Participation in EU Elections and the Case for Compulsory Voting
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Romanian Political Science Review Vol. XXI, No. 1 2021
Romanian Political Science Review vol. XXI, no. 1 2021 The end of the Cold War, and the extinction of communism both as an ideology and a practice of government, not only have made possible an unparalleled experiment in building a democratic order in Central and Eastern Europe, but have opened up a most extraordinary intellectual opportunity: to understand, compare and eventually appraise what had previously been neither understandable nor comparable. Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review was established in the realization that the problems and concerns of both new and old democracies are beginning to converge. The journal fosters the work of the first generations of Romanian political scientists permeated by a sense of critical engagement with European and American intellectual and political traditions that inspired and explained the modern notions of democracy, pluralism, political liberty, individual freedom, and civil rights. Believing that ideas do matter, the Editors share a common commitment as intellectuals and scholars to try to shed light on the major political problems facing Romania, a country that has recently undergone unprecedented political and social changes. They think of Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review as a challenge and a mandate to be involved in scholarly issues of fundamental importance, related not only to the democratization of Romanian polity and politics, to the “great transformation” that is taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, but also to the make-over of the assumptions and prospects of their discipline. They hope to be joined in by those scholars in other countries who feel that the demise of communism calls for a new political science able to reassess the very foundations of democratic ideals and procedures. -
AC Compulsory Voting
Cy-Fair HS Novice Affirmative Case Sept.-Oct 2013- Compulsory Voting “The vote is the most powerful instrument ever devised by man for breaking down injustice and destroying the terrible walls which imprison men because they are different from other men.” Because I agree with these words of former President Lyndon B. Johnson, I stand firmly Resolved: In a democracy, voting ought to be compulsory. According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, ought is defined as implying obligation or advisability. Compulsory voting is defined as a system in which electors are obliged to vote in elections or attend a polling place on voting day. If an eligible voter does not attend a polling place, he or she may be subJect to punitive measures.. The value that the affirmative defends is governmental legitimacy. Since a legitimate government must fulfill its obligations to it’s people, a legitimate democracy must strive to be consistent with its core ideals. Thus, the criteria is being consistent with the fundamental characteristics of democracy. As defined in his book Democracy and It’s Critics, Robert Dahl explains that in addition to the concept of “one-person-one-vote”, democracies have four distinguishing characteristics: 1. Effective participation 2. Enlightened understanding of issues 3. Control of the political agenda 4. Inclusiveness Whichever debater’s position is most consistent with these characteristics is being most consistent with democratic legitimacy and should win the debate. 1 Cy-Fair HS Novice Affirmative Case Sept.-Oct 2013- Compulsory Voting My single contention is that compulsory voting is most consistent with the fundamental characteristics of democracy. -
1 the European Court of Justice Case of Breyer Mr. Alan S. Reid Sheffield
The European Court of Justice case of Breyer Mr. Alan S. Reid Sheffield Hallam University Abstract This case note analyses the impact and significance of the European Court of Justice decision in Breyer. The European Court of Justice has expanded the definition of personal data to include dynamic IP addresses. The judgment improves the privacy situation of internet users across the European Union. The facts of Breyer1 Patrick Breyer is a German politician and activist who belongs to the Pirate Party. The Pirate Party was originally set up in Sweden in 2006, as a single issue political party, committed to the modernisation of copyright law in Sweden, following the crackdown on The Pirate Bay peer-to-peer network. After limited success in Sweden, sister parties sprung up across Europe, in order to capitalise on the notoriety of The Pirate Bay. In order to broaden their appeal, the European Pirate Parties set out common themes of campaigning interest, in particular, on issues surrounding the internet, such as open access to information, freedom of expression and privacy. As a technophile and politician committed to internet freedoms, Patrick Breyer vociferously objected to various Federal German government websites retaining details of his dynamic Internet Protocol (IP) address after he had completed browsing. Internet Protocol (IP) addresses are the essential backbone of the internet. Internet protocols are the method by which interconnected computers and devices communicate, share and transfer data between themselves. An IP address consists of either four pairs of numbers (version 4)2 separated by three colons or eight pairs of numbers separated by six colons (version 6).3 The US organisation ICANN4, the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbering, is tasked with overseeing the interconnectivity and compatibility required for the continued successful operation of the internet infrastructure. -
PL&B International
ANALYSIS European Union court rules that IP addresses are personal data The Breyer case, another landmark ruling on key data protection notions, covers the definition of personal data in relation to dynamic IP addresses and the “legitimate interest” legal basis for data processing. By Monika Kuschewsky . he Court of Justice of the EU only temporarily assigned and change website was accessed, or that of another (CJEU) has yet again issued an each time there is a new connection person who might use that computer. important ruling, interpreting from a computer or device to the Inter - The CJEU then considered whether Tkey notions of the EU Data Protection net. Website operators (as opposed to dynamic IP addresses may be treated as Directive (the Directive) in its recent Internet service providers, ISPs) do not personal data relating to an “identifi - judgement of 19 October 2016 in the usually possess all the information to able natural person”, who can be iden - Case Patrick Breyer vs. Bundesrepub - identify the users behind the IP tified indirectly. In interpreting this lik Deutschland (C -582/14). In particu - address. provision, the CJEU made two lar, the CJEU answered two questions, Though initially dismissed by a important statements: namely: (1) whether dynamic IP lower court, the case was brought • first, “it is not necessary that that addresses constitute personal data for before Germany’s highest civil court information alone allows the data website operators and (2) concerning (the Bundesgerichtshof or BGH), subject to be identified;” and, the permissible scope of Member which referred two questions for a pre - • second, “it is not required that all States’ implementing legislation con - liminary ruling to the CJEU. -
Luxembourg PATRICK DUMONT, RAPHAËL KIES & PHILIPPE
1 Luxembourg PATRICK DUMONT, RAPHAËL KIES & PHILIPPE POIRIER Université du Luxembourg Table 1. Cabinet composition of Juncker-Asseblorn II (or Juncker IV) For the composition of Juncker-Asseblorn II (or Juncker IV) on 1 January 2012, see Dumont et al. (2010: 1078–1079). Changes during 2012: Minister of Economy and Foreign Trade/Ministre de l’Économie et du Commerce extérieur: Jeannot Krecké (1950 male, LSAP) resigned and replaced by Etienne Schneider (1971 male, LSAP) on 1st February 2012. Institutional changes A number of decisions voted on by the Chamber of Deputies in 2011 became effective in 2012: first, as part of a long-term plan of reduction in the number of municipalities, sixteen of them merged into six new entities as of 1 January (Dumont et al. 2010; 2012: 202-205).. Second, as decided by a vote in December 2011, a new ombudsman (“mediateure”) was appointed. On 1 February, Lydie Err, former Socialist MP (and junior minister in 1998–9) took over from Marc Fischbach, who had been a Christian-democratic MEP, government minister in the 1990s, and a judge at the European Court of Human Rights, before being chosen as Luxembourg’s first ombudsman by parliamentary vote in December 2003. Err’s mandate is to last until 2020. Also on 1 February the socialist Etienne Schneider took office, as scheduled by an internal Socialist Worker’s Party (LSAP) vote in November 2011 (Dumont et al. 2012: 201), replacing Jeannot Krecké as Minister of Economy and Foreign Trade. The latter had made his frustration about his role in the government known to the public as early as 2010, arguing that the Economy portfolio was a coordination ministry deprived of the instruments that would enable its holder to initiate and implement reforms. -
Abstention and the Constitutional Limits of the Judicial Power of the United States Calvin R
University of California, Hastings College of the Law UC Hastings Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 1991 Abstention and the Constitutional Limits of the Judicial Power of the United States Calvin R. Massey UC Hastings College of the Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Calvin R. Massey, Abstention and the Constitutional Limits of the Judicial Power of the United States, 1991 Brigham Young University Law Review 811 (1991). Available at: http://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship/1128 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstention and the Constitutional Limits of the Judicial Power of the United States Calvin R. Massey* I. INTRODUCTION The federal courts have by now firmly established a variety of doctrines by which they decline to exercise jurisdiction vested in them by Congress. The constitutional validity of these "ab- stention" doctrines has been challenged in recent years by Pro- fessor Martin Redish, who contends that "[j]udge-made absten- tion constitutes judicial lawmaking of the most sweeping nature."1 He characterizes the abstention doctrines "as a judicial usurpation of legislative authority, in violation of the principle of separation of powers."'2 To Professor Redish, judicial con- struction of "a jurisdictional statute that somehow vests a power in the federal courts to adjudicate the relevant claims without a corresponding duty to do so is unacceptable." 3 Redish's intellec- tual cohort, Professor Donald Doernberg, establishes the same point by invoking more directly the familiar admonition of Chief Justice Marshall in Cohens v. -
'We Want Artists to Be Fully and Fairly Paid for Their Work'
Ananay Aguilar ‘We want Artists to be Fully and Fairly Paid for their Work’ Discourses on Fairness in the Neoliberal European Copyright Reform by Ananay Aguilar* Abstract: Elaborating on the President of the right reform—I shed light on the powerful discourses European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker’s agenda, on fairness that have dominated and shaped the re- EC Vice-President and Commissioner for the Digi- form process. Using discourse analysis, I found the tal Single Market Andrus Ansip wrote on his blog on concept of fairness to be mostly dependent on the 18th November 2015, “we want artists to be fully and stakeholders’ relative bargaining power and framed fairly paid for their work”—the phrase that serves as by hegemonic neo-liberal thought. Drawing on inter- the title to this article and that has reappeared in dif- views, fieldwork, media, and the documentation pro- ferent guises throughout the process of EU copy- duced by the European Union’s government through- right reform. By examining a case study on the Fair out the process, the case study also illustrates the Internet for Performers Campaign—a campaign ad- contested nature of copyright reform today. vanced in the context of the ongoing European copy- Keywords: Fairness; discourse analysis; copyright reform; EU; neo-liberalism © 2018 Ananay Aguilar Everybody may disseminate this article by electronic means and make it available for download under the terms and conditions of the Digital Peer Publishing Licence (DPPL). A copy of the license text may be obtained at http://nbn-resolving. de/urn:nbn:de:0009-dppl-v3-en8. -
American Journal of International Law
Forschungsstelle für Transnationales Zeitschriftenübersicht 03/2009-03/2010 Wirtschaftsrecht (TELC) Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW VOL. 103, April 2009 NO. 2 Representation and Power in International Organization: The Operational Constitution and Its Critics Jacob Katz Cogan Notes and Comments Consistently Inconsistent: The International Court of Justice and the Former Yugoslavia (Croatia v. Serbia) Yehuda Z. Blum Current Developments The International Law Commission Adopts Draft Articles on Transboundary Aquifers Stephen C. McCaffrey International Decisions Edited by David J. Bederman Application of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (Georgia v. Russian Federation) Cindy Galway Buys United States—Continued Suspension of Obligation in the EC–Hormones Dispute Sungjoon Cho Forschungsstelle für Transnationales Zeitschriftenübersicht 03/2009-03/2010 Wirtschaftsrecht (TELC) Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg Yassin Abdullah Kadi & Al Barakaat International Foundation v. Council & Commission Misˇa Zgonec-Rozˇej Hadijatou Mani Koraou v. Republic of Niger Jean Allain R (on the application of Bancoult) v. Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Peter H. Sand Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law Edited by John R. Crook President Obama Orders Closure of Guanta´namo Detention Facilities; Obstacles Remain President Issues Executive Order Banning Torture and CIA Prisons Department of Justice Releases Superseded Memos on Presidential Authority Regarding Treaties, Detentions, and Other Matters D.C. Circuit Finds Political Questions, Dismisses Sudan Pharmaceutical Plant Bombing Suit Swiss Bank Settles U.S. Tax Charges, Mounting U.S. Pressure on Swiss Bank Secrecy UN Representative Nominee Describes U.S. Interests and Priorities at United Nations Comprehensive New Statement of U.S. -
¿Quién Vota? Compulsory Voting and the Persistence of Class Bias In
¿Quien´ Vota? Compulsory Voting and the Persistence of Class Bias in Latin America Yanilda Gonzalez´ Steven A. Snell Harvard Kennedy School Duke University yanilda [email protected] [email protected] August 31, 2015 Abstract Universal suffrage does not guarantee universal participation. Scholars diagnose the dis- parity in turnout between rich and poor as an important democratic deficit and propose com- pulsory voting as a key institutional remedy. While countries with compulsory have higher turnout rates, it is unclear whether compulsory voting meaningfully alleviates inequality in turnout. The present work examines the extent to which compulsory voting mitigates the class bias common to voter turnout. We draw on evidence from Latin America, a region character- ized by widespread compulsory voting laws and high economic inequality. We demonstrate that compulsory voting results in higher turnout only when enforced and that the gains in turnout are primarily among the poor. We also find, however, that unequal turnout persists even under strict compulsory voting systems. We further demonstrate that disadvantaged cit- izens are less likely to vote in countries with strict enforcement of compulsory voting rules due to structural barriers that disproportionately affect the poor, such as a voter identification requirement, as opposed to political disinterest. 1 Universal suffrage does not guarantee universal participation. For almost a century, political observers have shown that enfranchised citizens occasionally or even routinely abstain from voting. The earliest explorations of abstention (e.g., Arneson 1925; Merriam & Gosnell 1924) highlight that certain groups of citizens are more likely than others to abstain, thereby rendering election outcomes potentially unrepresentative of the citizenry. -
Political Knowledge and the Paradox of Voting
Political Knowledge and the Paradox of Voting Edited by Sofia Magdalena Olofsson We have long known that Americans pay local elections less attention than they do elections for the Presidency and Congress. A recent Portland State University study showed that voter turnout in ten of America’s 30 largest cities sits on average at less than 15% of eligible voters. Just pause and think about this. The 55% of voting age citizens who cast a ballot in last year’s presidential election – already a two-decade low and a significant drop from the longer-term average of 65-80% – still eclipses by far the voter turnout at recent mayoral elections in Dallas (6%), Fort Worth (6%), and Las Vegas (9%). What is more, data tells us that local voter turnout is only getting worse. Look at America’s largest city: New York. Since the 1953 New York election, when 93% of residents voted, the city’s mayoral contests saw a steady decline, with a mere 14% of the city’s residents voting in the last election. Though few might want to admit it, these trends suggest that an unspoken hierarchy exists when it comes to elections. Atop this electoral hierarchy are national elections, elections that are widely considered the most politically, economically, and culturally significant. Extensively covered by the media, they are viewed as high-stakes moral contests that naturally attract the greatest public interest. Next, come state elections: though still important compared to national elections, their political prominence, media coverage, and voter turnout is already waning. At the bottom of this electoral hierarchy are local elections that, as data tells us, a vast majority of Americans now choose not to vote in. -
"I Voted": Examining the Impact of Compulsory Voting on Voter Turnout Nina A
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2016 "I Voted": Examining the Impact of Compulsory Voting on Voter Turnout Nina A. Kamath Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Kamath, Nina A., ""I Voted": Examining the Impact of Compulsory Voting on Voter Turnout" (2016). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 1286. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1286 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT MCKENNA COLLEGE “I VOTED”: EXAMINING THE IMPACT OF COMPULSORY VOTING ON VOTER TURNOUT SUBMITTED TO Professor Manfred Keil AND Professor Eric Helland AND Dean Peter Uvin By Nina Kamath For Senior Thesis Fall 2015 November 30, 2015 Department of Economics ii iii Abstract Over the past few decades, falling voter turnout rates have induced governments to adopt compulsory voting laws, in order to mitigate issues such as the socioeconomic voter gap and to bring a broader spectrum of voters into the fold. This paper presents evidence that the introduction of mandatory voting laws increases voter turnout rates by 13 points within a particular country through an entity- and time-fixed effect panel model. Moreover, it includes a discussion of the implications of adopting mandatory voting policies within the United States, finding that compelling citizens to vote would have increased participation rates to over 90 percent in the past four presidential elections. iv Acknowledgements First, I want to thank my parents for their unconditional love, support, and encouragement. I would also like to thank Professor Manfred Keil, Associate Professor of Economics at Claremont McKenna College, for his valuable guidance and support in completing this senior thesis. -
Compulsory Voting and Political Participation: Empirical Evidence from Austria
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Gaebler, Stefanie; Potrafke, Niklas; Rösel, Felix Working Paper Compulsory voting and political participation: Empirical evidence from Austria ifo Working Paper, No. 315 Provided in Cooperation with: Ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich Suggested Citation: Gaebler, Stefanie; Potrafke, Niklas; Rösel, Felix (2019) : Compulsory voting and political participation: Empirical evidence from Austria, ifo Working Paper, No. 315, ifo Institute - Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich, Munich This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/213592 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have