On the eve of Libya’s first democratic national election, Haja Nowara held a vigil in the square outside the courthouse in Benghazi, where she had spent many evenings supporting the revolution since early 2011. © samer muscati/hrw

december 2017 briefing Building inclusive peace: Gender at the heart of conflict analysis

In 2016, Saferworld launched its Gender analysis of conflict INSIDE toolkit1, designed to help peacebuilders integrate gender into conflict analysis, understand how gender influences n Integrating gender into conflict dynamics, and provide a foundation for designing conflict analysis gender-sensitive peacebuilding programmes. n Gender and land-related conflicts in Myanmar This policy brief shows how the toolkit reviews, experience and knowledge of n can be used in different ways by the contexts, and workshops conducted Applying a gender lens integrating gender into participatory in partnership with the Women’s Inter- to the Libyan conflict conflict analysis and research. It shares national League for Peace and Freedom analysis and findings resulting from (WILPF) and women’s organisations in n Analysing the Yemen combining the expertise of community- the two countries, and with funding conflict with a gender based organisations, women’s rights from WILPF and Oxfam. It also shares perspective groups, and international and peace- findings from similar literature reviews building organisations on gender norms and collaborative research on land n Conclusions and and conflict. The conclusions include confiscations in Myanmar and how they recommendations gender-sensitive conflict analyses of affected gender dynamics, conducted Yemen and Libya, based on literature with support and funding from Oxfam. • 2 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

Left, right and centre: integrating gender into conflict analysis

Gender norms – the different expectations context to another, women and girls political and peacebuilding efforts, of how people of each gender should behave, are usually most affected by the power less has been done to understand how according to notions of masculinity and imbalance and gender discrimination gender norms and inequality in these femininity – are part of the fabric of all present in patriarchal societies – which contexts can fuel conflict, prevent it or societies and play an important role in tend to worsen during conflict. However, create conditions for peace and justice. determining how men, women, boys and the chaos of conflict often changes Building on existing research, we girls access services and rights, how much traditional gender roles and expectations, sought to gain a deeper understanding power they have over resources and how impacting men and women both of the links between gender norms and they can influence decision-making. positively and negatively, and creating conflict – as well as the application of In conflict-affected contexts, these norms opportunities to transform some of these our toolkit – through small sample 2 shape how men, women, boys and girls roles and the underlying norms that keep participatory research and analysis in are affected and how societies expect them them in place. Myanmar, Libya and Yemen. Our findings to participate in efforts to resolve conflict, Despite this potential, few conflict from Myanmar show the impact of land build peace and increase access to justice. analyses include gender in a systematic confiscation on masculinities and While conflict often has a devastating way, and there is limited evidence of how femininities and how this has affected impact on everyone it touches, men gender norms and inequality drive gender roles and norms, including how and women experience it differently in conflict or obstruct peacebuilding. people access justice. The Yemen and terms of violence, displacement, access Although existing research has explored Libya case studies analyse how gender to resources and political voice. Although the impact of violent conflict on gender norms and inequality fuel conflict and gender norms and roles vary from one roles and women’s participation in are transformed by it.

A man who had his land taken outside his house in Mandalay. © saferworld/aung naing soe 3 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

Gender and land-related conflicts in Myanmar

A nationwide ceasefire agreement was Women nearby their land that was signed in 2015 between the Government confiscated. There is now a sign that reads of Myanmar and eight ethnic armed “Government land. Do not trespass.” organisations (EAOs). As a result, © saferworld/aung naing soe communities – especially those in the southeast of Myanmar – have experienced some improvements in their situation, with a marked reduction in armed conflict and increased freedom of movement for civilians. Despite these improvements, the ceasefire is far from ‘nationwide’ in practice, with ongoing fighting continuing between the Tatmadaw (Myanmar’s state armed forces) and several EAOs in northern Shan and Kachin states. In northern Rakhine State, counter-insurgency operations by the Tatmadaw have displaced over 600,000 people who have fled to Bangladesh since 25 August 2017. The international community has accused the Tatmadaw of severe human rights violations, with the US and UN suggesting that the ‘clearance operations’ in northern Rakhine State amount to ethnic cleansing. Saferworld has found that one of the most pressing and consistent concerns in many conflict-affected communities – both in ceasefire and non-ceasefire areas across Myanmar – are land confiscations. While the severe social and economic impacts of land confiscations are well known, their relationship with gender norms is less explored in existing research. Therefore, Saferworld, Hser Mu Htaw and Oxfam conducted participatory Research methodology in Myanmar research3 with a small group of men and We used participatory and qualitative methods for our research in Myanmar. women from eastern Bago Region and This took the form of two interactive research workshops over the course of four Kayin State in southeast Myanmar to days – one involving 12 men from Taungoo and surrounding townships in east explore the relationship between gender Bago and Thandaunggyi, and Leikto townships in Karen, and one involving twelve norms, land confiscations and access to women, also from Taungoo, Thandaunggyi and surrounding areas. In each group, justice. During two two-day workshops, participants were recruited by Saferworld’s partner Hser Mu Htaw – a civil society participants used exercises from Safer- organisation that works on development and peace issues in the Taungoo and world’s gender analysis of conflict toolkit Thandaunggyi areas. We conducted the workshop in English, Burmese, and to reflect on how land confiscations Sgaw Karen. affected gender norms, roles and ideals. All participants had directly experienced land grabs and already knew our They also discussed the ways in which partner Hser Mu Htaw, which enabled discussions to build on existing relationships gender norms, roles and behaviours and thus opened up discussions on sensitive issues around conflict and gender. influence how they access justice and 4 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

seek redress for confiscations. The income, cooking and cleaning), knows land. Men’s labour on the farm is there- conclusions in this section build on our right from wrong, and supports her fore valued more than women’s and they ongoing analysis of and research into husband in difficult times. Karen, Kayah also tend to lead formal interactions with these areas, a review of relevant and Bamar women respondents saw an institutions by paying taxes, registering literature, and programme work and ‘ideal woman’ as a good housewife who land and seeking agricultural loans. collaboration with in-country partners. is wise, faithful, polite, has good morals Myanmar law gives men and women and guides her family. They disapproved equal access to land ownership7 and legal of women who are too social or who recourse in the case of disputes. However, Gender roles and norms dominate their husbands. due to traditional gender norms, most An ‘ideal man’ is expected to show land use certificates are issued in the in Myanmar perseverance, bravery and leadership. name of the head of the household, Myanmar is a multi-ethnic country with an He should make plans for the future and who are mostly men. Communities often ethnic Bamar majority, where patriarchal generate financial and other benefits do not know that joint land titles are 8 structures dominate. The World Economic for his family. Women respondents possible. To reclaim lost land, claimants Forum’s Gender Gap Index 4 ranks emphasised the importance for an ‘ideal need documentation like a tax receipt or Myanmar 83rd out of 144 countries. man’ to be someone they and their family loan book, which women are less likely 9 Women’s economic participation and could depend on financially and for to have. opportunities rate relatively well,5 but guidance – someone who has good women constitute fewer than 10 per cent morals and who shows compassion. of national-level political leaders and are Men are seen as heads of households Gendered conflict mostly absent from local authorities and and should own farm land – the primary analysis and findings formal decision-making bodies related to means of providing for their families. land issues.6 Although both men and women cultivate Land confiscations in the research area According to male Karen and Bamar farms and produce food for the family, were mainly perpetrated by powerful respondents, an ‘ideal woman’ is men are seen as ‘farmers’ with the right actors like the military (the Tatmadaw), responsible for household work (taking to own the land, while women are seen local authorities or companies. They care of children, managing family as ‘workers’ or ‘helpers’ on their husband’s have fuelled anger and frustration, and increased the risk of intra-communal land conflicts. Research respondents agreed that neither men nor women had any power to stop the confiscations, which has had severe and gendered impacts. Following land confiscations, many men have lost their status as providers, particularly in mountainous areas where there are fewer alternative livelihood options. Some take up work as day labourers, but feel demotivated working on somebody else’s land. The increased stress of losing the land has led men – and some women – to cope by abusing alcohol or adopting other harmful behaviours. Men also reported feeling confused about what to do, having ‘colder’ relationships with their wives and children, being more irritable and not being able to ‘show their love’. Young Karen men reported that the land © saferworld/aung naing soe confiscations made them feel as if warfare 5 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

A husband and wife working outside their home in Mandalay. © saferworld/aung naing soe

continued because they could not get Many women feel they have gained activism inappropriate – an effort to their land back, but also more land was more of a voice and can more actively reinforce existing gender norms against appropriated for ‘development’ initiatives. access justice and seek redress, even women’s public activism. They also said This made them feel deep anger and when it requires travelling far from home that household and family duties were a sadness and left them with a sense of on their own. Although both men and significant barrier to them being able to hopelessness about their situations. Some women actively seek justice for the loss play such a role (particularly for women women mentioned an increase in intimate of their land, women now play a larger with young children). Men reported partner violence (IPV), especially when part in this despite it going against social feeling ashamed when unsuccessful men were drunk. Against a backdrop norms. Men and women reported that with land claims, whereas women felt of gender inequality and a high rate of women are often better suited as spokes- frustrated with their skills or with the violence against women (including IPV) persons when dealing with authorities system, but not ashamed of themselves – in the country,10 there is likely to be an for various reasons – for example, some an interesting perspective on how increase in violence in land-poor men are scared they may be arrested by their gender identities influence their communities linked to men’s frustration authorities if they are thought to be experiences of seeking justice and taking at not being able to fulfil their roles as associated with EAOs, and also because leadership roles. providers and therefore feel like ‘real’ women often have better communication There are clearly some opportunities to men. This could include violence in the skills. Another source suggests that transform unequal gender norms and home (particularly against women and officials may feel more paternalistic resolve land-related conflicts by empower- girls), but could also increase tensions towards women and are therefore ing women to play more public leader- between or within communities between more likely to help them – which would ship roles and to challenge negative those who have lost their land and those conform to the prevailing gender norms impacts of these changing circumstances who have not. that see women as weak and in need of at the household level, as well as by Women’s roles as providers have protection.11 supporting men in fulfilling positive expanded due to land confiscations, with Women also actively participate in masculine roles (relating to livelihoods, many working as day labourers on other trainings on land legislation and parenting and household-specific gender people’s farms. Although their wages restitution processes, and reported that roles). Communities need support to are lower than men’s, many of them they gained a lot of knowledge, lessen the gendered impacts of lost land are earning an independent income for confidence and skills in representing on their livelihoods, identity, safety and the first time. However, because gender their families and communities in land welfare. When working on the impact norms and roles in the home have not cases. Although it did not come up in this of land confiscations and violence in changed, women are heavily affected research, experience in other conflict- Myanmar, practitioners should aim to by these changes. For example, despite affected settings suggests that another transform gender norms towards a more their increased workloads outside the factor for women’s increased participation equitable relationship between men and home, they are still responsible for all on this issue (despite them also being at women, improve livelihood programmes the housework. To cope, many have had risk of violence) could be a gendered to ensure they mitigate gender-specific to cut down on their sleep while others judgement about whose security or safety impacts at the household level, ensure have taken older girls out of school to is more valued. However, this aspect, services for GBV survivors are available and help them keep up with the housework. along with how broader gender-based invest in GBV prevention programmes.13 Although there is agreement that it is violence (GBV) relates to these changing They should also support efforts to necessary for survival, by leaving the gender roles, did not come out strongly ensure that women’s increased role in home to work as day labourers women in this research and needs to be further addressing land confiscations does not have gone against established gender explored – preferably in collaboration put them at further risk, and that women norms, which can also represent a risk to with women’s organisations.12 continue to have a say in decisions about their exposure to violence, including IPV. Men and women who took up land what happens to any returned land or Nevertheless, some (but not all) women claims cases felt proud about emerging other benefits resulting from land respondents felt that their independent as leaders in their communities, but also restitution processes. incomes and the change in gender roles said that this meant they had less time have given them more decision-making with their families. Women reported power over family finances. how men and some women called their 6 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

Women’s participation in Libya and Yemen14

Women in Libya and Yemen are seriously weapons. Even before the conflict, they However, the chaos of conflict and over- affected by the conflicts in their countries had already experienced oppression, lapping and sometimes contradictory and disproportionately impacted by violence, discrimination and exclusion cultural traditions could offer some the extensive use and proliferation of based on gender.15 opportunities to increase women’s influence and create a more equitable environment.16 In both countries, the Amal, community activist in Taiz during 2011 uprisings gave women a platform participatory photoproject training. they never had before, and reaffirmed © saferworld/khaled azzam their legitimate voices in political, peace and security discussions. However, many of these gains are yet to be put into practice and are being resisted by groups that silence and exclude women in the name of ‘traditional culture’ or ultra- conservative interpretations of Islam.17 While women are still excluded from formal political institutions, they have been able to participate more in civil society space than they could before the conflict.18 Their political participation is severely limited by insecurity in both countries, which means women have less access to public spaces and therefore fewer opportunities to participate in public political activities and decision- making, including peace processes.19 When they do participate in political activities, women in both countries face an increased risk of prejudice, threats and violence.20 Moreover, women’s par- ticipation in political and peace processes tends to be limited to women from the elite and urban areas,21 or in some cases is merely symbolic.22 In both countries women have been active in a range of responses to insecurity, including encouraging disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration and reducing small arms proliferation.23 At the community level, women continue to play a key role in creating peace by challenging armed actors, supporting community resilience and informally or otherwise mediating local level conflicts.24 7 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

Applying a gender lens to the Libyan conflict

“We started the conflict with two governments. After Led by the UN Special Envoy, the political the peace process, we have three. Perhaps after the next process to resolve the Libyan conflict faces many challenges. The 2015 Libyan Political round of mediation we’ll have four!” Agreement (LPA) set out a structure aimed Participant in Libya workshop at resolving the conflict between the former members of the initially Tripoli-based General National Congress and the Tobruk- based House of Representatives – both of whom claimed to be the legitimate representatives of the people. The resulting Government of National Accord (GNA) arrived in Tripoli in March 2016, expecting to take forward the provisions of the agreement.25 Instead of resolving the conflict, the birth of the GNA seems to have reconfigured the conflict in a different way, pitting those who support the Agreement (and the GNA) against those who oppose it – with important military actors like former Qadaffi-era commander General Haftar as the most high-profile opponent. Women celebrate in Msallata, Libya, on the ninety-third anniversary of the Republic of The international community has largely Tripolitania, a Libyan territory which formally supported the GNA and UN efforts to declared its independence during Italian mediate between the parties.26 colonial rule. © un photo/iason foounten A range of violent groups are active Research methodology in Libya in the country, including the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which Saferworld and WILPF organised a two-and-a-half day workshop with four has been actively promoting Libya as women from WILPF’s partner organisations from eastern and western Libya: a key base for its operations. Alliances Together We Build It Organization; Alnour Female Organization; Attawasel; and between armed groups cut across secular the 1325 Network. Saferworld developed the methodology, with inputs from and Islamist lines and tribal and regional WILPF, which was structured as follows: affiliations.27 Smuggling of people, goods and weapons has become an important n Day 1: key concepts on gender and conflict and gender analysis for Libya, using part of the war economy, with networks exercises from Saferworld’s gender analysis of conflict toolkit of criminal and armed groups operating n Day 2: integrated gender and conflict analysis for Libya, using a light-touch across the country and regionally.28 systems analysis of conflict methodology (based on the one developed by CDA International actors have a high interest collaborative learning projects) in stemming the flow of refugees and n Day 3: using the analysis to identify opportunities to strengthen programmes economic migrants through Libya, with and policy some European countries engaging directly with military strongmen like The analysis presented in this section was produced using this methodology. General Haftar on migration control WILPF partners organised additional in-country workshops using the same measures – potentially undermining methodology in late 2017. Unfortunately, security-related delays meant these UN efforts for a unified negotiation workshops took place too late to include in this briefing. However, ‘this Libya process.29 analysis’ draws on past and current research and advocacy work by WILPF and its Oil infrastructure is protected under partners, Saferworld’s previous research, and a small literature review conducted the LPA, even though the National Oil for this project. Company regularly has to negotiate 8 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

agreements with political actors, militias women face discrimination throughout to provide for them financially, and men and tribal groups to keep operations their lives, and girls feel inferior and often can also expect the same from their wives going.30 Basic service delivery has suffered lack confidence in their own abilities and if she has the means to do so and he does from the chaos, as evidenced by crumbling potential from the start of their lives.32 not. Many women in Libya contribute health and education systems, frequent Gender inequality is reinforced by financially to the household, but their power outages and a shortage of cash in a range of legal, social and cultural contribution often goes unnoticed or 31 the banking system. structures and practices enshrined in all unrecognised; and even when the woman aspects of family life. Men have more is the main breadwinner, the man remains decision-making power and entitlement responsible for ‘supervision’ of the Gender norms in Libya to inheritance, divorce and marriage. household.33 Libya’s current conflict developed against The legal and social frameworks for Libyan men are expected to be strong a backdrop of gender inequality in a family relations as well as entrenched and should be relied upon in all circum- conservative, patriarchal society. In Libya, patriarchal gender norms means that stances. They are perceived to always men and boys have more power over women are expected to obey their be right and are not supposed to show resources and decision making than husbands in exchange for the financial their emotions. Men are responsible for women and girls, including decisions over support and protection expected of providing housing, food and clothing for women’s rights and daily lives. Girls and husbands. Women can legally expect men their families and act as custodians

Children play on swings in a square in Zawiya, Libya, a town that saw heavy fighting as one of the first to rise against Muammar Al-Qadhafi’s regime in February 2011 and the last to be liberated. © un photo/iason foounten 9 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

or guardians of their wives and the you do not have a gun, you are nobody governance, and by using traditional women in the family. As a result, they and ‘no real man’ – a mirror of military gender norms. For example, restrictions control each family member’s freedom power of political leaders and their on polygamy in place since 1993 were of movement – for example, by having regional and international backers. scrapped by the Supreme Court in 2013. control of administrative documents like Each political leader has his own Participants felt that the peace process property deeds and passports. militias or armed forces35 to enforce his was merely a continuation of the same Women in Libya are expected to act control over resources and territory, with political power struggle, this time in an modestly (preferably they should be some political parties seen as ‘freelance atmosphere where violent politics are veiled), and to take care of the household militias’: presenting themselves as political acceptable and peace talks are merely and family including extended family actors while exploiting the conflict and dialogues between strongmen. They saw members – tasks that often fill up women’s violence for their own benefit. little to no link between the national days. If they are allowed to work due to The impacts of this militarised violence peace process and broader society. economic need, they are still expected are many: death, injury, sexual violence, On the contrary, those who advocate to take care of the household and family. and displacement. Men who are not will- for inclusion in the peace and political ing to participate in the fighting or join processes – particularly women politicians armed groups are targeted with violence. and women’s rights defenders – are Gendered conflict The intolerance of non-participation in threatened, kidnapped or killed. Four violence only reinforces ideas around women human rights defenders were analysis certain types of masculinity (such as assassinated between February 2014 When conducting a conflict analysis with violent masculinities) being acceptable and 2015 alone. A particularly notable a gender perspective, participants in the and others not. example was of Salwa Bugaighis, a Libya workshop identified four main Social services have been severely prominent Libyan human rights and driving factors in the conflict: damaged, particularly healthcare and political activist who was stabbed and education. This disproportionately affects shot in the head by masked gunmen in n Violent masculinities fuelling women as it increases the chance of Benghazi. 36 competition for militarised political maternal mortality and increases their The increased influence of ultra- power already high burden of care for children, conservative Islamist groups since 2011 the elderly and the ill. A lack of access (particularly Salafi and the Muslim “Even good-hearted people to education further has the potential Brotherhood) is seen as one of the original to reverse gains made in education and drivers of the conflict, as these groups change in politics.” empowerment for a whole generation, resorted to violence after failing to gain Participant from Benghazi at a Geneva workshop, particularly for girls. sufficient representation in the 2014 20 September 2017 Women’s political mobilisation and elections. These groups use narratives that participation in the 2011 revolution was further damage women’s participation Competition for political power is at the supported internationally and they were in political and public life by reinforcing heart of the Libyan conflict, and violence given temporary political space to the idea that political participation is and gender norms are instruments in this participate in transition processes. inappropriate for women, that they have struggle: violent notions of masculinity However, this space has closed with the nothing to add or do not represent any- associate violence with power; and strengthening of ultra-conservative body. Peace negotiations and dialogues discriminatory gender norms exclude influences. Today, women face many happen outside of the country, making women’s political voices for change. obstacles when trying to stay engaged it even more difficult for women to This is fuelled by the availability of arms – in political and peace processes and in participate because of their caring which are pervasive in Libyan society – sustaining their rights and legal status. responsibilities and because their the militarisation of Libyan politics, and Many see this as a deliberate backlash freedom of movement often depends the militarised nature of regional and from a patriarchal system that was not on their husbands or other male family international interventions (including willing to upset the status quo of gender members. external support to armed groups or inequality and which promotes a system Despite much campaigning from militias).34 Violent politics are dominated where men control women in all spheres Libyan civil society to formalise women’s by men, many of whom believe that if through militarised and authoritarian meaningful inclusion in politics, the 10 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

quota for women in parliament in the This sense of being without purpose, with infrastructure (transport, electricity) 2012 electoral law was a mere ten per in addition to the economic pressures and insecurity, among others. Women cent. Taken together, these dynamics they face, increases their risk of getting who earn an income are not always continue to reinforce patriarchal state involved with armed groups that can pay economically empowered or independent, institutions (however dysfunctional) that a salary – including ISIS – that deliberately as the changes in their circumstances and have embedded male chauvinism and target them for recruitment. Some also roles have not fundamentally changed legitimised gender inequality. engage in criminal activities (such as gender norms – thus much control over Nevertheless, women feel immensely drugs, weapons or other trafficking), economic resources still lies with men. empowered by their participation in the fuelling the conflict itself. Political leaders are perceived to use events of 2011, standing alongside men Young men also have few opportunities whatever money they can access to enrich in the streets to call for social justice and to participate in social structures that themselves and to pay their militias in peaceful change. They still recognise could work towards peace. This is because hard currency. This is at a time when the power of their own roles at different tribal leaders, who often lead on conflict there is little money available in the bank levels and how, despite the difficult resolution, tend to be older men. due to the conflict. If someone is not in circumstances and increasing insecurity, In religious families, young men are an armed group, any salary they receive women are still trying to contribute and encouraged to spend time at the mosque, is really a ‘virtual salary’ that only exists act as advocates for peace. but the increasing Salafist influences on paper because the banks are often (particularly in Benghazi) mean that unable to release cash. To access the n Violence and corruption as a means families are concerned that this could little cash available to cover basic needs, of gaining control over economic lead to their children becoming indoctri- women must queue outside banks, resources nated into ultra-conservative and violent even at night time, against the general ideologies. Suspected of being militia expectations of women’s behaviour. Armed groups are motivated by ensuring members, some participants said that This puts them at risk of being harassed, access to resources and fight to control young men are sometimes not allowed to beaten or raped. it. Because the most lucrative resource is travel in male-only groups in many areas. In addition, the illegal economy and oil, the international community is trying However, little is being done to change corruption in the use of other resources to make sure that this is independently the behaviours of the older men who like gas, phosphates and gold are also managed and the proceeds are used for recruit and direct these young men. part of the war economy. Business leaders development in the country. Nevertheless, Young unemployed women tend to make use of armed groups to protect their the conflict has fuelled an economic crisis stay at home and socialise on social businesses or to enforce their interests. and high unemployment, with political media – unless they are from more liberal All of this undermines the potential for leaders using job opportunities and families. This is because gender norms economic development outside of the oil existing business or state institutions to limit women’s participation in public life, sector and fuels pressure on men to join maintain patronage systems and control and the culture stresses that women’s armed groups or their associated business resources and power. honour and reputation should be networks. Young Libyan women are twice as preserved. In addition to restricted move- likely to be unemployed as young Libyan ment for young women, they are also n Weak rule of law and social control men. Although unemployment leaves responsible for household chores that based on gender norms both young men and women with an young men are not expected to do. abundance of spare time, different gender However, the international community’s Violent methods of governing and roles and expectations mean that they involvement in Libya has opened up wielding power are further enabled by experience unemployment differently some opportunities for women to earn the almost complete absence of and therefore interact with conflict in an income at a time when men find it institutions able to ensure the rule of different ways. increasingly difficult to provide for their law and protection of human rights and Unemployed young men spend their families. Women’s economic empower- freedoms. Despite what the law may days socialising with friends and cannot ment programmes have increased skills say, ‘men with guns’ are in control. make meaningful contributions to family and resources, yet women who have For example, in February 2017, the chief income. Yet they are expected to fulfil taken part still face problems accessing of staff of the General Haftar-led Libyan the ‘provider’ role as they become adults. these opportunities due to problems National Army (LNA) banned women 11 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

under 60 in eastern Libya from travelling Libyan crowds raising guns abroad without a male companion on and flags in Tripoli in 2011. grounds of state security. After a public © un photo/iason foounten outcry, the order was rescinded and replaced with one that requires security clearance for international travel for all men and women aged 18–45. Neither of these orders had any basis in the law, but they demonstrate how gender norms are being used to control sections of the population who are of the age capable of fighting and working.37 The authoritarian rule in place before the 2011 revolution continues: the same strongman politics of the Qadaffi era are still in place, without anybody having enough power to control all the strong- men. Conflicts along tribal, ethnic or regional lines have escalated and militias have increased in number, leading to confrontations between groups that used to live in peace. Attempts by women to formally participate in reconciliation Salafist groups and preachers focusing level and the potential for them to be committees locally and nationally have on violent and exclusionary ideologies important contributors at other levels. been rebuffed, although there are still drive conflict, as people are easily Insecurity further undermines women’s some spaces for them to play informal manipulated into believing their inter- ability to be involved in broader political reconciliation roles. pretations of religion. These ideologies processes and limits their mobility, as are tearing apart families, communities they tend to stay ‘off the streets’ when n Tearing of the social fabric and the social fabric of society in general. violence escalates. They also drive violent conflict by Amid the violence, people take on Regionalism and ethnic divisions fuel the promoting violence against others, fatalistic attitudes. Accepting that they conflict, leading armed groups to align by making it acceptable for people to can die at any time from shelling, they themselves according to these loyalties force their views onto others and by still continue with what they see as a and breaking down the unity promoted encouraging young men to join armed ‘normal life’ by going for a swim, gather- during the 2011 revolution. This has groups, while also silencing women’s ing on the streets and getting married. made it much harder to find solutions political and peacebuilding voices and Despite this bleak picture, participants between the east and the west of the condemning any public role for women. still saw opportunities to promote country as different groups fight over Moderate religious leaders have also peaceful change in Libya. These include control of local resources. It has also been targeted. One example was given using the gender and conflict analysis fuelled conflicts within the south, and where an advocate for peace and methodologies and tools to better work between the south, east and west, and women’s rights was accused of being with youth groups, civil society organisa- has opened space for ISIS to operate. an ‘unbeliever’. Since religious funda- tions and communities to understand There are also divisions within groups – mentalists exclude women from all public how gender roles and inequality are there have been cases of family members or political participation, the targeting linked to conflict. It also includes using who belong to different militias being of moderate leaders has a direct impact these tools when mediating and bringing pitted against each other. Some of the on women and further limits their opposing groups together. men who fought during the revolution participation in political or peacemaking have left Libya and gone to Syria or activities. This is despite the important Pakistan to fight. role they already play at the community 12 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

Analysing the Yemen conflict with a gender perspective

After decades of intermittent conflict and Former head of the Women’s Investigation Unit Colonel Iman Tassin at work in Al-Basatieen police economic stagnation, a fragile transition station in Aden. © saferworld/alex kay potter collapsed in 2015 and Yemen’s conflict escalated into a devastating war. The inter- nationally-backed government in exile, led by President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, has been fighting the Houthi rebel movement – which until December 2017 was allied with former President Ali Abdullah Saleh – ever since they seized the Yemeni capital of Sana’a in early 2015. Hadi is backed by a coalition of states led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Since the Saudi-led coalition began its bombing campaign in March 2015 tens of thousands have been killed and injured and around three million have been displaced. Control of the country is broadly split between Houthi-held territories in the north, and areas loosely governed by Hadi, including Aden. All parties to the conflict, including Saudi Arabia and the UAE, have been accused of serious viola- tions of international humanitarian law, while armed groups with fundamentalist ideologies – including Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula – have grown. Civil society actors have faced threats and constraints to their work all over the Research methodology in Yemen country, with many arbitrarily arrested and detained.38 Saferworld and WILPF held a workshop with ten Yemeni women and one man Yemen is now facing the world’s worst from civil society organisations who work on women’s rights and gender in humanitarian crisis, with over 20.7 million Yemen, and with Saferworld and Oxfam country teams. The Yemeni partners people (80 per cent of the population) were: Youth Leadership and Development Foundation (YLDF); Ejad Foundation; in need of aid, including 6.8 million at 39 With Aden Need; Wogood; and To Be for Rights and Freedoms. The workshop imminent risk of famine. Governance followed the same methodology as in Libya, with the addition of a focus group structures at all levels have been severely discussion that was held after the training with the Yemeni participants. affected by the conflict with grave For details on the workshop methodology, see the ‘Research methodology in humanitarian consequences, notably on Libya’ box on page 7. WILPF partners organised additional in-country workshops the health system, access to food, and the using the same methodology in late 2017. Unfortunately, security-related delays spread of diseases as sanitation systems meant these workshops took place too late to include in this briefing. collapse. This includes the largest cholera The analysis presented in this section was based on the comments of workshop outbreak in recent history, peaking at participants and the focus group discussion. It also references and builds on almost 900,000 suspected cases. Yemenis previous research and programming by Saferworld, Oxfam and WILPF, including have been severely affected economically, in-country work with partners, and a small literature review conducted for with one in four companies closing down this project. and 70 per cent of the workforce being laid off. Blockades on commercial shipping 13 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

and air access to Houthi-controlled areas, although they could choose not to do this to fight for access to resources or for the enforced by the Saudi-led coalition, have (a choice women do not have). This class status and protection that this may give also caused devastating spikes in food hierarchy, more present in the north, puts them as a family. and fuel prices.40 the Sadah at the top and the so-called Women are expected to have children – Muhamasheen at the lowest of the social preferably boys. They must do most of classes in Yemeni society. The latter are the household work and take care of Gender norms in Yemen particularly marginalised, and are more their children and husband, regardless likely to be displaced and cut off from of whether they also have a job outside “The only thing that shames support services or networks.43 the home. This constrains most women’s Overall, men are expected to be the opportunities to participate in trainings the man is his pocket.” ‘masters’ of their households and to or to get involved in public spaces. By A Yemeni saying both control and protect their wives and extension, women who are unmarried families – although this has changed with or have no children are more easily able the conflict as more men overcome the to participate in public activities than Yemen’s current conflict has further ‘shame’ of letting their wives work, or women who are married or have young deepened historical inequalities between approaching women for money out of children. men and women. Since the country’s necessity. Men also need to be strong, Particularly in rural areas, men are unification, this gap has increased, as tough and fearless. Men’s actions only more likely not to want wives who work, evidenced by Yemen consistently ranking reflect on them as individuals, whereas if are educated or have their own opinions. in the last place on the World Economic a woman does something wrong it is seen According to workshop participants, Forum’s Gender Gap Index since 2006, to reflect on the entire family. Many men men who allow their wives to work often listed as 144th out of 144 in 2016.41 prefer to marry women while they are do it to increase the household income Although there are some differences young (15–18 years old) so that they can that they can spend on different things, in how the north and south view gender “mould her with their own hands”. including funding for armed activities. norms – the south is typically more The ideal image of a woman is that she If women work, their work must be seen 42 egalitarian due to its socialist past – is of a higher class and that she accepts as respectable or ‘clean’. In different parts in general, Yemeni men and boys enjoy the lifestyle provided by her husband. of the country, respectable work could a privileged status from birth. She should be shy, soft-spoken, obedient include a job in the civil service or in the In the north, men are expected to and conservative. She should dress private sector, which was different in the run their own businesses while in the appropriately and should be religious north and the south. south, men are supposed to work for (some would even prefer her to have the government. The most important memorised the Quran). These religious factor in being considered a ‘real’ man is expectations are increasing, as across “Our leaders care more to have good marriage prospects and to north and south Yemen there are efforts about what the regional have money. This is even more important to enrol both women and men into in the context of the current conflict, as religious schools. Violence against women powers want than what the families struggle to make ends meet and is widespread in Yemen and has increased people want.” many families – especially those who are during the country’s conflict.44 displaced – marry off their young For men supporting ultra-conservative Participant in Yemen workshop daughters due to economic desperation. religious narratives, older, divorced or Additionally, an ‘ideal’ man would come widowed women are ‘ideal’ wives as they from an ‘honourable’ and well-known are more desperate to get married or to family from the top socio-economic benefit from the protection of a husband classes, particularly in the north. Gender and his family group. They would norms and inequality, and men’s privilege therefore be more committed to raising within this system, intersect particularly their children with the same ideologies. strongly with socio-economic power Although vulnerable, older women can in Yemen. Men are expected to marry also have more decision-making power in within their own class or social group the household and could influence men • 14 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

Gendered conflict those who were trying to rescue the against ‘invasion’ from the north. This injured. A recent violent attack in Aden has hardened their views of northerners, analysis saw a woman beheaded and another ten undermining the future potential for When conducting a conflict analysis with women killed. This demonstrates that reconciliation and peacebuilding across a gender perspective, participants identi- the conflict has transgressed both gender the country as well as their potential to fied four main drivers of the conflict. roles and norms in some aspects. Women participate in this process. have also been affected by mass violence In urban areas women have participated n Competition for political power that by security forces against demonstrators. in conflict resolution and political uses violence and exclusionary Those in powerful positions – the media, processes. For example, in Aden they gender norms to silence opponents and political and religious leaders for headed up many of the local relief example – have used gender inequality committees, and have helped disarm, Participants concluded that past and as a form of structural violence to silence demobilise and reintegrate male fighters present conflicts in Yemen were mainly women and to publicly question women’s back into their communities. Women and about political control and resources, qualifications to engage in politics. women’s organisations also provide and that governance arrangements were They have also used religious and gender protection to families and communities by unaccountable to the population at norms and discrimination to maintain an ensuring children’s safety and providing large. This is at least partly because authoritarian system of governance that psychosocial support and emergency political governance structures are fuels conflict. response services to those who are based on military, tribal and religious Given these gender expectations and displaced or injured.46 The burden of allegiances instead of a system that norms, it is more difficult for women to caring about the welfare of others before could effectively manage the interests get involved in public decision-making their own puts them under significant of different groups and power-holders. institutions and spaces. Men also psychological pressure. As a result, political leaders generally do dominate local councils where political There are doubts about how sustainable not act for the benefit of the population, and community issues are discussed so these changes are, as gender norms are but instead serve the interests of their opportunities for women are limited perceived to be ‘solid’ and likely to be constituencies. They use military action, locally as well. However, attempts to reinforced when the conflict ends. tribal politics and religious influence to silence women and the difficulties they Women’s organisations now feel that maintain and expand their power in a face in transforming traditional gender some gains need to be defended – system of overlapping discrimination and roles have not stopped their involvement particularly on women’s education – alliances. Gender norms provide a in the conflict and the peace talks, to enable women to be economically politically expedient tool to perpetuate however hard it has been. productive and to use the opportunities these exclusionary practices, as it has For example, the 2013 National they have for political activity through allowed political leaders to silence Dialogue Conference had a 30 per cent non-governmental organisations and women’s (and youth) movements that quota for women’s participation which advocacy. mobilised in 2011 and that demanded translated into more gender-sensitive a new type of governance and a outcomes. However, these outcomes are n External involvement fuelling constitution that would benefit the yet to go into effect as a result of war exclusionary governance and violence entire population. breaking out shortly after as well as Men and women who took part in pushback from different sides. External involvement in Yemen fuels protests (including the youth movement) In the south, women actively encour- these dynamics by escalating the were targeted with violence, intimidation, aged men to fight and to earn income for militarisation of the conflict through arbitrary arrest and kidnapping. the family. Many women supported the direct intervention – in particular the Although tribal customs and social norms fighting effort through logistical support, Saudi-led coalition’s aerial bombing prohibit men from physically harming or nursing the wounded, fundraising for campaign and blockade – but also harassing women,45 women activists have the war effort and even standing at through US and UAE operations against not been spared. Mothers of abducted checkpoints. They also provided food and violent fundamentalist groups. The activists were met with violence according other care to the men who were fighting. conflict is also fuelled by the supply of to many accounts, and women have been Women’s and men’s roles in Aden were arms and training or funding of a range directly targeted by snipers – including framed around standing together of armed actors across the country, 15 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

including ultra-conservative religious groups. The Saudi-led coalition is accused of supporting Salafi militias, for instance, while Iran is accused of supporting the Houthis. Because of existing gender inequality, the military, tribal and religious systems are largely male domains where women have little to no voice. Religious com- munities have become more and more conservative, pushing women out of the public sphere. Women’s organisations see this strong fundamentalist religious influence as regressing Yemeni society vis-à-vis women’s rights issues. These religious leaders use gender norms to exclude women from participating in political and peace processes and their narratives have increased violence across Saferworld youth advocacy training participant. © saferworld the country as well as reduced the space for civic action from women and other groups. Because of all these factors, men are through agriculture and dairy farming. more likely to be killed than women. However, even when women become n Unequal and unfair distribution of the main breadwinners, they often give resources “Being without my weapon money to their husbands to help them keep their reputations intact. Still, men Because of the competition for power would be like being without often feel humiliated by this arrangement, and exclusionary governance in Yemen, my trousers” leading to increased conflict in the home political leaders use the resources they (including intimate partner violence). control to buy loyalty among their social, A Yemeni man when asked to leave his weapon outside upon entering an office in Aden – as told In many respects, women’s economic religious or ethnic constituencies. Services by workshop participant roles changed significantly during the do not reach most people, and many conflict, but their political roles are yet groups are marginalised because of their The widespread availability of arms and to change significantly – particularly in ethnic identity, gender, religion or militarised politics further feed into rural areas. They remain concerned about because of the region they are from. this dynamic as power and control over insecurity, the impacts of the conflict on Marginalisation is worsened by high levels resources have become associated with their ability to maintain these new roles, of corruption among authorities and violence and armed action. There is also and on issues such as access to healthcare institutions, as well as weak rule of law. a high level of acceptance of owning and and food. In this context of high poverty, un- carrying a weapon – seen by many as a The absence of women and marginal- employment and insecurity – aggravated desirable masculine trait which dates ised groups from decision-making by the social and economic pressures that back to the old tradition of wealthy men processes heightens the risks of resources gender roles impose on men – young and wearing the jambiya (short dagger). being captured by a small (armed) male older generations of men are more likely Many young men now carry weapons. elite. Moreover, there is also an inter- to join armed groups to earn an income This is seen to give them power and generational dynamic whereby older and protect or defend their communities. means that they no longer listen to their men are in charge of all the levers of Even when they don’t, they are perceived parents. power, increasing frustration among as a threat to security by other Many women started new businesses younger men and potentially making communities, as fighters and protectors to earn an income while others produced them feel that they have no political of their families and communities. food for their families in rural areas voice unless they take up arms. 16 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

Elders discuss the news in the streets of Taiz at breakfast time. However Yemen is a young country, with around 74 per cent of its population under the age of 30. © saferworld/alex kay potter

n A divided society and a manipulated Many religious institutions encourage and the accessibility of education. population men to join militias as a religious duty In Yemen, on average 15.6 per cent of so that they believe that religious values women and 33.2 per cent of men have Yemen has a legacy of unresolved conflicts and laws will be properly applied by had some secondary education.47 Parents that cause social fragmentation: there are these groups. Many women support this and society often do not allow girls to no reconciliation or transitional justice as they feel their sons and husbands will go to school, causing higher illiteracy efforts, and many political narratives be doing something pious and earn an actively fuel divisions. There are layers among girls. People who are illiterate of division based on tribe, religion, income. Yet the proliferation and or have only a low level of education are sectarianism, north and south divisions, normalisation of violence is causing more easily manipulated as they may and a culture where political leaders do enormous social harm. unquestioningly accept what they are not appear to be truly committed to Armed groups promoting fundamen- told by political and religious leaders or finding a solution to the conflict. talist religious ideologies are abusing by the media. In a society where gender and class- women’s rights by marrying girls and These social divisions and the instability related discrimination has long been young women to fighters and organising caused by the conflict have also eroded acceptable, people do not necessarily ‘temporary marriages’ that lead to the people’s trust in each other, tearing at question their own attitudes and can girls being abandoned once they get the social fabric and making corruption easily be manipulated into stereotyping pregnant. This contributes to a wide at the social level and within government or demonising others. The ongoing range of abuses against women and more acceptable. Corruption in turn conflict and violence has created oppor- girls, including child marriage, sexual further undermines trust at all levels and tunities to blame others for the country’s harassment, rape, incest and killings. divides families, communities and society. problems – this can then be exploited by In addition to the history of conflict those fuelling religious and sectarian and a tradition of social discrimination, division and political leaders. problems persist around both the quality 17 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

Conclusions

This briefing has analysed and shared analysis includes consideration of power participants work on issues of gender findings that combine the expertise structures, a gender-blind analysis would and conflict in different ways, there were of community-based organisations, miss the opportunities open to women to gaps in knowledge on definitions and women’s rights groups, and international play leadership roles in their communities key concepts of gender and conflict, as and peacebuilding organisations. The as a result of changing roles. While many well as on tools available to analyse them methodology used draws on Saferworld’s women face disapproval from some com- (separately and together). Participants gender analysis of conflict toolkit which munity members and are still expected to highlighted how ‘gender’ was often can be adapted to specific contexts and perform their (gender-specific) respon- misunderstood, variously as a Western different activities – including joint sibilities relating to the household, their concept that undermined local values participatory analysis and research. interactions with authorities to reclaim and culture or as only relating to women. land appears to be valued and largely Women’s rights activists described gener- Saferworld has applied this methodology supported by men in their communities. ally applying gender analysis tools to with many groups; yet using it with This is a remarkable opportunity to demonstrate gender inequality and its community-based and women’s rights change gender norms around women’s impact on women – not to unpack the organisations in these three settings has role in public affairs in a context where system of gender relationships, power produced interesting which conclusions their political participation is low. It is imbalances and how these link to conflict are shared below. important though to also understand dynamics. They concluded that analysing whether this role for women exposes gender as a system of power that drives 1. them to additional risk, e.g. of violence conflict offered new perspectives on why Most peacebuilding and women’s organ- by the military, and to address such risks. women’s rights were being undermined, isations conduct either conflict or gender Including gender in the analysis also what could be done about it, and who analysis, but conducting a gendered highlights the gender-specific impacts of to work with to achieve better gendered analysis of conflict is relatively new for land confiscations and subsequent coping conflict analysis. This came across strongly both. The analysis resulting from combining mechanisms on men and women, with when analysing how the external involve- skills and methodologies has yielded men clearly experiencing a sense of loss ment in Yemen fuels exclusionary govern- interesting findings: whereas gender as a result of their reduced contribution ance and violence. Whereas this analysis roles change quickly in conflict, gender and value to their families, and women would normally focus on how external norms are not always transformed along- expanding on their roles as providers. powers influence the conflict through side them. This has severe and negative Men tended to feel a link between their diplomacy (blocking UN Security Council impacts. Changes in gender roles provide masculine identities and the ability to resolutions, for example) or armed action an important opportunity for peacebuilding own and cultivate land, and reported due to political and economic interests, organisations to help transform gender feeling angry and frustrated when they a gendered analysis shed light on how norms to advance gender equality and were not able to do so. At the same despite achieving a 30 per cent women’s build long-lasting peace. If the relation- time women pay a heavy price for this quota in the National Dialogue in 2013, ship between gender and conflict in any change because gender norms around the current internal and external power given context is not analysed, there is a their household duties have not changed. dynamics mean there is little leverage risk that efforts to build long-term peace Further research is needed to understand to enforce quotas on the peace negotia- could be undermined and could reinforce whether these changes are also causing tions. Instead, a combination of ultra- gender discrimination. an increase in GBV or IPV – a problem we conservative religious gender norms and know to be common in Myanmar and a focus on armed strongmen legitimises The Myanmar research concluded that that was mentioned in the research, but violence and violent masculinities while carrying out a gendered conflict analysis not explored in depth. These dynamics excluding women from participation in with communities and community-based not only negatively affect social harmony political and peace processes. organisations – when given sufficient in a society by potentially pushing men Conducting a gendered conflict analysis time and trusting relationships – produces to address land conflict through violence, also enabled participants to situate a deep understanding of the gender but could also increase violence against themselves and their organisations in the implications of conflict, power dynamics women and girls in the household. context and to identify potential allies and options for conflict resolution and Similar analysis came out of the and entry points to build peace and trans- justice. Although traditional conflict Yemen and Libya workshops. Although form gender inequality. Although not 18 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

possible during this research, involving how gender norms are used to systemically norms. For instance, in Libya and Yemen groups who work on non-violent oppress agents of change and drive men were often targeted with execution, masculinities, and groups of men refusing conflict, and consequently produce a torture, kidnapping or arbitrary arrest to participate in violence, could generate much more nuanced analysis. Because based on the gendered assumption that valuable additional insights for trans- of their focus on discrimination against they are potential combatants. Women, forming the entire system of gender rela- women, women’s rights organisations particularly women’s rights activists tionships in positive and peaceful ways. understand how structural violence (e.g. the prominent Libyan activist Salwa It became clear that any conflict analysis and exclusion can give rise to physical Bugaighis), were also targeted with that does not consider gender will miss violence. They understand patriarchy as violence by a range of armed groups, important opportunities to make public a form of structural violence whereby including government-allied militias and institutions inclusive and responsive to gender norms not only shape individual groups subscribing to ultra-conservative the needs of all members of society, not attitudes and behaviours, but also views. only the main power brokers. Even worse, manifest in political processes and public Women were further forced out of a programme or intervention which is institutions. public spaces where political change was based on a gender-blind analysis is likely It was also clear from our analysis that happening, with gender norms being to perpetuate inequality generally, and community-based and women’s organisa- used to restrict women to home life, to harmful gender norms in particular. tions have a rich understanding of the keep them subservient to men, and context and have a crucial role in providing to force them into the role of custodians 2. many frontline services, challenging of their family’s honour. Once the struggle Gender norms are used to disenfranchise, (or indeed supporting) actors in conflict, over political power became violent, silence and exclude those advocating for and contributing to formal and informal women’s ability to participate was further peaceful change and challenging the status peacebuilding processes. Notably, it also constrained by the insecurity they faced quo, including women’s rights activists became clear how gender norms are used because of restrictive gender norms. and men who do not subscribe to violence. as one of many tools to disenfranchise, Men came under pressure to conform When the status quo is conflict-fuelling silence and exclude those advocating for to gender norms such as providing for inequality and exclusion, gender norms peaceful change and challenging the their families and protecting them, or to 48 and gender inequality can drive conflict status quo. become combatants. and violence. Women’s rights organisa- The role of patriarchy and violent Gender norms therefore affect the way tions’ expertise allows them to conduct a masculinities in conflict came across in which authoritarian actors respond particularly nuanced and comprehensive strongly in the three contexts. Men in the to threats to their power and should be gendered conflict analysis, which can Myanmar study felt emasculated by the considered as part of a conflict and peace strengthen peacebuilding efforts through changes in gender roles produced by land actor analysis. Women’s organisations policy, diplomatic action and programmes. confiscations and their inability to fulfil have a particularly valuable contribution their masculine roles, which led to to make in such analysis. Further use of Conflict analysis usually includes negative behaviours including IPV, and integrated conflict and gender analysis consideration of which groups are could lead to an increase in violent may also help unpack specific correlations marginalised and discriminated against conflict over land. In both the Yemen and between societies with high gender politically, as a potential driver of conflict Libya workshops, participants identified inequality and those prone to violent 49 and threat of violence. Women are not those in decision-making positions – conflict – high tolerance levels for often seen as an important group to from tribal elders to national leaders – exclusion and discrimination could be analyse in this way because they are as mostly men who consolidate their applied not only to women, but also to assumed to be integrated into other positions and control of resources through sexual minorities or ethnic, religious or groups; not considered to be a possible arms and violence. geographical groups. threat; or are narrowly seen as victims of These finding highlighted how gender conflict. Their role as political, conflict or norms and the acceptance of violent peacebuilding actors is therefore often masculinities in a society can push men to ignored in conflict analysis. engage in violence or join armed groups Working with women’s rights organisa- and how violence affected both men and tions can help peacebuilders understand women according to prevailing gender 19 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

About Saferworld

The following recommendations aim Saferworld is an independent international to guide donors, policymakers and organisation working to prevent violent con- organisations in making gender an flict and build safer lives. With programmes intrinsic part of conflict analysis and in Africa, Asia and the Middle East and North to support civil society – particularly Africa, we work with people affected by women’s rights organisations – in their conflict to improve their safety and sense of security, and conduct wider research and work building peace. analysis. We use this evidence and learning to improve local, national and international policies and practices that can help build last- ing peace. We believe that everyone should Recommendations be able to lead peaceful, fulfilling lives, free from insecurity and violent conflict.

1. 2. About WILPF Donors, policymakers and practitioners Donors, policymakers, international The Women’s International League for Peace should integrate gender into conflict organisations and peacebuilding and Freedom (WILPF) is an international non- analysis to inform policies, diplomatic programmes should respect and support governmental organisation with national action and programmes in conflict- the work of women’s organisations in sections covering every continent, an inter- affected countries. This should include conflict-affected states as critical partners national secretariat based in Geneva, and a national security strategies, national who have deep knowledge about the New York office focused on the work of the action plans on women, peace and context, provide frontline services, and United Nations. security (or a regional equivalent for have a rightful voice in peace efforts at all Since our establishment in 1915, we have countries like Yemen where a national levels. To do this effectively, they should: brought together women from around the world who are united in working for peace level plan has not been agreed on), as n Modify funding mechanisms to ensure by non-violent means and promoting well as peacebuilding and humanitarian they are flexible enough for women’s political, economic and social justice for all. programmes. To enable this to be done rights organisations to act as main Our approach is always non-violent, and effectively, building the capacity of partners rather than just implementing we use existing international legal and relevant people and groups to undertake partners for bigger international political frameworks to achieve fundamental such analysis and translate it into con- organisations. One way to do this is to change in the way states conceptualise and crete actions must be a priority. Based on earmark long-term funding for small address issues of gender, militarism, peace the analysis conducted, recommended civil society organisations (particularly and security. Our strength lies in our ability to link the areas for future research and program- women’s organisations) with straight- ming include: international and local levels. We are very forward application and reporting proud to be one of the first organisations to n Capitalising on opportunities offered requirements. Funding for women’s gain consultative status (category B) with the by changing gender roles as a result organisations should include core United Nations, and the only women’s anti- of conflict, and how these shifts can funding to support their sustainability war organisation so recognised. increase women’s access to justice and and activist work. redress, while also addressing any n Provide technical support to women’s potential risks they may face in under- organisations and access to inter- About Oxfam Novib taking such a role. national fora to enable them to use Oxfam Novib is a Dutch development n Gender-transformative programming conflict analysis tools and method- organisation that mobilises the power of in conflict: using changes in gender ologies to strengthen their work people against poverty. We are part of roles to enable transformation of in-country as well as their advocacy a global movement of people working gender norms to better achieve gender around the implementation of women, together to end the injustice of poverty for equality. peace and security commitments. everyone. Around the globe, Oxfam works n Mitigating the gendered impacts of Furthermore, support should be to find practical, innovative ways for people to lift themselves out of poverty and thrive. conflict on men and women, including provided for joint analysis and Together we take on the big issues that keep using livelihood programmes to support networking of women’s organisations in conflict-affected countries to build people poor, such as inequality, discrimina- the development of alternative, non- tion against women, climate change, and learning and capacity. violent masculinities and to address the the eviction of people from their land. way in which unequal gender norms n International organisations should In 2016/17, Oxfam Novib worked with create undue burdens for women. refrain from ‘competing’ with local over 500 partners in 25 countries on four peacebuilding and human rights broad thematic areas which, in our vision, organisations – including women’s cover the most important issues of our time: organisations – or from taking the governance and financial flows; food, land space and resources that they are and water; conflict and fragility; gender and youth. We also continue to substantially best placed to make use of. In some engage with humanitarian actors in respond- cases this may mean partnering with ing to crisis as well as lobby and advocacy women’s organisations on equal actors. footing to combine technical expertise. 20 | briefing Building inclusive peace: gender at the heart of conflict analysis

About the project This analysis is the product a Saferworld WILPF in another piece of work on work- Alnour Female Organization, Attawasel, research project, funded by Oxfam ing with women’s rights organisations 1325 Network (for the Libya workshop); Novib, on ‘Understanding the links on strengthening their capacities and Youth Leadership and Development between masculinities, femininities, available tools for gender and conflict Foundation (YLDF), Ejad Foundation, conflict and peace’, looking at the exam- analysis. The two projects contributed With Aden Need, Wogood, To Be for ples of Myanmar, Yemen and Libya. In to the Libya and Yemen workshops and Rights and Freedoms (for the Yemen Myanmar, Saferworld’s partner Hser Mu the analysis captured in this report. The workshop), together with Oxfam Yemen Htaw identified and convened research following organisations attended the and Saferworld’s Yemen team. participants. For the analysis on Yemen workshops and generated the analysis: and Libya, Saferworld partnered with Together We Build It Organization,

Notes

1 Saferworld (2016), ‘Gender analysis of conflict’, 18 Saferworld (2013), pp 16–19. 35 Participants from the east referred to the forces (https://www.saferworld.org.uk/resources/ 19 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom associated with General Haftar as the ‘army’. publications/1076-gender-analysis-of-conflict). (2017), p 2; Saferworld (2013), p 34. 36 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom 2 Saferworld recognises that gender is not binary 20 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (2014), ‘Women and explosive weapons’ (Geneva, and needs to include sexual and gender minorities. (2017), pp 2, 7; Saferworld (2013), pp 7–11, 34; WILPF) (www.reachingcriticalwill.org/images/ However, the scope of this project did not permit for W Gressmann (2016), p 29. documents/Publications/WEW.pdf) research into this aspect of gender identity, as this 21 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom 37 Human Rights Watch (2017), ‘Libya: discriminatory would have required additional time and resources. (2017), p 2; M C Heinze (2016), p 2; Oxfam and restriction on women. Order in Eastern Region requires Similarly, this project did not work directly on boys’ and Saferworld (2017), ‘“We won’t wait”: as war ravages male guardian for travel’, 23 February 2017. girls’ needs or experiences of conflict but was limited Yemen, its women strive to build peace’ (Briefing 38 United Nations Security Council (2017), ‘Letter dated to men’s and women’s experiences. Paper), p 12. 27 January 2017 from the Panel of Experts on Yemen 3 An upcoming report to be released in 2018 will outline 22 For instance, Yemeni women who participated in addressed to the president of the Security Council, the findings of the research in more detail. the 2016 peace talks in Kuwait were not involved S/2017/81, (Geneva, UNSC). 4 World Economic Forum (2017), ‘The global gender gap in strategic planning for the talks but were instead 39 United Nations Office for the Coordination of report’, p 11. “relegated to unofficial discussions”. Oxfam and Humanitarian Affairs, ‘Yemen, crisis overview’ 5 26th out of 144, World Economic Forum (2017). Saferworld (2017), p 11. (UNOCHA) (www.unocha.org/yemen/ 6 N Thi Thi Oo and C Pierce (Namati) (2016), ‘Gendered 23 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom about-ocha-yemen). aspects of land rights in Myanmar’, p 3. (2017), p 12; Saferworld (2013), pp 24–26, 34. 40 Reuters, ‘Three Yemen cities run out of clean water 7 Effectively indefinite leasehold for farmland. 24 Saferworld (2013), Women’s International League for due to lack of fuel for pumps: ICRC’ Reuters, 8 N Thi Thi Oo and C Pierce (2016), pp 5–6; and focus Peace and Freedom (2017); and Oxfam and Saferworld 17 November 2017 (https://www.reuters.com/article/ group discussions from this research. (2017). us-yemen-security-blockade/three-yemen-cities-run- out-of-clean-water-due-to-lack-of-fuel-for-pumps-icrc- 9 N Thi Thi Oo and C Pierce (2016), pp 5–6. 25 Council on Foreign Relations (2017), ‘Civil war in Libya’ (Global Conflict Tracker) (https://www.cfr. idUSKBN1DH1Q2). 10 J Jackson, J Kuuttila, A Stödberg, P Tschumi, 41 W Gressmann (2016), p 13; World Economic Forum G McGillvray, P Batchelor, T Vester and J D’Cunha, org/interactives/global-conflict-tracker#!/conflict/ civil-war-in-libya). gender gap index (2016) (http://reports.weforum.org/ ‘A silent emergency: violence against women and global-gender-gap-report-2016/rankings/). girls’ (2016) (joint statement) (http://myanmar.unfpa. 26 International Crisis Group (2016), ‘The Libyan political org/news/silent-emergency-violence-against-women- agreement: time for a reset’ (Middle East and North 42 M C Heinze (2016), p 2. and-girls) and UNFPA, ‘UNFPA Myanmar annual Africa Report No. 170) (Belgium, ICG), p 2. 43 R El Rajji (2016), ‘Even war discriminates: Yemen’s report 2016’ (2016) (http://myanmar.unfpa.org/en/ 27 E Estelle (2017), ‘Fighting forces in Libya: January minorities, exiled at home’, Briefing, (London, Minority publications/unfpa-myanmar-annual-report-2016). 2017’, (Critical Threats), (https://www.criticalthreats. Rights Group) (http://minorityrights.org/wp-content/ 11 N Thi Thi Oo and C Pierce (2016), pp 9–10. org/analysis/fighting-forces-in-libya-january-2017); uploads/2016/01/MRG_Brief_Yemen_Jan16.pdf) F Wehrey and W Lacher (2017), ‘Libya after ISIS’, p 12, describes the controversy around the names and 12 GBV emerged as a major issue from consultations origins of these groups. done for the implementation of the UK national Foreign Affairs, 22 February 2017 action plan on women, peace and security (NAP on (http://carnegieendowment.org/2017/02/22/ 44 UN Women (2010), ‘Country assessment on violence WPS) by Saferworld and Myanmar women’s rights libya-after-isis-pub-68096). against women: case Of Yemen’ (New York, organisations, though not specifically in relation 28 M Micallef (2017), ‘The human conveyor belt: trends UN Women) (www.un.org/womenwatch/ianwge/ to land confiscation and the related changes to in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution taskforces/vaw/Country_Assessment_on_Violence_ gender norms. Saferworld et al (2017), ‘Myanmar Libya’ (Global Initiative against Transnational against_Women_August_2_2010.pdf); ReliefWeb Consultations on Women, Peace and Security’ Organized Crime) (http://globalinitiative.net/ (2016), ‘Three million women and girls at risk of (confidential, unpublished). wp-content/uploads/2017/03/global-initiative-human- violence in Yemen’ Report from Yemen Times 25 November 2016 (https://reliefweb.int/report/ 13 This was also a key demand from the Saferworld conveyor-belt-human-smuggling-in-libya-march-2017. pdf). yemen/three-million-women-and-girls-risk-violence- consultations for the UK NAP on WPS, mentioned yemen); and United Nations Population Fund (2016), above. 29 E Miller (2017), ‘European interference in Libya could derail UN efforts’, Lawfare Blog, ‘Violence against women escalates under Yemen’s 14 This section draws on a literature review of six reports brutal conflict’ (Sana’a, UNFPA) (www.unfpa.org/ that Saferworld, Oxfam Novib and WILPF have been 8 September 2017 (https://lawfareblog.com/ european-interference-libya-could-derail-un-efforts). news/violence-against-women-escalates-under- involved in between 2013 and 2017, one of which was yemens-brutal-conflict). 30 R Blakemore and E Miller (2017), ‘Libya’s oil recovery in itself a literature review on women’s role in peace 45 This refers to violence outside the home and does not and security in Yemen. over a barrel’, New Atlanticist Blog, 14 September 2017 (www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/ include intimate partner violence. 15 W Gressmann (2016), ‘From the ground up: gender 46 Also described in M C Heinze and M Baabbad (2017), and conflict analysis in Yemen’ (Oxfam, Care, IASC libya-s-oil-recovery-over-a-barrel). 31 International Crisis Group (2016), p 4, 8. ‘”Women nowadays can do anything”: women’s role GenCap), Women’s International League for Peace and in conflict, peace and security in Yemen’ (Saferworld, Freedom (2017); ‘Feminism at the frontline: addressing 32 Highlighted by participants in the Libya analysis CARPO and YPC). women’s multidimensional insecurity in Yemen and workshop. Libya’ (Geneva and New York, WILPF); and Saferworld 47 United Nations Development Fund (2016), ‘Human 33 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and development for everyone: briefing note for countries (2013), ‘It’s dangerous to be the first’: security barriers Development (2017), ‘The impact of legal frameworks to women’s public participation in Egypt, Libya and on the 2016 human development report, Yemen’, in Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia’ Human Development Report 2016, (UNDP) pp 5–6. Yemen’ (London, Saferworld). (Paris, OECD), pp 80–91. 16 W Gressmann (2016) refers to a number of these in 48 See the analysis above on the prevailing gender norms 34 It is worth noting that these terms are fluid in the for men in Libya and Yemen. Yemen, e.g. on p 38; M C Heinze (2016), ‘Women’s Libyan context as armed groups are seen differently role in peace and security in Yemen’ (Literature review, (and with more or less legitimacy) by different 49 Institute for Economics and Peace (2015), ‘Positive Saferworld, CARPO and YPC), p 1; and Saferworld communities. For instance, some people would peace report 2015: conceptualising and measuring the (2013), p 24–32. describe General Haftar’s forces as the ‘army’ while attitudes, institutions and structures that build a more 17 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom others would describe them as ‘militias’. peaceful society’. (2017), pp 2,8,18; Saferworld (2013), pp 9, 34.

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