on public funds for construction works to the terminal there is no need to have this particular discussion about the moral obligations.

Concept Theory Indicator Sources Place Branding • Sense of Place 1. Name / Rename • Interviews 2. Food / Commerce • Online sources 3. Culture 4. Architecture / Design

• Nation Branding Theory 5. Governmental bodies

In order to relate the case study back to the theory, I reintroduce the above table from chapter 3.3 with the indicators and the concepts of this study. In the previous paragraphs I explained how I examined the indicator for the concept of nation branding (no.5) in relation to Schiphol Group of this study. Indicator no.1 – renaming the airport for reasons of sense of place practice or nation branding - simply doesn’t apply to Schiphol; the airport has continuously been using its original name. When one considers the categories of key actors it is apparent how they closely resemble indicators no. 2, 3 and 4. The next paragraphs look closer at elements of sense of place and nation branding from the perspective of the key actors.

8 Airport charges are fees paid by airlines to an airport operator in exchange for the use of the airport infrastructure.

47 Similar to chapter 4, the analysis is structured according the categories of key actors. The position of Schiphol Group has been discussed in the first part of this subchapter therefore the second part will see the remaining categories a) commercial parties, b) cultural parties and c) architects/designers.

5.1.2 Nation Branding - Commercial Parties

From the interviews with the respondents of the two commercial parties included in this study - HMSHost and Aviflora - it was clear how elements of nation branding at Holland Boulevard work in their advantage. They consider it as a useful tool to increase their profit and as such they are supportive of the branding strategy of the airport which is clearly beneficial for them.

HMSHost and Aviflora both also actively emphasize the nation branding tactics by incorporating Dutch stereotypes in the design of their commercial premises. HMSHost has over 70 food&beverage selling points at Schiphol and even though one can find elements of sense of place in quite a few of them, none is as developed as the Dutch-themed Kitchen&Bar at Holland Boulevard.

HMSHost’s Dutch Kitchen&Bar can be described as themed restaurant similar to e.g. Hard Rock Café and Planet Hollywood. HMSHost has applied this concept at other airports as well i.e. an ice-hockey themed bar/restaurant at Minneapolis-Saint Paul International Airport (“HMSHost : Minnesota Wild Bar,” n.d.). Another illustrative example, albeit not operated by HMSHost, is Airbräu – a restaurant and beer garden including a microbrewery with copper kettles at München airport (“Airbräu - Munich Airport,” n.d.). The idea to have themed restaurants at airports fits very well with the concept of sense of place. Incorporating local cultural features in the design of the bar/restaurant will create recognition and evoke an emotion with the passenger. By placing multiple nation branding concepts together in one area, Holland Boulevard, the overall effect is arguably larger than the single units separate, as can be seen at other airports.

Aviflora’s flower stand at Holland boulevard is compared to some of their other locations at Schiphol relatively small so while they have limited square meters to have an outlandish design here, in general they make serious efforts in emphasizing the Dutch identity as is quite eminent in the design of their flagship store - House of Tulips in the shape of a Dutch canal house in Lounge 2 – as discussed in the chapter 4.3.2

The presence of Aviflora and Dutch Kitchen&Bar at Holland Boulevard seem to have a synergistic effect; the typical Dutch products (flowers, tulip bulbs, Dutch cuisine) these commercial parties offer fit in well with the overall scheme of nation branding of Holland Boulevard. The effect is then intensified by the Dutch stereotypes as

48 incorporated in the design / architecture of the retailer and F&B concept which make the entire area stand out and arguably attract the attention of visitors.

Not surprisingly the commercial parties aren’t entirely pleased with the recent changes to the Holland Boulevard due to reconstruction of the area that started in 2015. With the redevelopment, efforts were made to tone-down the overall emphasis on the old Dutch stereotypes and replace them with elements of contemporary Dutch design. The representatives of the two commercial parties I interviewed expressed their preference for Holland Boulevard ‘old style’ especially since in their opinion it aligned better with their typical Dutch products.

Due to the relatively small number of respondents in this study I am in no way in the position to make generalizations about the research results but in my opinion the commercial parties as a group seem to be the most opportunistic and least critical when it comes to nation branding practices at Holland Boulevard. For this specific group, nation branding fits in with their sales techniques and therefore the more iconic, stereotypical and recognizable the nation branding elements are, the better. Their business is specifically aimed at international/non-Dutch passengers for whom the stereotypes are most appealing. The following quote illustrates it quite well. Here my respondent from HMSHost about DK&B: “The emotional drivers are important. For Chinese passengers that might be the Instagram picture of them sitting in the full-size Delftware teacup having Dutch apple pie and coffee while they might not even find the food so tasteful”.

5.1.3 Nation Branding - Cultural Parties

The cultural parties at the Holland Boulevard are probably the most unusual and interesting parties within the airport terminal. The very raison d'être of Airport Library, Rijksmuseum Schiphol and NEMO Schiphol at the airport ties in with the nation branding strategy of Schiphol Group. Collaborations with these cultural institutions were set up as part of the marketing policy of Schiphol Group and gradually they were granted access to the airport and Holland Boulevard. First Rijksmuseum Schiphol in 2002, then Airport Library in 2010 and finally NEMO Schiphol which was added to Holland Boulevard in 2017 (although prior to Holland Boulevard on different locations at Schiphol since 2012).

Worth mentioning is that Airport Library was actually initiated by Probiblio; they envisioned new forms of libraries at public spaces like railway stations, the beach (during summer) and also Schiphol. Eventually Airport Library was allocated a spot at Holland Boulevard which Schiphol Group deemed a fitting location at the airport. Next to Rijksmuseum Schiphol. According to my respondent (Res. C) at Schiphol Group the opening of the Airport Library in 2010 was at the height of Schiphol’s nation branding activities - or sense of place as she preferred to call it. The fact that she

49 actually didn’t define it as nation branding but as sense of place is perhaps telling for the way Schiphol Group regards its own branding tactics – very much as a company marketing strategy to improve its own market position opposed to a coordinated policy aiming at increasing the popularity of ‘brand Holland’ for the sake of the entire nation.

Noticeable in my interviews with the respondents of the cultural parties is how they take a more critical stance towards the stereotypical elements presented at the Holland Boulevard. Not surprisingly probably when you realise the institutions they represent offer the more serious form of cultural heritage or in the case of Rijksmuseum the heavyweights among the cultural offerings available i.e. Dutch old master paintings.

In contrast to the commercial parties who readily incorporate stereotypical elements in the design of their stands we see how the cultural parties chose for more contemporary designs. Modern albeit still flashy as in the case of Rijksmuseum Schiphol, a two story high, suspended, gold-coloured space. After all, in the hectic environment of the airport it remains important to get your message across – even for a serious ambassador of ‘brand Holland’.

As mentioned before, with the recent reconstruction works of Holland Boulevard which the architect (Next architect) stripped away most of the old stereotypes to reveal a more toned-down design for the entire area. The new Rijksmuseum Schiphol is sleek and modern, holds little reference to passed times and lets the paintings speak for themselves.

5.1.4 Nation Branding - Architects/Designers

The role of the group of architects/designers should not be underestimated in the process of nation branding since it’s the ideas and designs that originate from their minds that the audience / passengers eventually will encounter at the airport. With the final approval of their client of course. Form and functionality come together in a design and it is especially the form through which nation branding is expressed (while functionality applies more to the concept of non-place). One designer’s visions might be more extreme than the other though. The same can be said for the client’s requests. Or both, as in the case of Dutch Kitchen&Bar in my research.

50 5.2 PUBLIC PARTICIPATION

Schiphol’s position as a major hub is a huge responsibility for the airport operator, Schiphol Group; not solely economically but socially as well. In this section I’ll discuss the moral obligations a company as Schiphol Group holds towards society and how it translated to the Holland Boulevard.

The following concept and corresponding indicators will be discussed.

Concept Theory Indicator Sources Social Justice Just City - Fainstein 1. Participation • Interviews 2. Representation • Annual Report Schiphol • Online sources

In the process of establishing the level of participation of all parties involved in Holland Boulevard I started early on in the research process by determining which parties were merely stakeholders and which ones were key actors. As mentioned before, the interesting difference is that actors are actively involved in the decision making process while stakeholders are affected by it but don’t have a role in the actual process. Parties which I expected to classify as a key actor turned out to be a stakeholder (i.e. KLM). The distinction between stakeholders and key actors enabled me to describe the different levels of participation.

Schiphol is the national airport of the Netherlands, with a large social and economic relevance to the society, so understandably its citizens are affected by developments at the airport and are therefore considered stakeholders. The question remained whether as a group they are also an actor and involved in the decision-making so the next step was to determine how issues of participation and representation of the public were being dealt with in relation to Holland Boulevard.

When it comes to large infrastructural projects at Schiphol i.e. the airport’s runway system, the decision-making is heavily regulated and there is a prominent role for the government in the process. Moreover, it is considered part of a collaborative planning tradition in the Netherlands to have a certain level of participation of the public (interest groups) embedded in the decision-making processes of such large infrastructural projects. Local communities are invited to participate in the decision- making process and not surprisingly the level of interest shown by the public in these negotiations tends to be high - especially since the outcome of these decision-making processes tend to have substantial effects on the direct living conditions of the local communities. However, when it comes to developments at the airport terminal itself, as in the example of this study concerning Holland Boulevard - the national airport Schiphol arguable even being the largest ‘public’ space in the Netherlands - the role of the

51 public seems to have shifted. There is no specific participation embedded of local communities nor representation of the society at large. The role of the public is changed to surveys subjected to a select group - the airport’s passengers - conducted by Schiphol Group or outsourced to an external company. Since participation and representation are two fundamental elements and principles of democracy, it has to be said that there is an underperformance on the democratic values, at least in this specific project.

Schiphol Group has one specific way of involving the public - which is through passenger surveys. A special research unit called Market Research & Intelligence (MRI) within the department Commercial Services & Media conducts surveys (i.e. questionnaires) at the airport terminal for the purpose of getting feedback from the passengers. Since these efforts are regarded by many of my respondents as extremely valuable I wish to reflect on them.

In the literature review on Social Justice and Just City we have seen how Fainstein puts great emphasis on issues of participation of the public for a more democratic process. When it comes to participation and representation of the public in the decision-making process of the Holland Boulevard there are a few issues to discuss.

From my understanding Schiphol Group employs these surveys for reasons of a) process optimization and b) customer satisfaction (Schiphol Group Annual Report, 2016, p.53). In that respect, Schiphol Group aims to improve its product. An efficient and inviting airport product attracts airlines and passengers, which in the end serves Schiphol Group best by improving the airport’s position in a highly competitive market. Therefore, I believe there shouldn’t be any confusion whether the surveys are perhaps also conducted for any democratic reasons of fair representation or participation in the decision-making process per se. After all, the well-being of the passenger is given high priority by Schiphol Group since ultimately the profit margins of the airport operator rely on high passenger numbers. The participation of the public in the form of passenger surveys is there to serve a business model, not for reasons of a more democratic, Just Airport-City – as a play on words from Fainstein’s theory.

Admittedly Holland Boulevard is a relatively small area in the terminal, not interfering with the operations of the airport (at least efforts are made for it not to), nevertheless the key actors involved in the project are trying to portray an image of the nation at a very strategic point and in doing so Holland Boulevard represents the entire country and its citizens. If fair representation of the Dutch population were ever an issue of importance to Schiphol Group, the airport operator would subject their surveys to members of the general population; not solely a mix of international passengers within the border of its terminal, but the Dutch population anywhere in the Netherland at random - perhaps have focus groups representing different layers of the population. Whenever I raised this issue of fair representation and participation

52 with my respondents my question was mostly met with a pause or hesitation. My respondents didn’t seem to have given the surveys and the participation much thought other then from a client focused and economical point of view. The moral obligations that come with place branding or nation branding practices seemed largely neglected. Apparently one doesn’t associate the democratic elements of participation and representation with the airport terminal so easily. At least not in the same way as in the above example of local communities having a voice in the decision-making process when it comes to i.e. the airport’s runways or noise levels. What’s more, the same can be said about the notion of the airport being a public space – and the discussion whether it is or not - and the ethical obligations it implies, which will be discussed in chapter 5.5.

While pursuing a certain level of participation is one thing, to determine its influence or power in the decision-making process is another. As a quick exercise to determine how the public participation at Schiphol measures up I’ll introduce the so-called ‘Ladder of Participation’ by Arnstein here – see Fig 18. Arnstein offered a typology of eight levels of participation when writing about citizen participation in public planning (Arnstein, 1969).

Extract from Arnstein’s article “A Ladder of Citizen Participation,” (Journal of the American Planning Association, Vol. 35, No. 4, July 1969, pp. 216-224):

(3) Informing and (4) Consultation. When they are proffered by power- holders as the total extent of participation, citizens may indeed hear and be heard. But under these conditions they lack the power to insure that their views will be heeded by the powerful. When participation is restricted to these levels, there is no follow- through, no “muscle,” hence no assurance of changing the status quo. (5) Placation, is simply a higher level tokenism because the ground rules allow have-nots to advise, but retain for the powerholders the continued right to decide. (Arnstein, 1969)

Fig. 18 (source: www.citizenshandbook.org/arnsteinsladder)

When applying Arnstein’s ladder I’m inclined to say that the public participation as can be witnessed at Schiphol qualifies for more than ‘Non-participation’ and is in the middle range of the level of ‘Tokenism’.

On a side note, one needs to remember that when Fainstein – and also Arnstein – discuss the concept of participation in planning they write about citizen participation in the urban city environment. While large international airports are open 24/7 - and

53 Schiphol is no exception - the airport itself doesn’t have permanent residents nor citizens. All individuals at the airport at any given time are there temporarily. The group of people who might claim the (unofficial) title of residents are the airport employees solely based on their long working hours and not on the fact they actually inhabit the place. There are numerous working cultures and airport employees not infrequently have a strong attachment to their job. However, ultimately the basis of this bond the employees have with the airport is one that is of financial / economical nature. In that respect is differs from the bond people have with the city where elements of living, working, recreation, etc. come together and are a natural given.

54 5.3 POWER RELATIONSHIPS

When considering the power relations at Schiphol, one needs to realize how the airport operator, Schiphol Group, is simultaneously host as well as main actor. As one of my respondents (Res. G) – the head architect responsible for the redevelopment of the Holland Boulevard since 2015 - mentioned, “all other parties are guests and have in fact little influence. Moreover, they are paying guests – for every centimeter of space”. And on top of that there are a multitude of restrictions that come with the specific nature of the building.

The airport operator has strict rules on sight lines the various parties at Holland Boulevard need to comply with in order to enhance the transparency of area. Similar restrictions apply to large parts of the airport for that matter. According to two architects I interviewed, these restrictions tend to cause friction with the retailers who wish to display their merchandise on fixed structures or back walls but are not allowed to put these up. For example, at Holland Boulevard the height may not exceed 1.60m, much to the disapproval of the airport merchants.

In the interviews my respondents also frequently mentioned Schiphol’s extreme fire- and safety regulations which coincide with the airport’s restrictions on the use of materials. These limitations make the job for architects and designers especially challenging but Schiphol Group won’t ever compromise on them and all parties doing business with the airport operator have to comply completely.

The above two examples show how Schiphol Group is clearly in control but one would be mistaken to think that the airport operator is one unified entity. As a matter of fact, as an enterprise it embodies a multitude of conflicting objectives. When it comes to the day-to-day activities of the terminal building – and also in relation to Holland Boulevard - there are two departments which need to be mentioned.

On one side there is the department Passenger Services occupied with the task to facilitate the flow of arriving and departing passengers in a most effective and controlled manner. Through an efficient use of the available space in the terminal they aim to achieve an all-around smooth operation and continuous movement of passengers. This specific department ensures for example that regulations like the sight lines as mentioned above are fully complied with. Furthermore, they prioritize meters of passageways over meters of restaurants, seating areas over retail facilities, and smart wayfinding over advertisement.

On the other side there is the department Commercial Services & Media. Their main task is to increase the company’s revenue of non-aeronautical activities since the core aeronautical activities alone are not profitable. The non-aeronautical services at Schiphol comprise retail, hospitality, entertainment facilities, advertisement and parking facilities. Increasingly this department has been focussing on turning the

55 airport in a pleasant, sensory experience for the passenger with advanced commercial possibilities.

From this brief description one can already tell that the departments of Passenger Services on one hand and Commercial Services & Media on the other have rather opposing responsibilities and conflicting objectives. Reconciling goals of functionality with goals of commerce is a challenging task anywhere at the airport and bound to result in power struggles. I’d like to illustrate this with two quotes from my respondent (Res. C) from Schiphol Group.

“It (Holland Boulevard) was a seating area and those areas weren’t given much attention back then….When square meters of space were getting scarcer one started to evaluate how much vacant space there still was in the terminal and how to give it a commercial purpose. Naturally a clash would occur between the department Commercial Services & Media wanting to expand and the department Passenger Services safeguarding the flows, logistics and seating capacity. On the topic of conflict of interest, that’s obviously quite a struggle how to get all those preferences into that one area”.

From this quote (see above) it is evident how the area that is now Holland Boulevard over time was reassessed since vacant space in the terminal was getting scarce. How it was turned from a functional space of a corridor and seating area (non-places) between two departure lounges into valuable commercial space. And most importantly how the department Passenger Services and the department Commercial Services & Media strongly disagree.

The next quote is quite illustrative for the rivalry between the two departments. Please bear in mind though it refers to the airport in general and not specifically to Holland Boulevard.

“I think they were on it because often the Consumers department9… You’d give them an inch and they'll take a mile, the people from the ‘commercial club’. They would think “Once we have that space we’ll completely commercialize it”. So the Logistics department would then feel the Consumers had taken it too far, had taken advantage of the situation….There have been many similar discussions”.

My other respondent from Schiphol Group (Res. I) informed me how the above mentioned departments in general after often lengthy debates will have to come to a decision on projects either through compromises, trade-offs or a temporarily agreement under certain conditions, which then at a later stage need to be met.

9 Consumers department / ‘commercial club’ = Commercial Services & Media Logistics department = Passenger Services

56 While in some relationships between Schiphol Group and key actors the emphasis is more on commerce than in others, it is evident in all of them. Obviously this is what you would expect with the commercial parties and one is aware of it from the start. When it comes to the cultural parties apparently the positions weren’t quite that clear from the beginning which resulted in disproportionate negotiation positions or at least perceived that way in one case.

I’m referring to the Airport Library here. The introduction of the cultural services at Holland Boulevard were seen as great new assets to the area and the airport in general. In fact when the Airport Library first opens in 2010 it received a great amount of publicity especially in the international media. Much more than expected. Probiblio had been hoping for approximately 200 mentions in the media in the first three years combined, but the actual number turned out to be close to 900 mentions, which exceeded the expectations much. Obviously a positive by-product for a national public library organisation like Probiblio. However, for the airport with a large percentage of international transfer passengers (40%) this kind of publicity and exposure in the international media ultimately translates in a better marketing position compared to competing airports.

The amount of publicity the Airport Library generated made Probiblio aware of its added value as a non-commercial / cultural institution to a commercial enterprise as Schiphol Group. According to my respondent from Probiblio (Res. A) this boost in confidence changed their position in new negotiations and the publicity became an important tool. In hindsight Probiblio believes the lees fees Schiphol Group initially charged them were much too high and should have been discounted considering the added value of the publicity.

The relationship between Schiphol Group and some of the key actors included in my research goes back many decades which was evident in the interviews. HMSHost is the largest provider of F&B services at Schiphol and has operating at the airport since 1995. Aviflora’s started selling flowers at the airport 65 year ago and currently have the exclusive rights to selling flowers airside of the terminal. It’s safe to say that both companies have a mutual dependency towards Schiphol Group and vice versa. HMSHost as well as Aviflora know what the expectations are of Schiphol Group and navigate their business accordingly. They definitely test the boundaries when it comes to pushing their own sales but ultimately also respect the authority of Schiphol Group. HMSHost has 70 F&B selling points at Schiphol so can be considered a large business partner to Schiphol Group, nevertheless as a restaurant business “they need to follow the strategic direction of the airport”, according to my respondent (Res. K) at HMSHost. By its own account, HMSHost leases square meters of space from Schiphol Group, turns in into restaurants - which they run on their own risk - but ultimately the operation is always with the approval of Schiphol Group.

57 Aviflora and HMSHost with Dutch Kitchen&Bar both offer typical Dutch products at Holland Boulevard so it’s no surprise that Aviflora, as my respondent (Res.H) mentioned had been aiming for a stand near of Dutch Kitchen&Bar. The idea was that selling the parties’ products in proximity from one another would have a synergistic effect.

I’m reintroducing here the Mendelow Matrix from the Literature Review. To determine the potential influence of the stakeholder, the Mendelow Matrix or Power/Interest Grid (Mendelow, 1991) looks at two dimensions – the level of interest the group has in the organization, and the level of power or influence they have to affect the organization. Please bear in mind that in Fig. 20 the positions of the key actors have been put in the matrix from the perspective of Schiphol Group. Furthermore the group of Architects & Designers have been excluded from this particular exercise since they don’t sell/offer a nation branding product in the way the commercial / cultural parties do. Fig. 20 - Mendelow’s matrix as for Holland Boulevard (source: made by author)

In relation to nation branding and marketing only, Rijksmuseum and Probiblio score highest on the dimension Power since they have the added element of publicity (international media) which is extremely valuable for Schiphol Group.

58 In chapter 3.4 (p.19) I introduced a conceptual framework with key actors which was a visualisation of how the situation was perceived before the research. A large ‘black box’ representing the non-transparent decision-making process of Holland Boulevard. Now at the end of this chapter on Power Relationships between the actors, it is fitting to show in another visualisation my understanding of the same situation after the interviews with the research participants.

SG - PS: Schiphol Group / dep. Passenger Services SG - CS&M: Schiphol-Group / dep. Commercial Services&Media Fig. 19 – Conceptual Framework (Source: made by author)

Noticeable are the dashed lines running from the departments of Schiphol Group on the left, via the architects & designers in the middle to the other parties on the left. These dashed lines represent the influence Schiphol Group, especially the departement Passenger Services, exerts indirectly via the architect on the other key actors. The architects & designers often see themselves positioned in a sort of ‘balancing act’ right in the middle of all the parties. There are synergetic relationships and ones with opposing interests (conflict). The most noticeable one between the departments of Passenger Services and Commercial Services&Media within Schiphol Group – see page 53.

59

5.4 KEY ACTORS’ OBJECTIVES

Once again in order to relate the case study back to the theory, I reintroduce the table below from chapter 3.3 with the indicators and the concepts of this study – for this subchapter the key actor’s objectives.

Concept Theory Indicator Sources Stakeholder’s Stakeholder 1. Power • Interviews Objectives Power/Interest Matrix 2. Interest • Annual Report 3. Financial Gain* Probiblio 4. Publicity* • Annual Report 5. Agreement* Rijksmuseum 6. Loyalty* • Annual Report Schiphol Group • Online sources *Note: no. 4,5,6 and 7 are non-literature based

5.4.1 Actor’s Objectives – Schiphol Group

The Holland Boulevard was recently completely redeveloped due to the construction of an adjacent, new central security system for non-Schengen passengers. Schiphol Group continuously upgrades and changes its facilities in the terminal. It’s a seemingly never ending process. One of the architects (Res. F) I interviewed mentioned that the average lifespan of the commercial facilities in the departure lounges at Schiphol is between 7-10 years. Ultimately the reason for Schiphol Group to improve its facilities is to strengthen its competitiveness. Solely serving the domestic Dutch market wouldn’t be interesting (read profitable) enough for Schiphol Group so the airport operator offers an extensive network of destinations to attract large numbers of international transit passengers. However, competition from nearby hubs is rife, especially London Heathrow, Frankfurt and Paris Charles- de-Gaulle. Trying to keep ahead of these competitors is exactly what the two respondents from Schiphol Group (Res. C, Res. I) mentioned as a major objective when discussing the concept of Holland Boulevard. Adding cultural activities and services (Rijksmuseum Schiphol, Airport Library, NEMO Schiphol) to the existing retail and F&B is part of their strategy to create a more versatile and all-round attractive airport product.

The goal of the collaboration between Schiphol Group and Rijksmuseum, which started in 2002 was the creation of a marketing instrument for both parties. So much is still evident from Rijksmuseum’s annual Report 2013 (Rijksmuseum, 2013, p.131).

60 A by-product of opening the cultural services at the Holland Boulevard, has been a lot of publicity, particularly in international media outlets. This kind of exposure is extremely important to Schiphol since it enhances its brand value. Schiphol Group repeated this marketing strategy in a collaboration with Probiblio for the opening of the Airport Library in 2010 and again with NEMO Science museum in 2012. Publicity (=indicator # 4) in itself should therefore be considered one of Schiphol Group’s objectives.

The emphasis at Holland Boulevard is with the stereotypical references to all things Dutch obviously very much on the concept of sense of place. Arguably it has been reinterpreted and modernized with the recent reconstruction of the area (2015-2017) under the influence of the appointed architect for the area (Next architects) but nonetheless concepts with a strong sense of place are still very much prominent.

In this respect, Holland Boulevard fits in very well with the strategy Schiphol Group has been following for decades - it wants to give the passenger a taste of Holland. In an almost playful way it wants to inform the passenger of his/her geographical location. As one of the architect respondents (Res. F) mentioned: “It is part of Schiphol’s DNA”. Whereas before traditional Dutch stereotypes were frequently used for this reason, nowadays it’s more evident in quirky modern Dutch design. I strongly get the impression that ‘brand Holland’ is applied by Schiphol Group to enhance ‘brand Schiphol’. Why? For commercial reasons surely. At Schiphol things are done either for reasons of commerce or functionality.

As mentioned before the department Commercial Services & Media within Schiphol Group is responsible for commerce and the department Passenger Services is in charge of the logistics, flows and functionality. While the two departments might have seemingly opposing objectives they have a mutual understanding that measurement for stress reduction are essential at a place like the airport terminal. People travelling are naturally stressed and while in the past the department Commercial Services & Media might have been responsible for inducing even more stress on passengers by adding ever more retail, F&B and advertisement to the terminal, those days are over. The fact is, stressed out people simple have no incentive for shopping which my respondent from Commercial Services & Media (Res. I) also confirmed. In that respect, the Holland Boulevard is an interesting area since it is a mix of seating area with cultural facilities. With the introduction of Dutch ‘living rooms’ or cosy booths as seating arrangements in 2010, Schiphol Group opted for stress reducing, homely elements of comfortable sofa’s and displays of fire logs. The adjacent Airport Library would also be experienced by passengers as stress reducing as is evident from its guest book (Annual report Airport Library, 2012, p.7).

Holland Boulevard being mainly the brainchild and responsibility of the department Commercial Services & Media one can see how their strategy is to combine commerce with a pleasant experience for the passenger. While elsewhere in the terminal the

61 emphasis is more on retail in the form of the conventional duty free shopping, at Holland Boulevard space has been allocated for stress reduction, relaxation, culture and entertainment. Much thought is going into the wellbeing of the passenger. My respondent from Schiphol Group (Res. C) mentioned how this customer centric thinking, where the passenger’s experience is given high priority, is an essential part of Schiphol Group’s strategy nowadays. Surely in that respect, happy customers are loyal customers.

This approach - the airport as a product for customers to choose - and favor one over another, wouldn’t be complete without a slogan for branding purposes. The following excerpt can be found in any annual report of Schiphol Group:

Ambition – Europe’s Preferred Airport. It is Schiphol Group’s ambition to continue to develop Schiphol into Europe’s Preferred Airport: the airport of choice for travelers, airlines and logistic service providers alike (Schiphol Group Annual Report, 2016, p.14).

As any competing airport, Schiphol Group’s approach to be a top airport is by offering an extensive network of destinations in combination with an efficient and attractive airport product similar as was discussed in the Literature Review - Airport Branding. The part of being an appealing airport with multiple facilities for the passenger to choose from is where Holland Boulevard fits in. Undoubtedly, Schiphol has a major social-economical function for the Dutch society to be all the above: well-connected to the world, an economic powerhouse, efficient and appealing. Whether the economic function of Schiphol is considered more important than the social function is a subject for another separate study, but there has never been any doubt about the economic value of Schiphol and the objective of Schiphol Group in this matter - indicator #3 - financial gain.

5.4.2 Actor’s Objectives – Commercial Parties

As one can probably imagine the objectives of the commercial parties included in this study are unmistakeably with yielding profits. In order to do so HMSHost chose to operate from Holland Boulevard with a Dutch-themed restaurant – Dutch Kitchen&Bar. Multiple Dutch stereotypical elements have been incorporated in its design and as a F&B concept they make a bold statement in order to stand out in the departure lounge. Being easily recognizable with its target audience - the international traveller – is one of their objectives. Dutch Kitchen&Bar was not included in the recent redevelopment of the Holland Boulevard in 2015; much to their delight since they prefer to continue with their traditional concept heavy on Dutch stereotypes.

62 With their iconic Dutch products of flowers and bulbs, Aviflora’s outlook on all things nation branding related is, similar to HMSHost, completely from a commercial perspective (indicator #3 – financial gain). The two companies also have the same target group, albeit the Aviflora’s commercial footprint at Holland Boulevard is much smaller than that of Dutch Kitchen&Bar. Aviflora’s relationship with Schiphol Group dates back to early 1950’s and in the interview with its CEO (Res. H) I learned that the element of loyalty towards Schiphol Group definitely applies (=indicator #6)

5.4.3 Actor’s Objectives – Cultural Parties

- PROBIBLIO Probiblio is a service organisation of the public library in Holland. Initiating the Airport Library was part of their out-reach activities - at locations with a high density of people. They also opened public libraries at railway stations and at popular beach locations in summer.

One of the main objectives with the Airport Library is promotion of Dutch culture to an international audience. Therefore the entire collection comprises books on Dutch culture - in 30 languages. Furthermore, generating publicity and showcasing Dutch libraries internationally is another major goal. And finally, also through publicity, improving the image of the Dutch libraries - confirming its innovativeness. All these objectives were mentioned by my respondent from Probiblio (Res. A) in the interview. The following passage about the goal of publicity was taken from the Airport’s Library’s Annual Report 2013 (by Probiblio) and confirms the finding from the interview:

One of the objectives of the Airport Library is to be mentioned in the media at least 200 times in the first three years after opening which would then have a positive effect on the image of the Dutch Public Library. With 600 mentions in 2010 and 200 mentions in 2011 this aim was reached easily. The Airport Library was mentioned another 95 times in 2013 and 128 times in 2014. The Airport Library received especially a lot of attention from international media outlets. - Airport Library Annual Report 2013, p.2 - see Appendix 4

- RIJKSMUSEUM Similar to Probiblio’s out-reach activities, Rijksmuseum had its own strategy called ‘musea extramural’ whereby the collection of the museum in the centre of Amsterdam would be shown at alternative locations, and therefore would remain visible to the public during an extended period that the museum was scheduled to be closed.

63 Promoting Dutch culture and generating publicity for the Rijksmuseum were certainly major objectives for the museum to open an annex at Schiphol. The amount of publicity Rijksmuseum Schiphol received was extraordinary and Rijksmuseum and Schiphol airport both started to regard the airport museum as a marketing instrument, as is evident from the Rijksmuseum’s annual report 2013:

Concession agreement. Schiphol Airport and Rijksmuseum came to a renewed agreement for the exploitation of the museum at the airport in 2010. The goal of the collaboration is the creation of a marketing instrument for Schiphol as well as Rijksmuseum. - Rijksmuseum Annual Report 2013, p.131 - see Appendix 4

The following passage refers to the added value of the cultural heritage at Schiphol:

Collaboration. The museum is a new element in Schiphol’s modern AirportCity concept. For Rijksmuseum, and for the Netherlands, Rijksmuseum Schiphol is a cultural business card for millions of transfer passengers who pass through Schiphol annually. - Rijksmuseum Annual report 2002, p.40 - see Appendix 4

Rijksmuseum Schiphol opened in 2002. It was a split-level design with the actual exhibition space on the 1st floor and a prominent museum shop on the ground floor to generate revenue as was the intended goal. The business model was definitely aimed at combining culture with commerce as was confirmed by my respondent (Res. J) from Rijksmuseum.

- NEMO Earlier this year NEMO Schiphol was added to the Holland Boulevard and comprises a range of nine exhibits designed by NEMO Science Museum. Some of these exhibits have been at different locations at Schiphol since 2012.

NEMO Schiphol is part of the main museum’s outreach activities as is mention in the following passage:

Our outreach-activities range from the exhibition at Schiphol to lectures on location and digital activities (Kennislink.nl and e-NEMO.nl) - NEMO Annual report 2014, p.6 - see Appendix 4

NEMO showed up at unexpected location i.e at Schiphol…to get as many people involved in science and technology. - NEMO Annual report 2015, p.1 - see Appendix 4

64 5.4.4 Actor’s Objectives – Architects / Designers

From some first-hand experience I can affirm that architects and designers are a bit of an odd profession in a way that they won’t readily admit how financial motives play any part in choosing certain projects but since design/architectural offices are not philanthropic organisations we can be assured they are to some extend also driven by financial stimuli. Instead of focussing on their own personal gain it is much more common for architects/designers to underline the importance of serving the public/users - especially in large scale, public projects. A job at the national airport certainly is considered a prestigious project.

I believe the responses from the group of architects/designers in this study do confirm this notion which I will call the social responsibility of architects/designers. It’s this occupational obligation to society to act for their benefit. For the architects included in this study at Schiphol I noticed how this translated into a heightened awareness with them of the importance of the site and the associated responsibility towards the users. Furthermore, the airport is an environment with extreme conditions. It’s hyper controlled and secured. There are crowds and queues. Schiphol is oftentimes running close to full capacity according to one of my respondent (Res. C). Not surprisingly, the stress levels of the passengers are up. The architects/designers have the task to bring in new design elements to the Holland Boulevard which should be relaxing, comfortable, entertaining and educational. While this in itself is already a challenging task, the architects have to incorporate any additional demands of high durability as well as the restrictions (due to fire-and safety regulations) that come with the specific nature of the building. It’s quite a balancing act.

65 5.5 SCHIPHOL – A PUBLIC SPACE? - Reactions from the key actors.

In the interviews the discussion about nation branding would often be about the efforts taken by the various parties to move away from the airport terminal as a non- place. The discussion is basically about what priorities should be given to the airport as a space. An essential element here is also how one sees the airport in the dichotomy of public versus private. Therefore, in the interviews I would ask the respondents at times explicitly whether in their opinion the airport can be regarded as a public space or not. While one might consider this is a simple question, there isn’t actually a conclusive answer to it hence the responses weren’t all unanimous either. Before I discuss the feedback I wish to point out the following first.

At the airport there is a landside area and an airside area. The latter being the secure area of the terminal after you’ve gone through security. The landside is the non- secure area fully accessible to all and comprises an arrival area and a check-in area – usually on a different level. At Schiphol you’ll find a train station and a shopping center, Schiphol Plaza, adjacent to the landside of the terminal. The station, mall and landside area are generally considered (by experts and non-experts) as public spaces (semi-public at times). The difficulty with defining the space occurs more when one moves to the secured airside area, which has restricted access - only for passengers in the possession of valid travel documents and identification. An important distinction is that the airside is an extremely controlled and manipulated environment (Adey, 2008). Passengers are subjected to the power and authorities of the airport which is evident in the physical checks (body scans), baggage screening and security cameras but also in the layout of the terminal (architecture) and wayfinding. These technics and methods are typically absent in public places but are very much part of our journey through the modern airport or what we nowadays (especially after 9/11) consider a standard airport experience.

Airports all over the world usually allocate the area directly after the security checks for duty-free shopping. The fact that at Schiphol you have the shopping center, Schiphol Plaza, on one side of the security and the duty-free shopping right on the other side might be experienced as a continuation of shops and amenities and could therefore contribute to a blurred distinction between public / non-public space.

This might explain why, even though among my respondents the presence of airport security was acknowledged as a determining factor separating land-side from air- side, there wasn’t a unanimous opinion on the division public / non-public space of the departure lounges where Holland Boulevard is located. On a side note, the fact that Schiphol is a mostly publicly-owned airport, opposed to a privately–owned, was remarkably never mentioned as an argument.

66 Not surprisingly, it is the architects who have the most distinct opinions on the subject. One respondent (Res. B) in the group of architects/designers was quite firm in her opinion about the airport being a public space. The sheer number of people using the facilities she designs for Schiphol Group rather than the fact that airside is closed off from the general public was for her the most important factor. She argued that designing for the mass and incorporating the needs of such a diverse group of people (passengers) was for her a big contrast compared to a job for a private client.

For the other two architects I interviewed (Res. F, Res. G) the heavy restrictions on the accessibility of the area were a decisive factor in labelling the airport (air-side) as non-public. Res. F: “If public space is defined as freely accessible for all then the airport is certainly not a public space”. Similarly to Adey (2008), they both described airside as an extremely conditioned space. Res. G: “The airport is actually a severely restricted and conditioned space. In that respect, the airport is quite different from what I consider a public space”.

Thus due to the restricted accessibility of the departures lounges, Schiphol’s airside is not perceived so much as a public place. In that respect, the comparison with a normal shopping center doesn’t entire hold, in spite of the similarities in commercial purposes.

What is also remarkable is that despite the differences in objectives, there is this shared awareness and realization among all key actor of the importance of the functionality of the airport terminal. After all a badly functioning airport is detrimental to all parties. It is first and foremost the responsibility of the airport operator to process the stream of arriving and departing passengers in a most efficient, smooth and controlled manner. This is regarded, not just by Schiphol Group, but by all parties I interviewed, as a matter of national significance and public interest. This obligation to the nation lies primarily with Schiphol Group, specifically the department Passenger Services. They get the most support from the group of architects who are professionally most embedded with a similar sense of responsibility. The problem remains however that Schiphol Group has contradictory motives and objectives, in short these are commerce versus functionality, so in the end one wonders who else defends the public interests? In chapter 5.2 we have seen how limited the level of public participation in relation to Holland Boulevard is - or for any development to the airport terminal for that matter. Schiphol might be big on ambitions, being an airport city is one of them, but it is not big on public participation.

In the discussion of current and future airport trends, the term airport city is often used to describe the airport and adjacent areas with business parks, hotels, shopping centers, etc. (Kasarda&Lindsay 2011; Nikolaeva 2012). For most airports the

67 revenue from non-aeronautical facilities is significantly higher than the core aeronautical activities; this is especially true for airport cities. Schiphol’s AirportCity model is especially profitable in real estate which goes well beyond the airport terminal.

In that respect, when viewed this particular way, Schiphol may appear to share characteristics with the city - retail, offices, restaurants, a bus & railway station, large crowds, etc. However, that’s where the similarity stops. Interestingly, the airport doesn’t have any permanent residents. Anyone there is solely a transient guest, including airport employees and office workers who return home at the end of their shift. Furthermore, there is no chosen mayor, nor a civic office nor any of the official channels through which citizens normally are able to influence their city’s governance. What Schiphol Group is proposing with their AirportCity model is merely a promotion strategy of the airport operator to attract private actors instead of serious efforts to turn Schiphol area in a proper city including the typical governance structure and democratic processes of a public government.

The following conversation between wayfinding specialst Paul Mijksenaar and author / human geographer Tim Cresswell shows clearly Mijksenaar’s opinion on the subject of airport cities.

Cresswell: ‘In a sense Schiphol is like a public square. And so it’s more like a city space than most airports.’

Mijksenaar: ‘In a city it is more stretched, there are more squares and there are neighborhoods. That’s a difference. The difference is they call an airport city an airport city—that is how it is marketed—its more that it has one of everything—a square, a main street, a hospital—a real city has neighborhoods with different squares, different streets . . . Then it is important what this neighborhood is like compared to the other neighborhood . . . airports are more about process’ (Cresswell, 2006, p.245).

Finally, briefly on the matter of green ‘public’ spaces at Schiphol. Within the departure lounge, albeit not at Holland Boulevard, there is AirportPark. While admittedly a welcoming addition to the terminal facilities on airside, it is not freely accessible unless you are taking a flight. As mentioned before, the strict division between landside and airside makes any ‘public’ facility at Schiphol only accessible for a few. Besides the name of ‘Park’ it has little similarities with an urban public park as we know it, especially when you realize AirportPark at Schiphol is largely a roof terrace on top of the terminal building.

68 6. Conclusion

6.1 Revisiting Research Question

RESEARCH SUB-QUESTIONS: 1. Who are the main actors and who are the stakeholders in Holland Boulevard? To what extent is the public involved as stakeholder?

Stakeholders Key actors

Passengers Schiphol Group: Dutch population - dep. Commercial Services & Media Schiphol Group’s shareholders - dep. Passenger Services Employees Schiphol Rijksmuseum Airlines Probiblio (Airport Library) Retailers elsewhere at Schiphol NEMO Science Museum NBTC / Holland Marketing HMSHost (F&B) Amsterdam Marketing Aviflora NACO Architects / Airport Consultants MV Architects Next architects Creneau Intl. (Interior/Arch. designer) - All parties above are research participants, except dep. Passenger Services (Schiphol Group)

The involvement of the Bols genever Experience* public in the decision-making Holland Casino* process of Holland Boulevard is Marcel Wanders (interior designer)* indirect and is restricted to Studio Linse (interior designer)* passenger surveys conducted Michiel de Haas (lighting designer) by Schiphol Group within Other designers the airport terminal. There Retailers (Swatch, Rituals, Van Wely chocolate) are no specific arrangements Artists (Hugo Kaagman, Samira Boon, of participation or formal Florentijn Hofman) representation of the Dutch * party declined researcher’s request for an interview

population.

2. SUB-QUESTION Which elements comprise nation branding at Schiphol?

Nation branding at Schiphol is concentrated at the Holland Boulevard. From its inception in 2010 till 2015 the Holland Boulevard comprised: • Rijksmuseum Schiphol, an annex of the Rijksmuseum (National Museum) • Airport Library managed by Probiblio – service organization of Dutch public library • Dutch-themed restaurant Dutch Kitchen& Bar by HMSHost – an airport food- service company, • The ‘Bols Genever Experience’ by Dutch Genever distiller Bols, • Dutch flower stand by Aviflora, • Holland Casino Furthermore, throughout the area there were ‘Dutch living rooms’ or seating/waiting areas with furniture by prominent Dutch designers (Marcel Wanders and Studio Linse), a large Delftware themed artwork by Hugo Kaagman and other references to traditional Delfts Blue pottery. N.B. There were other non-themed airport retailers as well.

After the recent reconstruction works (2015 – 2017), which saw a total rearrangement of the area, a miniature exhibition of NEMO Science Museum was added to Holland Boulevard. Bols Genever Experience had closed in 2015 and Holland Casino ceased its operations at Schiphol in 2017. Most references to stereotypical Delftware were replaced with modern artwork by young Dutch artists i.e. a 15-meter modern textile print of a Dutch polder landscape by Samira Boon.

For decades Schiphol Group has been incorporating elements of ‘Dutch identity’ elsewhere in the airport terminal as well, albeit as singular units. In recent years the emphasis is on modern innovative Dutch design instead of Dutch stereotypes to instill identity.

3. SUB-QUESTION What are the objectives, goals and positions of the key actors?

From the perspective of the airport operator, Schiphol Group, any activities executed at the airport are either done for reasons of commerce or functionality. As mentioned before, the department Commercial Services & Media within Schiphol Group is responsible for commerce and the department Passenger Services is in charge of the logistics, flows and functionality. While the two departments have seemingly opposing objectives they have a mutual understanding that measurement for stress reduction are essential at a place like the airport terminal. The fact is, stressed out

70 people simply have no incentive for shopping. In that respect, the interests of the two department come together in Holland Boulevard since it combines a seating area, which the department Passenger Services is responsible of offering, with cultural facilities which the department Commercial Services & Media so desperately wants to add to the existing commercial facilities at the terminal for an all-round more attractive airport product.

As one can probably imagine the objectives of the commercial parties included in this study are unmistakeably with yielding profits. With their iconic Dutch products of flowers / bulbs, Aviflora’s outlook on all things nation branding related is, similar to HMSHost, completely from a commercial perspective. Furthermore, their relationships with Schiphol Group are long-standing and characterised by a dependency on the airport operator.

When it comes to the objectives of the group of architects/ designers, instead of focussing on their own personal gain it is much more common for them to underline the importance of serving the public/users - especially in large scale, public projects.

The objectives of the cultural parties at Holland Boulevard seem twofold. First, to promote Dutch culture. What initially started as part of their domestic ‘out-reach activities’ became these permanent and fixed entities with the largest audience possible - the international traveller at the airport. Second, the element of generating publicity in the media. Publicity as a marketing instrument to showcase the museum or organisation internationally.

4. SUB-QUESTION What are the most important factors in the decision-making process concerning nation branding at Schiphol?

When it comes to nation branding at Schiphol the following factors proved most important in the decision-making process. It is noticeable how closely they link to the objectives of the key actors at Holland Boulevard.

The fact that Schiphol Group has been applying elements of a ‘Dutch theme’ in the terminal for some decades indicates that using sense of place or nation branding is not only part of the company’s long or short-term marketing strategy but also of the company’s DNA if such a thing exists. In that respect, the inception of Holland Boulevard in 2010 had been in the making for some time and was a process that finds its origin from within the company and it wasn’t forced upon the airport operator as is often the case with top-down nation branding projects.

71 Apart from this general willingness and openness of Schiphol Group to nation branding, the individual projects at Holland Boulevard should be especially accredited to the department Commercial Services & Media which develops new concepts for all terminal lounges. They are most receptive to innovative ideas since their aim is to develop an airport product which is most appealing to the passenger. In a market were airports are competing for passengers, changing existing facilities or adding new facilities to the airport terminal is deemed crucial to stay ahead of the competition. The objective of the department Commercial Services & Media to develop innovative concepts is ultimately commerce driven. It’s not that the nation branding projects all directly generate revenue but indirectly they do since they help to increase the overall ‘attractiveness’ of the airport product which makes passengers returning customers. In that respect, there should be no misunderstanding – there wouldn’t be a Holland Boulevard if it weren’t for its commercial value.

Another factor that played an important role in the decision-making process concerning nation branding was publicity. Especially publicity in the international media was considered very valuable by multiple actors. Publicity increases brand awareness, and publicity abroad means awareness with potential, future passengers and as such a major factor for Schiphol in the collaboration with Rijksmuseum and Probiblio (Airport Library). The amount of exposure and publicity have equally been a decisive factor for Rijksmuseum and Probiblio for a continuation of their activities at Holland Boulevard (despite temporary closures and relocations.)

In the decision-making process much depends on the power relations between the actors. On the one hand the power to decide over nation branding projects rest ultimately with Schiphol Group as the airport operator. They pull the strings. On this point, the key actors find themselves in a subordinate position. On the other hand, Schiphol Group depends heavily on the actors for the products they offer to Holland Boulevard. In that respect, small companies are as much respected as large companies since the value for Schiphol Group is in the actual ‘Dutch-themed’ product or service. For example, if it wasn’t for Probiblio who approached Schiphol Group with the idea for the Airport Library, it might never have seen the light of day. The fact that Probiblio did contact Schiphol was a determining factor not just for the Airport Library but for the opening of the entire Holland Boulevard in 2010. Obviously an actor is extra appealing to Schiphol Group when the company/organisation has a strong, unique product and is internationally well- known, as is the case with Rijksmuseum.

As mentioned before, the role of architects should not be underestimated in the process of nation branding, especially when an architect is appointed to redesign an entire area as is the case with Next architects redeveloping Holland Boulevard between 2015-2017. The influence of Next architects in the decision-making process was apparent when initiated by their pitch and design it was decided to replace much of

72 the old Dutch stereotypes at Holland Boulevard with elements of contemporary Dutch design. As with everything at Schiphol, the final decision lies with Schiphol Group but sometimes one needs to be presented with a vision to come to changes.

6.2 Discussion

Augé’s notion of the airport as a non-place certainly applies to some parts of the airport which are intentionally kept void of identity i.e. the check-in areas, the piers and the boarding gates. It is especially here that speed, flow and mobility of passengers is rightfully given priority over an anthropological meaning of the place – priority of functionality over local artefacts. However, at other areas of the airport, usually the middle part, the opposite happens - people are actively encouraged to linger, often for reason of commerce. Here it doesn’t jeopardize the function of the building when people either consume or relax. As is evident from this case study that adding sense of place here is deemed to enhance the passenger’s ‘experience’ of the airport. This distinction seems to be missing from Augé’s work. However, I assume his theory is based on the airport from the 70’s - 80’s when the airport’s core function was still much more apparent and less obscured by the multitude of facilities available to us at airports nowadays. Moreover, I do feel that with his negative connotation of the airport he doesn’t take in account the connections and meaningful associations people can also have with the airport. If non-place means having no identity, no history and no relationships, the description doesn’t hold for people who work at the airport; for them it is an anthropological space with a community. Similarly, the airport can have a profound meaning and symbolism for people who live abroad or have been away for a long time, as well for their family members waiting at arrivals. Or basically for anyone being either anxious or excited about getting on the next plane. Furthermore, some people, albeit most likely a minority, find non-places aesthetically pleasing or appreciate the sameness and anonymity of them. In that respect, Augé’s perception of the non-place seems rather one-dimensional.

About the role of the public at Schiphol - there is no direct public participation in the decision-making process of Holland Boulevard. The public’s involvement is indirect through passengers’ surveys conducted by a sub department of Schiphol’s business area responsible for the non-aeronautical activities. While deemed very valuable for reasons of product optimization, these surveys are not conducted for any democratic reasons of fair representation or participation in the decision-making process per se. If fair representation of the Dutch population were ever an issue of importance to Schiphol Group, the airport operator would subject their surveys to members of the general population; not solely a mix of international passengers within the border

73 of its terminal, but the Dutch population anywhere in the Netherland at random - perhaps have focus groups representing different layers of the population. Moreover, my respondents didn’t seem to have given the surveys and the participation much thought other then from a client focused and economical point of view. The moral obligations that come with nation branding practices seemed largely neglected. Apparently one doesn’t associate the democratic elements of participation and representation with the airport terminal usually.

If there was any future research to come from this study I would be very much interested to see if other urban planners, sociologists or philosophy researchers notice this lack of moral obligation in the decision-making processes of nation branding projects as well. And if so, how to explain it.

At the end of the study the question about the nature of the airport as a place - public, semi-public or private - is still somewhat undefined. I’m not referring to its legal status but its place in society. We have seen how there is a large mix of public and private parties involved at the airport terminal, which is different from a shopping center where there are only private parties and there is no ambivalence - the market rules and commerce is its sole activity. In comparison, the access to the airport is much more restricted yet it feels more of a public place than the shopping center. The airport above all implies movement, change and opportunities awaiting. Its economic function is matched with an immense social significance – it connects people and parts of the world with each other to a scale that no other infrastructural system does. At the same time, the fact that the airport is a gateway to the world provides the airport operator with remarkable opportunities for marketing and branding with an incredible reach. I strongly feel that the significance of the space is just too great to leave this task up to a small group of key actors and therefore from a moral point of view I vouch for a fair representation of all stakeholders. Whether on a practical level such a process delivers a satisfying end result remains to be seen. Fact is, leaving it to experts doesn’t necessarily either.

Evident from this study concerning Schiphol’s Holland Boulevard, is that the strategy followed by the Schiphol Group is better defined as airport branding and installing sense of place to the terminal rather than of top-down nation branding. For a long time the airport operator has been using traditional Dutch stereotypes to instill an identity to the terminal. While easily recognizable, these symbols (i.e. tulips, wind mills) often seem 2-dimensional, stuck in the past and not capable of transferring a more profound story. If the airport is such a great platform why not introduce more relevant symbols representing the current state of the nation and its citizens? I’m not suggesting to abolish ‘the old’ and in with the ‘hyper modern’ since that is not what most airports as ‘epitomes of modernism’ lack at all. If the aim is to showcase what Holland has to offer to the world then I propose a decision-making process with increased levels of participation and fairer representation of ‘the locals’. We

74 might end up with a more diverse, true and original portrayal of all tones and hues of ‘Dutchness’ there are. And how ‘Just’ is that?

6.3 Research limitations

Validity & reliability

Qualitative research is often criticized for being too subjective, hard to replicate and it is said to lack transparency (Bryman, 2012, p.408). Problems with external validity refer to the generalizability of the research findings (Yin, 2009, p.43). Lack of external validity is a common major barrier with case studies. This research being based on a single case – one airport within the entire aviation industry - is unfortunately no exception. To compensate for this limitation and to strengthen the validity of this case, triangulation of methods and resources was used. Three sources of evidence have been used in this study. The first source are semi-structured interviews. Second, an extensive literature review on theories of nation branding, sense of place and social justice preceded the actual interviews. The triangulation between the sources was completed with a content analysis of secondary data (annual reports) where available.

In explaining the reliability of a study Yin (2009) states: “The objective is to be sure that, if a later investigator followed the same procedures as described by an earlier investigator and conducted the same case study all over again, the later investigator should arrive at the same findings and conclusions” (Yin, 2009, p.45). Put differently, the better the replicability of the different steps, the better the reliability of the research. “The goal of reliability is to minimize the errors and biases in a study” (ibid). With regard to my interviews; these have been recorded and were fully transcribed in the original language (Dutch), however for the actual analysis and writing of the thesis, parts where translated in English. Translations are unfortunately inevitably subjected to interpretations. Although intentionally, the choice was in favor of being able to use the data in the preferred language (English) and not with the enhancement of the overall reliability of the research per se.

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80 Appendix 1 - Full list of Interviewees ••• Prior to the interviews the issue of anonymity has been discussed with the participants. It is with permission of all that their job function and company name are mentioned, however as agreed with all participants, their names have been excluded. Interview Organisation Job Title Respondent Notes Date (R)

1 April 20, Probibio Network advisor Res.A 2017 Founder, lead via Skype 2 April 24, MV Architects architect Res.B 2017 Concept April 25, Schiphol Group developer / Res.C 3 2017 Manager Passenger Experiences Creneau Managing via Skype 4 May 03, International director Res.D 2017 NEMO Science Senior project via Skype 5 May 04, Museum manager Res.E 2017 exhibitions NACO Airport 6 May 10, consultants Director Res.F 2017 Founding 7 May 12, Next Architects partner&principle Res.G 2017 architect CEO 8 May 16, Aviflora Res.H 2017 Developer May 29, Schiphol Group Services - Res.I 19 2017 Dep. Commercial Services&Media Previously head May 31, Rijksmuseum of exhibitions 10 2017 department Res.J Rijksmuseum. General 11 June 7, 2017 HMSHost Manager Res.K Amsterdam CEO Res. L This short (12) May 15, Marketing interview was just to confirm 2017 (not the reasons included in why analysis) Amsterdam Marketing has no role in HB

81 Appendix 2 - Non-aviation activities Schiphol Group

Source: Royal Schiphol Group 2016 Annual Report (p.66)

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Appendix 3 - Stakeholders of Schiphol Group.

83 Appendix 4 - EXCERPTS FROM ANNUAL REPORTS IN ORIGINAL LANGUAGE (DUTCH) 1. Probiblio 2. Rijksmuseum 3. NEMO Science Museum

1. PROBIBLIO Een van de doelstellingen van Airport Library is het opleveren van minimaal 200 media- uitingen gedurende de eerste drie jaar van het bestaan om bij te dragen aan en positieve profilering van de Openbare bibliotheek. Deze doelstelling is ruim gehaald, met ruim 600 media-uitingen in 2010 en nog eens ruim 200 uitingen in 2011. In 2012 zijn daar nog eens ruim 95 media-uitingen bijgekomen en in 2013 nog eens 128. Met name buitenlandse media besteden aandacht aan Airport Library. - Jaarverslag Probiblio 2013, p.2

2. RIJKSMUSEUM Concessieovereenkomst In 2010 zijn NV Luchthaven Schiphol en het Rijksmuseum een overeenkomst aangegaan tot de exploitatie van een museum op de luchthaven. Doel van de samenwerking is het creëren van een gezamenlijk marketinginstrument voor zowel Schiphol als het Rijksmuseum. Het Rijksmuseum ontvangt hiervoor jaarlijks een vast bedrag van Schiphol als bijdrage in dekosten. De concessieovereenkomst liep tot 31 december 2013. Momenteel worden gesprekken gevoerd met Schiphol over de voortzetting van de overeenkomst en over de voorwaarden. - Jaarverslag Rijksmuseum 2013, p.131

Samenwerking De directe voorgeschiedenis dateert van begin 2000. Toen kwamen de directeuren van Schiphol en van het Rijksmuseum, Gerlach Cerfontaine en Ronald de Leeuw, overeen dat er een museum op de luchthaven zou komen. Voor Schiphol is het museum een nieuw element in zijn moderne-stadconcept AirportCity. Voor het Rijksmuseum, en voor Nederland, vormt het een cultureel visitekaartje voor de miljoenen transferpassagiers die jaarlijks Schiphol aandoen. Dit initiatief sloot aan bij de wens van de toenmalige staatssecretaris, Rick van der Ploeg, om de Collectie Nederland meer zichtbaarheid te geven op onverwachte en drukbezochte plaatsen. - Jaarverslag Rijksmuseum 2002, p.40

3. NEMO

Onze outreach-activiteiten varië ren van de tentoonstelling op Schiphol, lezingen op locatie, tot digitale activiteiten zoals de website Kennislink.nl en onze vernieuwde website e- NEMO.nl met o.a. proefjes voor thuis. - Jaarverslag NEMO 2014, p. 6

Van Huishoudbeurs tot Schiphol, van Weekend van de Wetenschap tot KennisCafés in de Amsterdamse Balie, NEMO dook op onverwachte plekken op, organiseerde events of werkte daaraan mee om zoveel mogelijk mensen te betrekken bij wetenschap en technologie. - Jaarverslag NEMO 2015, p.1

84 Appendix 5

PLAN HOLLAND BOULEVARD / REDEVELOPMENT 2015-2017 BY NEXT ARCHITECTS (source: Next Architects)

85 Appendix 6 -17: INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPTS

Due to confidentiality reasons, the interview transcripts are not included in this publication.

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