Independence”
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Political Implications of Amending Clauses
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 1996 The olitP ical Implications of Amending Clauses. Sanford Levinson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Levinson, Sanford, "The oP litical Implications of Amending Clauses." (1996). Constitutional Commentary. 981. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/981 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF AMENDING CLAUSES* Sanford Levinson** Imagine two written constitutions.! One sets out political structures and governmental empowerments and limitations; it concludes with a clause saying: "Anything in this constitution may be changed by the passage of ordinary legislation as spelled out in this constitution." To take the best known example, at least to Americans, this would allow change in the case of the United States Constitution by agreement of majorities in both houses of Congress and assent by the President or by a two thirds vote in each house overriding a presidential veto. Our sec ond constitution comes to a radically different conclusion: "[This] fundamental constitution[ ] ... shall be and remain the sacred and unalterable form and rule of government ... forever."2 What can one say about these two constitutional schemes? As to the first, one might be tempted to say that the polity described really doesn't have a "constitution" at all, at least if a "constitution" is in some ways supposed to stand "above" and in some sense even "outside" the everyday system of ordinary polit ical decisionmaking. -
Chapman Law Review
CHAPMAN LAW REVIEW Citation: Sanford Levinson & Mark A. Graber, The Constitutional Powers of Anti-Publian Presidents: Constitutional Interpretation in a Broken Constitutional Order, 21 CHAP. L. REV. 133 (2018). --For copyright information, please contact [email protected]. CHAPMAN UNIVERSITY | FOWLER SCHOOL OF LAW | ONE UNIVERSITY DRIVE | ORANGE, CALIFORNIA 92866 WWW.CHAPMANLAWREVIEW.COM Do Not Delete 3/21/18 4:40 PM The Constitutional Powers of Anti-Publian Presidents: Constitutional Interpretation in a Broken Constitutional Order* Sanford Levinson** and Mark A. Graber*** INTRODUCTION Herbert Wechsler’s On Neutral Principles in Constitutional Law is one of the most widely cited1 and reviled essays in the legal literature. After declaring that judicial decisions “must be genuinely principled, resting with respect to every step that is involved in reaching judgment on analysis and reasons quite transcending the immediate result that is achieved,”2 Wechsler insisted that the most canonical of all twentieth century cases, Brown v. Board of Education, did not meet this standard.3 Wechsler first maintained that justices applying neutral principles would treat segregated schools as raising “freedom of association” issues.4 He then professed to be unable to discern a proper neutral principle that would constitutionally justify a judicial decision forcing whites who did not wish to associate with African-Americans to attend the same public schools as students of color.5 Wechsler was correctly chastised for what many, most notably Charles Black, demonstrated was a stunning obtuseness to the realities of American history and the role that sheer racism played (and, * We are grateful to the editors of the Chapman Law Review and to Dean Tom Campbell for encouraging us to collect our thoughts on this matter. -
The Normative Cycle of Shaping Judicial Independence in Domestic
Chicago Journal of International Law Volume 10 Number 1 Article 13 6-1-2009 The Normative Cycle of Shaping Judicial Independence in Domestic and International Law: The Mutual Impact of National and International Jurisprudence and Contemporary Practical and Conceptual Challenges Shimon Shetreet Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cjil Recommended Citation Shetreet, Shimon (2009) "The Normative Cycle of Shaping Judicial Independence in Domestic and International Law: The Mutual Impact of National and International Jurisprudence and Contemporary Practical and Conceptual Challenges," Chicago Journal of International Law: Vol. 10: No. 1, Article 13. Available at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cjil/vol10/iss1/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Normative Cycle of Shaping Judicial Independence in Domestic and International Law: The Mutual Impact of National and International Jurisprudence and Contemporary Practical and Conceptual Challenges Shimon Shetreet* I. INTRODUCTION The creation of the culture of judicial independence has been a combined process of national and international developments. The process consists of a cycle of normative and conceptual impact of national law on international law and later, of international law on national law. In the cycle's first phase, which began in 1701 with England's enactment of the Act of Settlement,' judicial independence was conceived domestically. In the second phase, which began shortly thereafter, this domestic development crossed national boundaries and impacted the thinking of scholars and political leaders in the international community. -
Chinese Communist Law: Its Background and Development
Michigan Law Review Volume 60 Issue 4 1962 Chinese Communist Law: Its Background and Development Luke T. Lee Research Fellow in Chinese Law at Harvard University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Law and Philosophy Commons, Legal Education Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Legal Profession Commons Recommended Citation Luke T. Lee, Chinese Communist Law: Its Background and Development, 60 MICH. L. REV. 439 (1962). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol60/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHINESE COMMUNIST LAW: ITS BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENTt Luke T. Lee* I. INTRODUCTION T is perhaps axiomatic to state that law is more than an instru I ment for the settlement of disputes and punishment of wrong doers; it is, more importantly, a reflection of the way of life and the philosophy of the people that live under it. Self-evident though the above may be, it bears repeating here, for there is a much greater need for understanding Chinese law now than ever before. China's growing ideological, political, economic, and military impact on the rest of the world would alone serve as a powerful motivation for the study of its law. Certainly, we could not even begin to understand China's foreign policies, its future role in international organizations, its treatment of foreign rights and interests in China, and, above all, the acceptability of the Com munist regime to the Chinese people, without some knowledge of its legal system and its concepts of justice and law, both domestic and international. -
Monuments to the Past in a Leveling Wind
Michigan Law Review Volume 97 Issue 6 1999 Monuments to the Past in a Leveling Wind Benjamin Means University of Michigan Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Cultural Heritage Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, and the Fourteenth Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Benjamin Means, Monuments to the Past in a Leveling Wind, 97 MICH. L. REV. 1617 (1999). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol97/iss6/19 This Book Notice is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BOOK NOTICE Monuments to the Past in a Leveling Wind Benjamin Means WRITIEN IN STONE: PUBLIC MONUMENTS IN CHANGING SOCIE TIES. By Sanford Levinson. Durham: Duke University Press. 1998. Pp. xiii, 144. Cloth, $39.95; paper, $13.95. Early in the twentieth century, the Emperor Franz Jo seph spon sored a monument to Hungary's history - a Millennium Monument containing statues of the country's heroes, as well as statues of the proud sponsor and his family (p. 5). When the com munists took over in 1919, the statues of Fr anz Joseph and the rest of the Hapsburgs were dragged out of the Millennium Monument and replaced with more politically correct statuary (p. 8). Counter revolutionaries, though, retook the country and reinstated the Hapsburg Statues in the Millennium Monument - until a later re gime once again reshuffled the millennial display (pp. -
The Rule of Law and Judicial Independence: Protecting Core Values in Times of Change
THE RULE OF LAW AND JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE: PROTECTING CORE VALUES IN TIMES OF CHANGE Antonio Lamer' I. Introduction For many, Ivan C. Rand is a name from the past. For me, he is far more than that. When I was called to the Bar of Québec in 1957, Ivan Rand was still a member of the Supreme Court of Canada. The contribution that Ivan Rand made to this country remains significant even after his untimely death in 1969. The Rand formula remains a part of our labour law lexicon. The many thoughtful articles that he contributed to legal journals over the course of his career, as a practitioner, as a judge, and finally as a legal academic, continue to stimulate and to enlighten us. Most importantly the judgments that he wrote, particularly in the area of constitutional law, still provide us with inspiration and guidance as we face the challenges that confront our legal system, particularly those posed by the Charter. In fact, it is a rare decision of the Supreme Court of Canada that deals with one of the fundamental freedoms in the Charter for the first time and does not invoke a passage from one of Justice Rand’s memorable decisions from the 1950s, such as Boucher v. R.,1 Saumur v. Québec (City of),2 or Switzman v. Elbling.3 What makes the decisions of Justice Rand such useful sources of guidance on the interpretation and application of the fundamental freedoms of the Charter is that, unlike most Canadian judges prior to the advent of the Charter, Justice Rand recognized the importance of analyzing issues of constitutional policy in terms of the fundamental or core values of our system of government. -
Constitutional Crises
University of Pennsylvania Law Review FOUNDED 1852 ________________ Formerly American Law Register ________________________ VOL. 157 FEBRUARY 2009 NO.3 ARTICLE CONSTITUTIONAL CRISES † †† SANFORD LEVINSON &JACK M. BALKIN [W]e must never forget that it is a constitution we are expounding. [It is] a constitution, intended to endure for ages to come, and consequently, to be adapted to the various crises of human affairs. 1 McCulloch v. Maryland Among all the other Roman institutions, [the dictatorship] truly deserves to be considered and numbered among those which were the source of the greatness of † W. St. John Garwood and W. St. John Garwood, Jr. Centennial Chair in Law, University of Texas Law School; Professor of Government, University of Texas at Aus- tin. †† Knight Professor of Constitutional Law and the First Amendment, Yale Law School. We are extremely grateful to a number of law schools that gave us the oppor- tunity to present different versions of this Article while it was very much a work in pro- gress. In chronological order, they are the Georgetown University Law Center, the Michigan and Quinnipiac Law Schools, the Legal History Workshop at Harvard Law School, the University of Minnesota Law School, and Vanderbilt Law School. We also benefited from responses by Bruce Ackerman, Keith Whittington, Mark Tushnet, and Adrian Vermeule. 1 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316, 407, 415 (1819). (707) 708 University of Pennsylvania Law Review [Vol. 157: 707 such an empire, because without a similar system cities survive extraordinary cir- cumstances only with difficulty. The usual institutions in republics are slow to move . and, since time is wasted in coming to an agreement, the remedies for republics are very dangerous when they must find one for a problem that cannot wait. -
Why Judicial Independence Fails
Copyright 2021 by Aziz Z. Huq Printed in U.S.A. Vol. 115, No. 4 WHY JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE FAILS Aziz Z. Huq ABSTRACT—Judicial independence seems under siege. President Trump condemns federal courts for their political bias; his erstwhile presidential opponents mull various court-packing plans; and courts, in turn, are lambasted for abandoning a long-held constitutional convention against institutional manipulation. At the same time, across varied lines of jurisprudence, the Roberts Court evinces a deep worry about judicial independence. This preoccupation with threats to judicial independence infuses recent opinions on administrative deference, bankruptcy, patent adjudication, and jurisdiction-stripping. Yet the Court has not offered a single, overarching definition of what it means by the term “judicial independence.” Nor has it explained how its disjointed doctrinal interventions add up to a coherent theory of institutional autonomy. And it remains unclear how debates on judicial independence among jurists relate to debates about the same term in the larger public sphere. This Article’s first contribution is to analyze how the Roberts Court understands the term judicial independence and how its doctrinal rules fall far short of realizing even the aspirations the Court has for that term. This case study in doctrinal specification illuminates the gap between the Justices’ own ethical aspiration toward judicial independence and its institutional realization—a gap that generates confusion, uncertainty, and opportunities for circumvention. This Article then abstracts away from the particulars of the Roberts Court’s jurisprudence to explore the origins of this aspiration– implementation gap. To motivate this more general analysis, it first demonstrates that there is a large range of constitutional-design options for a founder seeking to create independent courts. -
The Rehnquist Court and Beyond: Revolution, Counter-Revolution, Or Mere Chastening of Constitutional Aspirations?
THE REHNQUIST COURT AND BEYOND: REVOLUTION, COUNTER-REVOLUTION, OR MERE CHASTENING OF CONSTITUTIONAL ASPIRATIONS? THE PROCESSES OF CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE: FROM PARTISAN ENTRENCHMENT TO THE NATIONAL SURVEILLANCE STATE Jack M. Balkin & Sanford Levinson* I. INTRODUCTION: PARTISAN ENTRENCHMENT Five years ago, we offered a theory of how constitutional change and constitutional revolutions occurred, which we called the theory of “partisan entrenchment.”1 Much has happened in the subsequent half-decade, and we are grateful for this opportunity to offer an update of our thoughts, together with some amendments to our initial formulation. By far the most important amendment is to draw out in more detail how the development of constitutional doctrine by courts occurs within the broader framework of changes in constitutional regimes, which include changes in institutions, legislation, and administrative regulation. The forces of democratic politics drive these regime changes, and the major actors are not courts but the political branches. Although courts may initially resist these changes, in the long run, they cooperate with them, shape their contours, and legitimate them through the development of constitutional doctrine. In the second half of this essay, we describe an emerging regime of institutions and practices that we call the “National Surveillance State,” which, we think, represents the major constitutional development of our era. The National Surveillance State responds to the particular needs of warfare, foreign policy, and domestic law enforcement in the twenty-first century. That such a state is emerging has become clear in the wake of 9/11 and debates about the War on Terror. However, it is not limited to the * Knight Professor of Constitutional Law and the First Amendment, Yale Law School. -
Sanford Levinson*
ON THE INEVITABILITY OF “CONSTITUTIONAL DESIGN” Sanford Levinson* I am delighted to have been given the opportunity to offer some brief comments on the fascinating essay Against Design.1 It is a long and rich piece raising many questions, and I emphasize that this comment is both brief and therefore necessarily insufficient as anything approaching a complete response. But I obviously hope that even these truncated remarks will help further an important conversation prompted by the four authors. In reading their essay, one obviously thinks of a tradition of particularly English political thought identified most prominently with Edmund Burke and then, in the 20th century, with Michael Oakeshott, as well as the thought of the Austrian economist and theorist Friedrich Hayek,2 cited early and prominently by the authors. Oakeshott, the least well known of the three, wrote an important book, Rationalism in Politics;3 it was, in effect, a full- throated attack on the very idea that the complexities of a political order could ever be captured by an overarching theory that, importantly, would allow one to engage in the self-conscious design of ostensibly transformative policies secure in the knowledge that one could know their likely consequences.4 It is this spirit that is well captured by the authors’ own rather confident declaration that “in all, the complexities associated with design—given heterogeneous and evolving actors, interests and motivations, incentives, social interaction, adaptive behavior and learning—make rational design and planning impossible.”5 With regard to such social planning, then, the authors’ message is almost literally “don’t even think of it.” Grand interventions are unlikely to be successful, and the belief that they might be is the opiate not of the masses, as Marx described religions counseling passivity in the face of oppression,6 but, rather, the opiate of overly confident intellectuals seduced * W. -
Judicial and Prosecutorial Independence and the Rule of Law
1 Which Independence for the Rule of Law? Lessons from Europe by Carlo Guarnieri and Daniela Piana (University of Bologna) Tentative draft The rule of law is increasingly considered to be a necessary condition for the development of a market economy and a successful democracy. The creation of a stable institutional setting, the introduction of transparent, well‐formulated and predictable legal norms, the establishment of a system of checks and balances restraining the exercise of political power, have all been the preferred target of policies promoted by international organizations. In this context, an independent judicial system has emerged as one of the pillars of the rule of law. Independent judges – and, as we are going to see, also independent prosecutors – have been increasingly considered fundamental in order to establish and implement a system of fair rules. However, the concept of courts’ independence is not always well defined, often referring to related but different phenomena. Moreover, to a more careful consideration, the relationship between independence and rule of law seems more complex than expected. The case of Europe – where, in recent decades, significant reforms have been implemented in the realm of the administration of justice ‐ is a good case in point. In Western Europe the relationship between courts’ independence and the rule of law is not always clear, maybe thanks to different institutional traditions. The new Eastern and Central European states can provide important insights in the matter, thanks to their relative common institutional development: a long period of communist rule and a transition to democracy which is still in the process of consolidation. -
The Rule of Law, the Separation of Powers and Judicial Independence in Canada
Chapter 48 The Rule of Law, the Separation of Powers and Judicial Independence in Canada Warren J. Newman* The Constitution of Canada was modelled on the British tradition of unwritten principles and conventions governing the exercise of legal power to produce a constitutional mon- archy, parliamentary democracy, and responsible government, as well as the American paradigm of constitutional supremacy embodied in written provisions, required in turn by the federal rather than unitary structure of the state. This hybrid model is reflected in the Canadian understanding of the rule of law, which is embodied implicitly in the preamble to the Constitution Act, 1867— Canada was to enjoy ‘a Constitution simi- lar in Principle to that of the United Kingdom’—and explicitly in the preamble to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (itself a part of the Constitution Act, 1982)— ‘Whereas Canada is founded upon principles which recognize the supremacy of God and the rule of law’. The idea of the rule of law is also intrinsic to provisions such as section 7 of the Charter, guaranteeing the right to life, liberty, and security of the per- son and the right not to be deprived thereof ‘except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice’; section 15, protecting and expanding upon Dicey’s1 understanding * BA, BCL, LL.B (McGill), LL.M (Osgoode), Ad E; of the Bars of Quebec and Ontario; Senior General Counsel, Constitutional, Administrative and International Law Section, Department of Justice of Canada. The views expressed in this chapter do not bind the Department. 1 Albert Venn Dicey, Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution, 10th ed.