The Neglected Colonial Root of the Fundamental Right to Property
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Condominiums and Shared Sovereignty | 1
Condominiums and Shared Sovereignty | 1 Condominiums And Shared Sovereignty Abstract As the United Kingdom (UK) voted to leave the European Union (EU), the future of Gibraltar, appears to be in peril. Like Northern Ireland, Gibraltar borders with EU territory and strongly relies on its ties with Spain for its economic stability, transports and energy supplies. Although the Gibraltarian government is struggling to preserve both its autonomy with British sovereignty and accession to the European Union, the Spanish government states that only a form of joint- sovereignty would save Gibraltar from the same destiny as the rest of UK in case of complete withdrawal from the EU, without any accession to the European Economic Area (Hard Brexit). The purpose of this paper is to present the concept of Condominium as a federal political system based on joint-sovereignty and, by presenting the existing case of Condominiums (i.e. Andorra). The paper will assess if there are margins for applying a Condominium solution to Gibraltar. Condominiums and Shared Sovereignty | 2 Condominium in History and Political Theory The Latin word condominium comes from the union of the Latin prefix con (from cum, with) and the word dominium (rule). Watts (2008: 11) mentioned condominiums among one of the forms of federal political systems. As the word suggests, it is a form of shared sovereignty involving two or more external parts exercising a joint form of sovereignty over the same area, sometimes in the form of direct control, and sometimes while conceding or maintaining forms of self-government on the subject area, occasionally in a relationship of suzerainty (Shepheard, 1899). -
Routledge Handbook of Southeast Asian History the Colonial Intrusion
This article was downloaded by: 10.3.98.104 On: 26 Sep 2021 Access details: subscription number Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: 5 Howick Place, London SW1P 1WG, UK Routledge Handbook of Southeast Asian History Norman G. Owen The Colonial Intrusion Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9780203763117.ch3 Remco Raben Published online on: 23 Sep 2013 How to cite :- Remco Raben. 23 Sep 2013, The Colonial Intrusion from: Routledge Handbook of Southeast Asian History Routledge Accessed on: 26 Sep 2021 https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9780203763117.ch3 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR DOCUMENT Full terms and conditions of use: https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/legal-notices/terms This Document PDF may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproductions, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The publisher shall not be liable for an loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. 3 THE COLONIAL INTRUSION Boundaries and structures R e m c o R a b e n Global changes The late eighteenth century saw a sequence of deep shifts in the political layout of Southeast Asia. On the mainland the demise of the old ruling dynasties in Burma (Myanmar), Siam (Thailand), and Vietnam, and in maritime Southeast Asia the increasing assertion of colonial powers changed not only the political layout and economic patterns, but also the landscape and the lives of the people. -
J. Van Der Kroef on the Sovereignty of Indonesian States: a Rejoinder
J. van der Kroef On the sovereignty of Indonesian states: a rejoinder. (Zie nr. 1562) In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 117 (1961), no: 2, Leiden, 238-266 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 01:24:14AM via free access ON THE SOVEREIGNTY OF INDONESIAN STATES: A REJOINDER s always I have read Professor Resink's recent essay on the Indonesian states 1 with great interest. Unfortunately, per- hapAs even more in this latest essay than in most of his other publi- cations, the narrowly focussed jurist, painstakingly gathering precedent, gets in the way of the more widely oriented historian, alert to the total pattern of historie forces and careful to consider the context of each utterance and action. The essay under discussion also contains (pp. 331—332, note 56) a reply to an earlier criticism,2 which I had already occasion to make of Resink's work, and so I may perhaps be permitted to cast this rejoinder in terms of a more comprehensive objection to the purport of Resink's latest paper. There are three points in Professor Resink's essay which, I think, require consideration and to which this rejoinder is addressed. First there is an interpretation of certain statements made by Margadant, Colijn, Verbeek, and others, which leads to the assertion (p. 332, note 56) that these statements question the principle of Dutch sover- eignty in the Indonesian archipelago, specifically in relation to the Indonesian states. Secondly, there is the analysis of how (what Resink calls) the "myth" of a three centuries long présence Nêerlandaise in Indonesia came into being, a process reflected in the work of Stapel and — implicit in Resink's view — further aided and abetted by that historian and others who in the 1930's, under the threat of international developments and of "communistic and nationalistic movements" (p. -
Autonomy, Indigenous Peoples, and Afro-Descendants in Colombia
Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies Vol. 3 Issue 1 Autonomy, Indigenous Peoples, and Afro-Descendants in Colombia Mauricio Romero Vidal and Juan David Niño Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies, 3(1) 2019, 8–26 URL: http://jass.ax/volume-3-issue-1-Vidal_Nino/ 8 Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies Vol. 3 Issue 1 Abstract The article analyzes how indigenous and Afro-descendant communities achieved participation in the National Constitutional Assembly in 1991 in Colombia and how this process influenced the definition of new territorial institutions in which territorial autonomy and self-rule were successfully granted – against all odds. How did this happen? What circumstances facilitated the agency of these marginalized groups to such an extent that it shaped the new constitution to their benefit? The argument in this article highlights a historical juncture between a global discourse in favor of human rights, and ethnic and cultural diversity – supported by the United Nations – and a regional trend towards democratization and constitutional change. This juncture occurred during the times of a domestic peace negotiation process between the Colombian government and the country’s guerrilla groups, a process that was joined by an unusual social mobilization of underprivileged groups. Taken together, these international and national circumstances created conditions that paved the way for a successful outcome of the constitutional process, for the indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. Despite this constitutional achievement, reality has however not been easy. The territory of the two groups is rich in natural resources, something that creates opportunities for large scale agribusiness investments, and they are also well located for coca cultivation and cocaine trafficking. -
US Responses to Self-Determination Movements
U.S. RESPONSES TO SELF-DETERMINATION MOVEMENTS Strategies for Nonviolent Outcomes and Alternatives to Secession Report from a Roundtable Held in Conjunction with the Policy Planning Staff of the U.S. Department of State Patricia Carley UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE CONTENTS Key Points v Preface viii 1 Introduction 1 2 Self-Determination: Four Case Studies 3 3 Self-Determination, Human Rights, and Good Governance 14 4 A Case for Secession 17 5 Self-Determination at the United Nations 21 6 Nonviolent Alternatives to Secession: U.S. Policy Options 23 7 Conclusion 28 About the Author 29 About the Institute 30 v refugees from Iraq into Turkey heightened world awareness of the Kurdish issue in general and highlighted Kurdish distinctiveness. The forma- tion in the 1970s in Turkey of the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, a radical and violent Marxist-Leninist organization, also intensified the issue; the PKK’s success in rallying the Kurds’ sense of identity cannot be denied. Though the KEY POINTS PKK has retreated from its original demand for in- dependence, the Turks fear that any concession to their Kurdish population will inevitably lead to an end to the Turkish state. - Although the Kashmir issue involves both India’s domestic politics and its relations with neighbor- ing Pakistan, the immediate problem is the insur- rection in Kashmir itself. Kashmir’s inclusion in the state of India carried with it provisions for considerable autonomy, but the Indian govern- ment over the decades has undermined that au- tonomy, a process eventually resulting in - Though the right to self-determination is included anti-Indian violence in Kashmir in the late 1980s. -
Country Coding Units
INSTITUTE Country Coding Units v11.1 - March 2021 Copyright © University of Gothenburg, V-Dem Institute All rights reserved Suggested citation: Coppedge, Michael, John Gerring, Carl Henrik Knutsen, Staffan I. Lindberg, Jan Teorell, and Lisa Gastaldi. 2021. ”V-Dem Country Coding Units v11.1” Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project. Funders: We are very grateful for our funders’ support over the years, which has made this ven- ture possible. To learn more about our funders, please visit: https://www.v-dem.net/en/about/ funders/ For questions: [email protected] 1 Contents Suggested citation: . .1 1 Notes 7 1.1 ”Country” . .7 2 Africa 9 2.1 Central Africa . .9 2.1.1 Cameroon (108) . .9 2.1.2 Central African Republic (71) . .9 2.1.3 Chad (109) . .9 2.1.4 Democratic Republic of the Congo (111) . .9 2.1.5 Equatorial Guinea (160) . .9 2.1.6 Gabon (116) . .9 2.1.7 Republic of the Congo (112) . 10 2.1.8 Sao Tome and Principe (196) . 10 2.2 East/Horn of Africa . 10 2.2.1 Burundi (69) . 10 2.2.2 Comoros (153) . 10 2.2.3 Djibouti (113) . 10 2.2.4 Eritrea (115) . 10 2.2.5 Ethiopia (38) . 10 2.2.6 Kenya (40) . 11 2.2.7 Malawi (87) . 11 2.2.8 Mauritius (180) . 11 2.2.9 Rwanda (129) . 11 2.2.10 Seychelles (199) . 11 2.2.11 Somalia (130) . 11 2.2.12 Somaliland (139) . 11 2.2.13 South Sudan (32) . 11 2.2.14 Sudan (33) . -
Homicide As Affecting the Devolution of Property Arthur E
Marquette Law Review Volume 4 Article 6 Issue 1 Volume 4, Issue 1 (1919) Homicide as Affecting the Devolution of Property Arthur E. Lenicheck Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation Arthur E. Lenicheck, Homicide as Affecting the Devolution of Property, 4 Marq. L. Rev. 34 (1919). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol4/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HOMICIDE AS AFFECTING THE DEVOLUTION OF PROPERTY The question has arisen in a number of cases in this country whether a person who has murdered another ought to be en- titled to take by descent or devise from the latter. At a first blush of the question propounded, one would think that there could be no dispute as to the rights of the murderer and to per- mit one who has acquired title in such manner would be abhor- rent and repugnant to natural law and justice. It remains for us to see what opinions have been entertained and what conclusions have been arrived at. Like most perplexing questions of law, the question has been subject to conflicting opinions and the re- sults achieved have no doubt met with disapproval by many of the members of both bench and bar. It may be said at the outset, that the present state of the law is highly unsatisfactory. -
The Statehood of 'Collapsed' States in Public International
Agenda Internacional Año XVIII, N° 29, 2011, pp. 121-174 ISSN 1027-6750 The statehood of ‘collapsed’ states in Public International Law Pablo Moscoso de la Cuba 1. Introduction Over the last few years the international community has been witnessing a phenomenon commonly referred to as ‘State failure’ or ‘State collapse’, which has featured the disintegration of governmental structures in association with grave and intense internal armed conflicts, to the point that the social organization of society what international law considers the government of the State, a legal condition for statehood – has almost, or in the case of Somalia totally, disappeared from the ground. Such a loss of effective control that the government exercises over the population and territory of the State – the other legal conditions for statehood – pose several complex international legal questions. First and foremost, from a formal perspective, the issue is raised of whether a State that looses one of its constitutive elements of statehood continues to be a State under International Law. Such a question may only be answered after considering the international legal conditions for statehood, as well as the way current international law has dealt with the creation, continuity and extinction of States. If entities suffering from State ‘failure’, ‘collapse’ or ‘disintegration’ and referred to as ‘failed’, ‘collapsed’ or ‘disintegrated’ States continue to be States in an international legal sense, then the juridical consequences that the lack of effective government create on their condition of States and their international legal personality have to be identified and analysed. Our point of departure will therefore be to analyze ‘State collapse’ and the ‘collapsed’ State from a formal, legal perspective, which will allow us to determine both whether 122 Pablo Moscoso de la Cuba the entities concerned continue to be States and the international legal consequences of such a phenomenon over the statehood of the concerned entities. -
Introduction to International Law Robert Beckman and Dagmar Butte
Introduction to International Law Robert Beckman and Dagmar Butte A. PURPOSE OF THIS DOCUMENT This document is intended to provide students an overview of international law and the structure of the international legal system. In many cases it oversimplifies the law by summarizing key principles in less than one page in order to provide the student with an overview that will enhance further study of the topic. B. DEFINITION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW International Law consists of the rules and principles of general application dealing with the conduct of States and of international organizations in their international relations with one another and with private individuals, minority groups and transnational companies. C. INTERNATIONAL LEGAL PERSONALITY International legal personality refers to the entities or legal persons that can have rights and obligations under international law. 1. States A State has the following characteristics: (1) a permanent population; (2) a defined territory; (3) a government; and (4) the capacity to enter into relations with other States. Some writers also argue that a State must be fully independent and be recognized as a State by other States. The international legal system is a horizontal system dominated by States which are, in principle, considered sovereign and equal. International law is predominately made and implemented by States. Only States can have sovereignty over territory. Only States can become members of the United Nations and other international organizations. Only States have access to the International Court of Justice. 2. International Organizations International Organizations are established by States through international agreements and their powers are limited to those conferred on them in their constituent document. -
Proposals for the Devolution of Further Powers to Scotland
HOUSE OF LORDS Select Committee on the Constitution 10th Report of Session 2014‒15 Proposals for the devolution of further powers to Scotland Ordered to be printed 18 March 2015 and published 24 March 2015 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords London : The Stationery Office Limited £price HL Paper 145 Select Committee on the Constitution The Constitution Committee is appointed by the House of Lords in each session “to examine the constitutional implications of all public bills coming before the House; and to keep under review the operation of the constitution.” Membership The Members of the Constitution Committee are: Lord Brennan Lord Crickhowell Lord Cullen of Whitekirk Baroness Dean of Thornton-le-Fylde Baroness Falkner of Margravine Lord Goldsmith Lord Lang of Monkton (Chairman) Lord Lester of Herne Hill Lord Lexden Lord Powell of Bayswater Baroness Taylor of Bolton Declarations of interests A full list of Members’ interests can be found in the Register of Lords’ Interests: http://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/standards-and-interests/register-of-lords-interests Publications All publications of the committee are available at: http://www.parliament.uk/hlconstitution Parliament Live Live coverage of debates and public sessions of the committee’s meetings are available at: http://www.parliamentlive.tv Further information Further information about the House of Lords and its committees, including guidance to witnesses, details of current inquiries and forthcoming meetings is available at: http://www.parliament.uk/business/lords Committee staff The current staff of the committee are Antony Willott (Clerk), Dr Stuart Hallifax (Policy Analyst) and Hadia Garwell and Philippa Mole (Committee Assistants). -
Constitutional and Administrative History of Modern India (1773-1950)
Paper-20 CONSTITUTIONAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY OF MODERN INDIA (1773-1950) BLOCK INTRODUCTION The history of constitutional development of India can be traced back to 1773, which for the first time made the provision for the post of Governer General in India. Since then, a number of constitutional experiments were introduced aiming at streamlining the British Indian administration. However, the year 1858, serves as watershed in the Indian Administration because the British Parliament took the direct responsibility of administering India.Thus the period of British Constitutional experiment during the British rule can be divided in to two phases(1) Constitutional Experiment during the rule of East India Company(1773-1857) and Constitutional experiment under the British Crown(1858-1947)So this paper discusscs the constitutional development in India from 1773 to1947. 1 Unit -1 traces the Constitutional development from 1773.The amending Act of 1781 and the Pitt’s India Act was discussed in the next section.Government of India Act of 1851 and Proclamation of Queen Victoria were analysed in the last section. Unit-11 delineates the Constitutional development in India from 1861 to1919.In this section Indian Council Act of 1861, Indian Council Act of 1892 and 1909 were analysed.The Government of India Act 1947 was d iscussed in the last section. Unit 111 discusses from Simon Commission Report to the Indian Independence Act of 1947.In the first section Simon Commission Report and table conference was discussed. In the last sectionGovt of India act of 1935 and Indian Independence Act of1947 was discussed. Unit IV discusses the Growth of Central and Provincial Legislature in India.Growth of Public service and Indian Independence Act of 1947 were discussed in the last section. -
The French Model of Assimilation and Direct Rule - Faidherbe and Senegal –
The French Model of Assimilation and Direct Rule - Faidherbe and Senegal – Key terms: Assimilation Association Direct rule Mission Dakar–Djibouti Direct Rule Direct rule is a system whereby the colonies were governed by European officials at the top position, then Natives were at the bottom. The Germans and French preferred this system of administration in their colonies. Reasons: This system enabled them to be harsh and use force to the African without any compromise, they used the direct rule in order to force African to produce raw materials and provide cheap labor The colonial powers did not like the use of chiefs because they saw them as backward and African people could not even know how to lead themselves in order to meet the colonial interests It was used to provide employment to the French and Germans, hence lowering unemployment rates in the home country Impacts of direct rule It undermined pre-existing African traditional rulers replacing them with others It managed to suppress African resistances since these colonies had enough white military forces to safeguard their interests This was done through the use of harsh and brutal means to make Africans meet the colonial demands. Assimilation (one ideological basis of French colonial policy in the 19th and 20th centuries) In contrast with British imperial policy, the French taught their subjects that, by adopting French language and culture, they could eventually become French and eventually turned them into black Frenchmen. The famous 'Four Communes' in Senegal were seen as proof of this. Here Africans were granted all the rights of French citizens.