Separate Opinion of Judge Al-Khasawneh
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The Biopolitics and Geopolitics of Border Enforcement in Melilla
The biopolitics and geopolitics of border enforcement in Melilla By: Corey Johnson and Reece Johnson Johnson, C., & Jones, R. (2018). The biopolitics and geopolitics of border enforcement in Melilla. Territory, Politics, Governance 6(1), 61-80. https://doi.org/10.1080/21622671.2016.1236746 This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Territory, Politics, Governance on 06 October 2016, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/21622671.2016.1236746. ***© 2016 Regional Studies Association. Reprinted with permission. No further reproduction is authorized without written permission from Taylor & Francis. This version of the document is not the version of record. Figures and/or pictures may be missing from this format of the document. *** Abstract: This article uses the multiple and contradictory realities of Melilla, a pene-enclave and -exclave of Spain in North Africa, to draw out the contemporary practice of Spanish, European Union, and Moroccan immigration enforcement policies. The city is many things at once: a piece of Europe in North Africa and a symbol of Spain’s colonial history; an example of the contemporary narrative of a cosmopolitan and multicultural Europe; a place where extraterritorial and intraterritorial dynamics demonstrate territory’s continuing allure despite the security challenges and the lack of economic or strategic value; a metaphorical island of contrasting geopolitical and biopolitical practices; and a place of regional flows and cross-border cooperation between Spain, the EU, and Morocco. It is a border where the immunitary logic of sovereign territorial spaces is exposed through the biopolitical practices of the state to ‘protect’ the community from outsiders. -
Condominiums and Shared Sovereignty | 1
Condominiums and Shared Sovereignty | 1 Condominiums And Shared Sovereignty Abstract As the United Kingdom (UK) voted to leave the European Union (EU), the future of Gibraltar, appears to be in peril. Like Northern Ireland, Gibraltar borders with EU territory and strongly relies on its ties with Spain for its economic stability, transports and energy supplies. Although the Gibraltarian government is struggling to preserve both its autonomy with British sovereignty and accession to the European Union, the Spanish government states that only a form of joint- sovereignty would save Gibraltar from the same destiny as the rest of UK in case of complete withdrawal from the EU, without any accession to the European Economic Area (Hard Brexit). The purpose of this paper is to present the concept of Condominium as a federal political system based on joint-sovereignty and, by presenting the existing case of Condominiums (i.e. Andorra). The paper will assess if there are margins for applying a Condominium solution to Gibraltar. Condominiums and Shared Sovereignty | 2 Condominium in History and Political Theory The Latin word condominium comes from the union of the Latin prefix con (from cum, with) and the word dominium (rule). Watts (2008: 11) mentioned condominiums among one of the forms of federal political systems. As the word suggests, it is a form of shared sovereignty involving two or more external parts exercising a joint form of sovereignty over the same area, sometimes in the form of direct control, and sometimes while conceding or maintaining forms of self-government on the subject area, occasionally in a relationship of suzerainty (Shepheard, 1899). -
CONCEPT of STATEHOOD in UNITED NATIONS PRACTICE * ROSALYN COHEN T
1961] THE CONCEPT OF STATEHOOD IN UNITED NATIONS PRACTICE * ROSALYN COHEN t The topic of "statehood under international law" has long been a favorite with jurists. The problem of what constitutes a "state" has been extensively examined and discussed, but all too often in absolutist terms confined to drawing up lists of criteria which must be met before an entity may be deemed a "state." The very rigidity of this approach implies that the term "state" has a fixed meaning which provides an unambiguous yardstick for measuring without serious fear of error, the existence of international personality. The framework of examination being thus constricted, traditional inquiry has endeavored to meet some of its inadequacies by ancillary discussions on the possi- bility of a "dependent state" in international law, of the desirability of universality in certain organizations set up by the international com- munity, and of the rights of peoples to national self-determination. It would appear, however, that these questions, far from being ancillary, are integral to any discussion of "statehood." Even the language of the law-or perhaps especially the language of the law-contains ambiguities which are inherent in any language system, and the diffi- culties presented by this fact can only be resolved by an analysis which takes full cognizance of the contextual background. Thus, when ex- amining what is meant by the word "state," an appraisal of the com- munity interests which will be affected by the decision to interpret it in one way rather than in another is necessary. Discussions, for example, of whether a "dependent state" can exist under international law become meaningless unless there is first an examination of whether the community of nations would find it appropriate, in the light of its long range objectives, to afford the rights which follow from "state- hood" to entities fettered by restrictions which impair their independ- ence. -
Survey of British Colonial Development Policy
No. E 68-A RESTRICTED r:;: ONE '\f ..- tf\rhi.§..l report is restricted to use within the Bank Public Disclosure Authorized INTERNATIONAL BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT Public Disclosure Authorized SURVEY OF BRITISH COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT POLICY November 9. 1949 Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Economic Department Prepared by: B. King TABLE OF CONTE.t-J'TS Page No. I. PREFACE (and Map) • • • • • • • • • t • • .. .. i II. SPi!IMARY • • •••• .. .. ., . , . · .. iv , . III. THE COLONIES UP TO 1940' •• .. .. .. .. • • • 1 TJi.BLES I '& II • .'. .. • • • • • • • • 8 . IV. THE COLONIES SINCE, 1940 ••• • • • • • • • • 10 TABlES III to VI • • • 0 • • • • • • • • 29 APPElIIDIX - THE CURRENCY SYSTEMS OF' THE cOtOlUAL EI'!PlRE .....,,,.,. 34 (i) I. PREFACE The British Colonial :empire is a sO!!lm-:hat loose expression embracing some forty dependencies of the United Kingdom. For the purposes of this paper the term vdll be used to cover all dependencies administered through the Colonial Office on December 31" 1948 cmd" in addition, the three :30uth African High Cowmission territories, which are under the control of the Commonwealth Relations Office. This definition is adopted" since its scope is the same as that of the various Acts of Parliament passed since lSll.~O to Dovcloptx;nt promote colomal development, including the Overseas Resourceshct y::rLcl1 established the Colonial Development Corporation. A full list of the~e ter:-itories 17ill be found in the list following. It [;hould be noted th'lt in conform..i.ty vri th the provisions of the recent Acts vIhieh apply only to flcolonies not possessing responsible govermnent,uYthe definition given above excludes the self-governing colony of Southern :Ehodesia, v(nose rela- tions with the United Kinr;dom are conducted through the Co:nmonlrealth Relations Office. -
J. Van Der Kroef on the Sovereignty of Indonesian States: a Rejoinder
J. van der Kroef On the sovereignty of Indonesian states: a rejoinder. (Zie nr. 1562) In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 117 (1961), no: 2, Leiden, 238-266 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 01:24:14AM via free access ON THE SOVEREIGNTY OF INDONESIAN STATES: A REJOINDER s always I have read Professor Resink's recent essay on the Indonesian states 1 with great interest. Unfortunately, per- hapAs even more in this latest essay than in most of his other publi- cations, the narrowly focussed jurist, painstakingly gathering precedent, gets in the way of the more widely oriented historian, alert to the total pattern of historie forces and careful to consider the context of each utterance and action. The essay under discussion also contains (pp. 331—332, note 56) a reply to an earlier criticism,2 which I had already occasion to make of Resink's work, and so I may perhaps be permitted to cast this rejoinder in terms of a more comprehensive objection to the purport of Resink's latest paper. There are three points in Professor Resink's essay which, I think, require consideration and to which this rejoinder is addressed. First there is an interpretation of certain statements made by Margadant, Colijn, Verbeek, and others, which leads to the assertion (p. 332, note 56) that these statements question the principle of Dutch sover- eignty in the Indonesian archipelago, specifically in relation to the Indonesian states. Secondly, there is the analysis of how (what Resink calls) the "myth" of a three centuries long présence Nêerlandaise in Indonesia came into being, a process reflected in the work of Stapel and — implicit in Resink's view — further aided and abetted by that historian and others who in the 1930's, under the threat of international developments and of "communistic and nationalistic movements" (p. -
The Partition of the Gilbert and Ellice Islands W
Island Studies Journal , Vol. 7, No.1, 2012, pp. 135-146 REVIEW ESSAY The Partition of the Gilbert and Ellice Islands W. David McIntyre Macmillan Brown Centre for Pacific Studies Christchurch, New Zealand [email protected] ABSTRACT : This paper reviews the separation of the Ellice Islands from the Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony, in the central Pacific, in 1975: one of the few agreed boundary changes that were made during decolonization. Under the name Tuvalu, the Ellice Group became the world’s fourth smallest state and gained independence in 1978. The Gilbert Islands, (including the Phoenix and Line Islands), became the Republic of Kiribati in 1979. A survey of the tortuous creation of the colony is followed by an analysis of the geographic, ethnic, language, religious, economic, and administrative differences between the groups. When, belatedly, the British began creating representative institutions, the largely Polynesian, Protestant, Ellice people realized they were doomed to permanent minority status while combined with the Micronesian, half-Catholic, Gilbertese. To protect their identity they demanded separation, and the British accepted this after a UN-observed referendum. Keywords: Foreign and Commonwealth Office; Gilbert and Ellis islands; independence; Kiribati; Tuvalu © 2012 Institute of Island Studies, University of Prince Edward Island, Canada Context The age of imperialism saw most of the world divided up by colonial powers that drew arbitrary lines on maps to designate their properties. The age of decolonization involved the assumption of sovereign independence by these, often artificial, creations. Tuvalu, in the central Pacific, lying roughly half-way between Australia and Hawaii, is a rare exception. -
US Responses to Self-Determination Movements
U.S. RESPONSES TO SELF-DETERMINATION MOVEMENTS Strategies for Nonviolent Outcomes and Alternatives to Secession Report from a Roundtable Held in Conjunction with the Policy Planning Staff of the U.S. Department of State Patricia Carley UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE CONTENTS Key Points v Preface viii 1 Introduction 1 2 Self-Determination: Four Case Studies 3 3 Self-Determination, Human Rights, and Good Governance 14 4 A Case for Secession 17 5 Self-Determination at the United Nations 21 6 Nonviolent Alternatives to Secession: U.S. Policy Options 23 7 Conclusion 28 About the Author 29 About the Institute 30 v refugees from Iraq into Turkey heightened world awareness of the Kurdish issue in general and highlighted Kurdish distinctiveness. The forma- tion in the 1970s in Turkey of the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, a radical and violent Marxist-Leninist organization, also intensified the issue; the PKK’s success in rallying the Kurds’ sense of identity cannot be denied. Though the KEY POINTS PKK has retreated from its original demand for in- dependence, the Turks fear that any concession to their Kurdish population will inevitably lead to an end to the Turkish state. - Although the Kashmir issue involves both India’s domestic politics and its relations with neighbor- ing Pakistan, the immediate problem is the insur- rection in Kashmir itself. Kashmir’s inclusion in the state of India carried with it provisions for considerable autonomy, but the Indian govern- ment over the decades has undermined that au- tonomy, a process eventually resulting in - Though the right to self-determination is included anti-Indian violence in Kashmir in the late 1980s. -
Country Coding Units
INSTITUTE Country Coding Units v11.1 - March 2021 Copyright © University of Gothenburg, V-Dem Institute All rights reserved Suggested citation: Coppedge, Michael, John Gerring, Carl Henrik Knutsen, Staffan I. Lindberg, Jan Teorell, and Lisa Gastaldi. 2021. ”V-Dem Country Coding Units v11.1” Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project. Funders: We are very grateful for our funders’ support over the years, which has made this ven- ture possible. To learn more about our funders, please visit: https://www.v-dem.net/en/about/ funders/ For questions: [email protected] 1 Contents Suggested citation: . .1 1 Notes 7 1.1 ”Country” . .7 2 Africa 9 2.1 Central Africa . .9 2.1.1 Cameroon (108) . .9 2.1.2 Central African Republic (71) . .9 2.1.3 Chad (109) . .9 2.1.4 Democratic Republic of the Congo (111) . .9 2.1.5 Equatorial Guinea (160) . .9 2.1.6 Gabon (116) . .9 2.1.7 Republic of the Congo (112) . 10 2.1.8 Sao Tome and Principe (196) . 10 2.2 East/Horn of Africa . 10 2.2.1 Burundi (69) . 10 2.2.2 Comoros (153) . 10 2.2.3 Djibouti (113) . 10 2.2.4 Eritrea (115) . 10 2.2.5 Ethiopia (38) . 10 2.2.6 Kenya (40) . 11 2.2.7 Malawi (87) . 11 2.2.8 Mauritius (180) . 11 2.2.9 Rwanda (129) . 11 2.2.10 Seychelles (199) . 11 2.2.11 Somalia (130) . 11 2.2.12 Somaliland (139) . 11 2.2.13 South Sudan (32) . 11 2.2.14 Sudan (33) . -
The Statehood of 'Collapsed' States in Public International
Agenda Internacional Año XVIII, N° 29, 2011, pp. 121-174 ISSN 1027-6750 The statehood of ‘collapsed’ states in Public International Law Pablo Moscoso de la Cuba 1. Introduction Over the last few years the international community has been witnessing a phenomenon commonly referred to as ‘State failure’ or ‘State collapse’, which has featured the disintegration of governmental structures in association with grave and intense internal armed conflicts, to the point that the social organization of society what international law considers the government of the State, a legal condition for statehood – has almost, or in the case of Somalia totally, disappeared from the ground. Such a loss of effective control that the government exercises over the population and territory of the State – the other legal conditions for statehood – pose several complex international legal questions. First and foremost, from a formal perspective, the issue is raised of whether a State that looses one of its constitutive elements of statehood continues to be a State under International Law. Such a question may only be answered after considering the international legal conditions for statehood, as well as the way current international law has dealt with the creation, continuity and extinction of States. If entities suffering from State ‘failure’, ‘collapse’ or ‘disintegration’ and referred to as ‘failed’, ‘collapsed’ or ‘disintegrated’ States continue to be States in an international legal sense, then the juridical consequences that the lack of effective government create on their condition of States and their international legal personality have to be identified and analysed. Our point of departure will therefore be to analyze ‘State collapse’ and the ‘collapsed’ State from a formal, legal perspective, which will allow us to determine both whether 122 Pablo Moscoso de la Cuba the entities concerned continue to be States and the international legal consequences of such a phenomenon over the statehood of the concerned entities. -
Downloaded License
Journal of the history of International Law (2021) 1–32 brill.com/jhil Making International Law Truly ‘International’? Reflecting on Colonial Approaches to the China-Vietnam Dispute in the South China Sea and the Tribute System So Yeon Kim PhD Researcher, Faculty of Law, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK [email protected] Received: 22 August 2020 | Revised: 20 December 2020 | Accepted: 31 January 2021 Abstract Before non-European regions adopted international law, a different set of law of ter- ritory governed the non-European regions. Notwithstanding their differences, inter- national courts and tribunals have approached non-European territorial disputes through a single lens of Eurocentric international law. The general claim of this article is that international courts and tribunals should approach non-European territorial disputes with special consideration to account for the region’s historical system. This article case studies the China-Vietnam dispute in the South China Sea to advance this claim. Through the case study, I argue that East Asian concepts of sovereignty do not equate with those employed by Eurocentric international law. I then suggest guide- lines for considering regional systems when ruling on non-European territorial dis- putes. If international courts and tribunals do not change their legal approach, this not only distorts the historical realities of the non-European regions but also results in unfair dispute settlements. Keywords Tribute System – Territorial Disputes – Law of Territory – Paracel Islands Dispute – South China Sea © So Yeon Kim, 2021 | doi:10.1163/15718050-12340183 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY 4.0Downloaded license. -
Tributary-Protected Principalities Full Article Language: En Indien Anders: Engelse Articletitle: 0
_full_alt_author_running_head (neem stramien B2 voor dit chapter en nul 0 in hierna): 0 _full_articletitle_deel (kopregel rechts, vul hierna in): Tributary-Protected Principalities _full_article_language: en indien anders: engelse articletitle: 0 344 Chapter 14 Chapter 14 Tributary-Protected Principalities The juridical nature of Wallachia, Moldavia and Transylvania’s relations to the Ottoman center has been at the crux of Romanian historiography’s engage- ment with the history of the empire. Within this debate, some scholars have claimed that there existed only a de facto relationship, lacking any legal under- pinnings and marred by abuses.1 This assertion goes against a broad spec- trum of juridical, political and administrative sources that prove the existence of a de jure status that the principalities had within the pax ottomanica system. Romanian contributions to this topic have been characterized by a perva- sive obsession with proving that the principalities enjoyed a superior status in comparison to other Balkan countries. To achieve this goal, scholars coined several concepts – sometimes ambiguous and improper for the context – to describe the principalities’ status, such as “submitted states,” “dependent states,” “vassal states,” “autonomous states,” “effective dependence,” “Ottoman domination,” or “autonomy.” The concepts of “vassalage” and “autonomy” deserve a special treatment. A majority of historians and jurists defined the relations between tributary princes and sultans from a European juridical and political point of view, con- sidering them as a vassal–suzerain relationship. In this respect, it is necessary to emphasize two caveats. Firstly, the notions of ‘vassal’ and ‘suzerain’ came to define the relationship between the Porte and the principalities at a late stage, particularly in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European documents, nar- ratives and translations of Ottoman sources.2 In fact, it was only in the nine- teenth century that Western scholars introduced the syntagma of “vassal 1 For instance L. -
Convention on International Civil Aviation Signed at Chicago on 7 December 1944
CONVENTION ON INTERNATIONAL CIVIL AVIATION SIGNED AT CHICAGO ON 7 DECEMBER 1944 Entry into force: The Convention entered into force on 4 April 1947. Status: 193 parties. This list is based on information received from the depositary, the Government of the United States of America Date of deposit of instrument of ratification or notification of State adherence (A) Afghanistan 4 April 1947 Albania 28 March 1991 (A) Algeria 7 May 1963 (A) Andorra 26 January 2001 (A) Angola 11 March 1977 (A) Antigua and Barbuda 10 November 1981 (A) Argentina 4 June 1946 (A) Armenia 18 June 1992 (A) Australia 1 March 1947 Austria 27 August 1948 (A) Azerbaijan 9 October 1992 (A) Bahamas 27 May 1975 (A) Bahrain 20 August 1971 (A) Bangladesh 22 December 1972 (A) Barbados 21 March 1967 (A) Belarus 4 June 1993 (A) Belgium 5 May 1947 Belize 7 December 1990 (A) Benin 29 May 1961 (A) Bhutan 17 May 1989 (A) Bolivia (Plurinational State of) 4 April 1947 Bosnia and Herzegovina 13 January 1993 (A) Botswana 28 December 1978 (A) Brazil 8 July 1946 Brunei Darussalam 4 December 1984 (A) Bulgaria 8 June 1967 (A) Burkina Faso 21 March 1962 (A) Burundi 19 January 1968 (A) Cabo Verde 19 August 1976 (A) Cambodia 16 January 1956 (A) Cameroon 15 January 1960 (A) Canada 13 February 1946 Central African Republic 28 June 1961 (A) Chad 3 July 1962 (A) Chile 11 March 1947 China (1) 20 February 1946 Colombia 31 October 1947 Comoros 15 January 1985 (A) Congo 26 April 1962 (A) Cook Islands 20 August 1986 (A) Costa Rica 1 May 1958 Côte d’Ivoire 31 October 1960 (A) Croatia 9 April 1992 (A)